I^I^^L 


<^~^ 
6 

/&z^ 


JOHN  SHERMAN'S 


RECOLLECTIONS 


OF 


FORTY  YEARS 


IN 


THE  HOUSE,  SENATE  AND  CABINET, 


AN  AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 


ILLUSTRATED 
WITH  PORTRAITS,  FAC-SIMILE  LETTERS,  SCENES,    ETC. 


THE  WERNER  COMPANY, 


CHICAGO.  NEW  YORK 

LONDON.  BERLIN. 


Copyright.  1895.  By  John  Sherman. 
Copyright,  1896,  By  John  Shermai. 


SHERMAN   BOOK. 


OF   THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


PREFACE 


THESE  RECOLLECTIONS  grew  out  of  a  long  deferred  pur 
pose  to  publish  a  selection  of  my  speeches  on  public 
questions,  but  in  collecting  them  it  became  manifest 
that  they  should  be  accompanied  or  preceded  by  a  statement  of 
the  circumstances  that  attended  their  delivery.  The  attempt 
to  furnish  such  a  statement  led  to  a  review  of  the  chief  events 
of  my  public  life,  which  covers  the  period  extending  from 
1854  to  the  present  time.  The  sectional  trouble  that  preceded 
the  Civil  War,  the  war  itself  with  all  its  attendant  horrors  and 
sacrifices,  the  abolition  of  slavery,  the  reconstruction  meas 
ures,  and  the  vast  and  unexampled  progress  of  the  republic 
in  growth  and  development  since  the  war,  presented  a  topic 
worthy  of  a  better  historian  than  I  am.  Still,  as  my  life  was 
interwoven  with  these  events,  I  concluded  that  it  was  better 
that  I  state  my  recollection  of  what  I  saw  or  heard  or  did 
in  those  stirring  times  rather  than  what  I  said.  Whether 
this  conclusion  was  a  wise  one  the  reader  must  judge.  Ego 
tism  is  a  natural  trait  of  mankind.  If  it  is  exhibited  in  a 
moderate  degree  we  pardon  it  with  a  smile;  if  it  is  excessive 
we  condemn  it  as  a  weakness.  The  life  of  one  man  is  but  an 
atom,  but  if  it  is  connected  with  great  events  it  shares  in 
their  dignity  and  importance.  Influenced  by  this  reasoning 
I  concluded  to  postpone  the  publication  of  my  speeches  except 
so  far  as  they  are  quoted  or  described  in  these  memoirs. 

When  I  entered  upon  their  preparation  the  question  arose 
whether  the  book  to  be  written  was  to  be  of  my  life,  includ 
ing  ancestry  and  boyhood,  or  to  be  confined  to  the  financial 
history  of  the  United  States  with  which  I  was  mainly  iden 
tified.  This  was  settled  by  the  publishers,  who  were  more 
interested  in  the  number  of  copies  they  could  sell  than  in 
the  finances  of  the  United  States. 


295912 


iv  PREFACE. 

Every  man  has  a  theory  of  finance  of  his  own,  and  is 
indifferent  to  any  other.  At  best  the  subject  is  a  dry  one. 
Still,  the  problem  of  providing  money  to  carry  on  the  expen 
sive  operations  of  a  great  war,  and  to  provide  for  the  payment 
of  the  vast  debt  created  during  the  war,  was  next  in  impor 
tance  to  the  conduct  of  armies,  and  those  who  were  engaged 
in  solving  this  problem  were  as  much  soldiers  as  the  men 
who  were  carrying  muskets  or  commanding  armies.  As  one 
of  these  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  present  the  measures  adopted  and 
to  claim  for  them  such  merit  as  they  deserve. 

This  volume  contains  the  true  history  of  the  chief  financial 
measures  of  the  United  States  government  during  the  past 
forty  years.  My  hope  is  that  those  who  read  it  will  be  able  to 
correct  the  wild  delusions  of  many  honest  citizens  who  became 
infected  with  the  "greenback  craze,"  or  the  "free  coinage  of 
silver." 

My  chief  regret  is  that  the  limit  of  this  volume  does  not 
permit  me  to  extend  my  narrative  to  the  memorable  battles 
and  marches  of  the  Civil  War,  nor  to  a  more  general  notice 
of  my  associates  who  distinguished  themselves  in  civil  life. 
The  omission  of  military  narrative  is  admirably  compensated 
by  the  memoirs  of  the  great  commanders  on  either  side,  and 
better  yet  by  the  vast  collection  and  publication,  by  the 
United  States,  of  the  "Records  of  the  Rebellion."  The  attempt 
to  include  in  this  volume  my  estimate  of  distinguished  men 
still  living  who  participated  in  the  events  narrated  would 
greatly  extend  them  and  might  lead  to  injustice. 

One  of  the  fortunate  results  of  the  Civil  War  has  been  to 
diminish  the  sectional  prejudice  that  previously  existed  both 
in  the  north  and  in  the  south.  I  would  not  check  this  tend 
ency,  but  will  gladly  contribute  in  every  way  possible  to  a 
hearty  union  of  the  people  of  all  sections  of  our  country, 
not  only  in  matters  of  government,  but  also  in  ties  of  good 
will,  mutual  respect  and  fraternity.  The  existence  of  slavery 
in  some  of  the  States  was  the  cause  of  the  war,  and  its  abo- 
lition  was  the  most  important  result  of  the  war.  So  great  a 
change  naturally  led  to  disorder  and  violence  where  slavery 
had  existed,  but  this  condition,  it  is  believed,  is  passing  away. 


PREFACE.  V 

Therefore   I   have   not  entered  in  detail  into   the   measures 
adopted  as  the  result  of  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

This  preface  is  hardly  necessary,  but  I  comply  with  the 
general  custom  of  adding  at  the  beginning,  instead  of  the  end, 
an  apology  for  writing  a  book.  This  seems  to  me  to  be  the 
chief  object  of  a  preface,  and  I  add  to  it  an  appeal  for  the 
kindly  consideration  of  the  reader. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 
MANSFIELD,  OHIO. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


JOHN  SHERMAN Frontispiece 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN  AT  LANCASTER,  OHIO 22 

JOHN  SHERMAN  AT  THE  AGE  OF   NINETEEN 34 

MR.  SHERMAN  AT  THE  AGE  OF  TWENTY-THREE 46 

CHARLES    T.    SHERMAN 52 

MR.  SHERMAN'S  FIRST  HOME  IN  MANSFIELD,  OHIO 62 

KANSAS  INVESTIGATING  COMMITTEE 86 

MR.  SHERMAN  AT  THE  AGE  OF  THIRTY-FIVE 98 

SENATOR  JUSTIN  S.   MOBBILL 148 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 182 

GENERAL  W.  T.  SHERMAN 262 

THREE   OHIO  GOVERNORS — DEXNISON,  TOD,  BROUGH 272 

COLFAX,  DOUGLAS,  FESSENDEN,    EWING    (Group.) 284 

U.  S.   GRANT 376 

UNITED  STATES  SENATORS — 43RD  CONGRESS 416-417 

MR.  SHERMAN'S  PRESENT  RESIDENCE  AT  MANSFIELD,  OHIO     .     .     .  456 

LIBRARY  OF  MR.  SHERMAN'S  MANSFIELD  RESIDENCE 476 

MR.  SHERMAN  IN  His  LIBRARY  AT  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  1895     .     .  490 

PRESIDENT  HAYES  AND  CABINET 530 

JOHN  SHERMAN  (Chamber  of  Commerce  Portrait.) 576 

INAUGURATION    OF  PRESIDENT  GARFIELD 614 

THURMAN,  SUMNER,  WADE,  CHASE    (Group.) 632 

JAMES   A.    GARFIELD 650 

CHESTER    A.    ARTHUR 656 

MEETING  OF  THE  SURVIVING  MEMBERS  OF  THE  SHERMAN  FAMILY     .  710 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN 740 

JAMES  G.   BLAINE 790 

SURVIVING  MEMBERS  OF  THE  34TH  CONGRESS  (Taken  in  1888.)     .     .  800 

REPRESENTATIVE  OHIO   MEN — SCHENCK,  Cox,  PENDLETON     .     .     .  843 

MR.  SHERMAN'S  WASHINGTON    RESIDENCE,  "K"  STREET     ....  892 

DINING  ROOM  IN  ME.  SHERMAN'S  WASHINGTON  RESIDENCE     .     .     .  946 

vii 


AUTOGRAPH   LETTERS 


CERTIFICATE  OF  ADMISSION  TO  PRACTICE  IN  SUPREME  COURT,  Jan 

uary  21,  1852 47 

T.  EWING,  December  31,  1848 61 

WM.  H.  SEWARD,  September  20,  1852 67 

CERTIFICATE    OF    ELECTION    AS    UNITED    STATES    REPRESENTATIVE, 

December  9,  1854 76 

JUSTIN  S.  MORRILL,  April  1,  1861 183 

W.  B.  ALLISON,  March  23,  1861 184 

JOHN  A.  Dix,  February  6,  1861 200 

J.  A.  GARFIELD,  May  17,  1862 213 

SIMON  CAMERON,  November  14,  1861 214 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  December  7,  1862 268 

HORACE  GREELEY,  February  7,  1865 305 

THURLOW  WEED,  February  28,  1866 314 

SCHUYLER  COLFAX,  February  17,  1868 354 

VOTE  ON  THE  IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  May  16>  and  26, 

1868 358 

U.  S.  GRANT,  June  14,  1871 372 

M.  H.  CARPENTER,  July  20,  1871 406 

ROSCOE  CONKLING,  October  13,  1871 .407 

J.  A.  GARFIELD,  September  25,  1874 425 

R.  B.  HAYES,  June  19,  1876 453 

CYRUS  W.  FIELD,  March  6,  1877 462 

WM.  M.  EVARTS,  August  30,  1877 481 

JAY  GOULD,  Octoberl7,  1878 543 

WHITELAW  REID,  March  29,  1878 .552 

JOHN  JAY,  February  3,  1879 554 

JAMES  G.  ELAINE,  July  3,  1879 583 

GEORGE  BANCROFT,  February  22,  1881 639 

JOHN  G.  WHITTIER,  February  8,  1885 702 

U.  S.  GRANT,  January  27,   1885 703 

S.  S.  Cox,  January  23",  1886 722 

W.   T.   SHERMAN,  February  3,  1891 855 

(ix) 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

ANCESTRY    OF     THE    SHERMAN    FAMILY. 

PAGES 

Family  Name  Is  of  Saxon  Origin  —  "  Conquer  Death  by  Virtue" — Arrival 
of  Rev.  John  Sherman  at  Boston  in  1634 — General  Sherman's  Reply 
to  an  English  Sexton  —  Career  of  Daniel  Sherman  — My  First  Visit 
to  Woodbury  — "  Sherman's  Tannery" — Anecdote  of  "  Uncle  Dan  " — 
Sketch  of  My  Father  and  Mother — Address  to  Enlisting  Soldiers  — 
General  Reese's  Account  of  My  Father's  Career  —  Religion  of  the 
Sherman  Family  —  My  Belief 1-21 

CHAPTER  II. 

MY    BOYHOOD    DAYS    AND    EARLY    LIFE. 

Born  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  May  10, 1823  — Death  of  My  Father  and  Its  Effect 
on  Our  Family  —  Early  Days  at  School — A  Dead  Sheep  in  the  School 
room  —  Lesson  in  Sunday  Sport  —  Some  of  My  Characteristics  —  My 
Attack  on  the  Schoolmaster  —  Robbing  an  Orchard — A  Rodman  at 
Fourteen  and  My  Experiences  While  Surveying  —  Debates  at  Beverly 
—  Early  Use  of  Liquor  — First  Visit  to  Mansfield  in  1839  — The  Fa 
mous  Campaign  of  1840 —  I  begin  the  Study  of  Law 22-49 

CHAPTER  III. 

ADMISSION    TO    THE    BAR    AND    EARLY    POLITICAL    LIFE. 

Law  Partnership  with  My  Brother  Charles  —  Changes  in  Methods  of  Court 
Practice  —  Obtaining  the  Right  of  Way  for  a  Railroad — Excitement 
of  the  Mexican  War  and  Its  Effect  on  the  Country  —  My  First  Visit 
to  Washington  —  At  a  Banquet  with  Daniel  Webster  —  New  York 
Fifty  Years  Ago  —  Marriage  with  Margaret  Cecilia  Stewart  —  Begin 
ning  of  My  Political  Life  —  Belief  in  the  Doctrine  of  Protection  — 
Democratic  and  Whig  Conventions  of  1852 — The  Slavery  Question 
—My  Election  to  Congress  in  1854 49-80 

CHAPTER  IV. 

EARLY    DAYS    IN    CONGRESS. 

My  First  Speech  in  the  House — Struggle  for  the  Possession  of  Kansas — Ap 
pointed  as  a  Member  of  the  Kansas  Investigating  Committee — The 
Invasion  of  March  30,  1855 — Exciting  Scenes  in  the  Second  District 
of  Kansas  —  Similar  Violence  in  Other  Territorial  Districts — Return 
and  Report  of  the  Committee  —  No  Relief  Afforded  the  People  of 
Kansas  —  Men  of  Distinction  in  the  34th  Congress  —  Long  Intimacy 

withSchuylerColfax 81-105 

(xi) 


xii  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN 

CHAPTER  V. 

BIRTH    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

The  Name  Formally  Adopted  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  in  1854 -Nomination 

I,  hn  V    Frrmoi  t  at  Philadelphia-  Democratic, Convention  Nomi- 

n«    -  Jamea  Buchanan-  Effect    of  the   Latter'*  Election  on  the 

North-  Mv  Views  Concerning  President  Pierce  and  His  Admims- 

r  ton -French   Spoliation   Claims -First    Year   of   Buchanan's 

Administration- Dred  Scott  Case  Decision  by  the  Supreme  Court- 

The  Slavery  Question  Once  More  an  Issue  in  Congress  — Douglas 

Opposition  to  the  Lecompton  Scheme -Turning  Point  of  the  Slavery 

Controversy 106'122 


CHAPTER  VI. 

RECOLLECTIONS    OF    THE    FINANCIAL    PANIC    OF    1857. 

Its  Effect  on  the  State  Banks  — My  Maiden  Speech  in  Congress  on  National 
Finances  — Appointed  a  Member  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs 
—  Investigation  of  the  Navy  Department  and  Its  Results  — Trip  to 
Europe  with  Mrs.  Sherman  — We  Visit  Bracklinn's  Bridge,  Made 
Famous  by  Sir  Walter  Scott  — Ireland  and  the  Irish  — I  Pay  a  Visit 
to  Parliament  and  Obtain  Ready  Admission  — Notable  Places  m 
Paris  Viewed  with  Senator  Sumner  — The  Battlefield  of  Magenta  — 
Return  Home 123-136 


CHAPTER  VII. 

EXCITING    SCENES    IN    CONGRESS. 

I  am  Elected  for  the  Third  Term  —  Invasion  of  Virginia  by  John  Brown  — 
II '-Trial  and  Execution  —  Spirited  Contest  for  the  Speakership  — 
Discussion  Over  Helper's  "  Impending  Crisis  " — Angry  Controversies 
and  Threats  of  Violence  in  the  House  —  Within  Three  Votes  of 
Election  as  Speaker — My  Reply  to  Clark's  Attack—  Withdrawal  of 
my  Name  ana  Election  of  Mr.  Pennington —  Made  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  —  President  Buchanan  Objects  to 
Being  "  Investigated  " — Adoption  of  the  Morrill  Tariff  Act  —  Views 
Upon  the  Tariff  Question  — My  Colleagues 137-162 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

LAST    DAYS    OF   THE    BUCHANAN    ADMINISTRATION. 

My  First  Anpoarance  BeforeaNew  York  Audience —  Lincoln's  Nomination 
at  the  Chicago  Convention  —  I  Engage  Actively  in  the  Presidential 
Canvass  —  Making  Speeches  for  Lincoln  —  My  Letter  to  Philadel 
phia  Citizens  —  Acts  of  Secession  by  Southern  States  —  How  the 
South  was  Equipped  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  — Buchanan's 
Strange  Doctrine  Regarding  State  Control  by  the  General  Govern 
ment—  Schemes  "To  Save  the  Country  "—  My  Reply  to  Mr.  Pendle- 
ton  on  the  Condition  of  the  Impending  Revolution  —  The  Ohio 
Delegation  in  the  36th  Congress  —  Retrospection.  .  .  .  163-180 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xiii 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE    BEGINNING    OF    LINCOLN'S    FIRST    ADMINISTRATION. 

PAGES 

Arrival  of  the  President-Elect  at  Washington  —  Impressiveness  of  His  In 
augural  Address  —  I  am  Elected  Senator  from  Ohio  to  Succeed 
Salmon  P.  Chase — Letters  Written  to  and  Received  from  My  Brother, 
William  Tecumseh  —  His  Arrival  at  AVashington —  A  Dark  Period 
in  the  History  of  the  Country  —  Letter  to  General  Sherman  on  the 
Attack  Upon  Fort  Sumter— 'Departure  for  Mansfield  to  Encourage 
Enlistments  —  Ohio  Regiments  Reviewed  by  the  President  —  General 
McLaughlin  Complimented  —  My  Visit  to  Ex-President  Buchanan  — 
Meeting  Between  my  Brother  and  Colonel  George  H.  Thomas.  .  181-197 


CHAPTER  X. 

SPECIAL    SESSION    OF    CONGRESS    TO    PROVIDE    FOR    THE    WAR. 

Condition  of  the  Treasury  Immediately  Preceding  the  War  —  Not  Enough 
Money  on  Hand  to  Pay  Members  of  Congress  —  Value  of  Fractional 
Silver  of  Earlier  Coinage  —  Largely  Increased  Revenues  an  Urgent 
Necessity  —  Lincoln's  Message  and  Appeal  to  the  People  —  Issue  of 
New  Treasury  Notes  and  Bonds  —  Union  Troops  on  the  Potomac  — 
Battle  of  Bull  Run  —  Organization  of  the  "  Sherman  Brigade  " — The 
President's  Timely  Aid  — Personnel  of  the  Brigade 198-214 


CHAPTER  XI. 

PASSAGE  OF  THE  LEGAL  TENDER  ACT  IN  1862. 

My  Interview  with  Lincoln  About  Ohio  Appointments  —  Governmental  Ex 
penses  Now  Aggregating  Nearly  $2,000,000  Daily  —  Secretary  Chase's 
Annual  Report  to  Congress  in  December,  1861  —  Treasury  Notes  a 
Legal  Tender  in  Payment  of  Public  and  Private  Debts  —  Beneficial 
Results  from  the  Passage  of  the  Bill  —  The  War  Not  a  Question  of 
Men,  but  of  Money  —  Proposed  Organization  of  National  Banks  — 
Bank  Bills  Not  Taxed  —  Local  Banks  and  Their  Absorption  by  the 
Government  — The  1862  Issue  of  $150,000,000  in  "Greenbacks"  — 
Legal  Tender  Act  a  Turning-Point  in  Our  Financial  History — Com 
pensation  of  Officers  of  the  Government 215-230 


CHAPTER  XII. 

ABOLISHMENT    OF    THE    STATE    BANKS. 

Measures  Introduced  to  Tax  Them  out  of  Existence  — Arguments  that  In 
duced  Congress  to  Deprive  Them  of  the  Power  to  Issue  Their  Bills 
as  Money  —  Bill  to  Provide  a  National  Currency  —  Why  Congress 
Authorized  an  Issue  of  $400,000,000  of  United  States  Notes  — Issue 
of  5-20  and  10-40  Bonds  to  Help  to  Carry  on  the  War  — High  Rates 
of  Interest  Paid — Secretary  Chase's  Able  Management  of  the  Public 
Debt  —  Our  Internal  Revenue  System  —  Repeal  of  the  Income  Tax 
Law  —  My  Views  on  the  Taxability  of  Incomes 231-256 


\i\ 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
LINCOLN'S  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION. 

District  of  Columbia  Abolished -Law  Goes  Into  Effect  on 
1882  -Beginning  of  the  End  of  Slavery  -Military  Measures 
r*-^  to  Carry  on  the  War-Response  tothe  President  sCal 
,,Mu-ial    FtTWt*  of  the  Confiscation  Act— Visits  to  Soldiers 
Camps-  KolM.,' t  S.  Granger  as  a  Cook-How  I  Came  to  Purchase  a 
NVashinjrton  Residence -Onerease  of  Compensation  to  Senators  and 
M,'mUM>.  and  Its  KtTect- Excitement  in  Ohio  Over  A  allandighanrs 
Xm^t  _  N,.U  .  Of  the  Fall  of  Vicksburg  and  Dei  oat  of  Lee  at  Gettys 
burg—John  Brough  Elected  Governor  of  Ohio  — Its  Effect  on  the 
State 257-^75 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

A    MEMORABLE    SESSION     OF    CONGRESS. 

Dark  Period  of  the  Wai —  Effect  of  the  President's  Proclamation  —  Revenue 
Bill  Fnartrd  Increasing  Internal  Taxes  and  Adding  Many  New  Ob 
jects  of  Taxation— Additional  Bonds  Issued— General  Prosperity  in 
the  North  Following  the  Passage  of  New  Financial  Measures  — Aid 
for  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  — Land  Grants  to  the 
Northern  Pacific  — 13th  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  — Resigna 
tion  of  Secretary  Chase  —  Anecdote  of  Governor  Tod  of  Ohio — Nom 
ination  of  William  P.  Fessenden  to  Succeed  Chase  — The  Latter 
Made  Chief  Justice  — Lincoln's  Second  Nomination— Effect  of  V  al- 
landigham's  Resolution  —  General  Sherman's  March  to  the  Sea  — 
Second  Session  of  the  38th  Congress 276-297 

CHAPTER  XV. 

ASSASSINATION    OF    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

Johnson's  Maudlin  Stump  Speech  in  the  Senate  —  Inauguration  of  Lincoln 
for  the  Second  Term  — My  Trip  to  the  South  — Paying  Off  a  Church 
I>dit — Mt-rniigs  to  Celebrate  the  Success  of  the  Union  Army  — 
News  of  the  Death  of  Lincoln  —  I  attend  the  Funeral  Services  —  Gen 
eral  Johnson's  Surrender  to  General  Sherman  —  Controversy  with 
Secretary  Stanton  Over  the  Event  — Review  of  65,000  Troops  in 
Wellington  —  Care  of  the  Old  Soldiers  —  Annual  Pension  List  of 
•  $160,000,000—1  am  Reflected  to  the  Senate  — The  Wade-Davis  Bill 
—  Johnson's  Treatment  of  Public  Men  —  His  Veto  of  the  Civil  Rights 
Bill  —  Reorganization  of  the  Rebel  States  and  their  Final  Restora 
tion  to  the  Union 298-320 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

INDEBTEDNESS    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES    IN    18f>5. 

Orgaiiixationof  the  Greenback  Party  —  Total  Debt  on  October 31st  amounts 
to  $2,H08,549 ,437. 55  —  Secretary  McCulloch's  Desire  to  Convert  All 
UniU*d  States  Notes  into  Interest-Bearing  Bonds  —  My  Discussion 
with  Senator  Fessenden  Over  the  Finance  Committee's  Bill  —  Too 
Great  Powers  Conferred  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  His 
Denire  to  Retire  $10,000,000  of  United  States  Notes  Each  Month- 
Growth  of  the  Greenback  Party  —  The  Secretary's  Powers  to  Reduce 
tin-  CurriMM-y  by  iJ.'tiring  or  Canceling  United  States  Notes  Is  Sus 
pended —  Bill  to  Reduce  Taxes  and  Provide  Internal  Revenue  —  My 
Trip  to  Lam  in  if  and  Other  Western  Forts  with  General  Sherman  — 
Beginning  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture .  321-333 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xv 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THREE    MONTHS    IN    EUROPE. 

PAGES 

Short  Session  of  Congress  Convened  March  4, 1867  —  I  Become  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Finance,  Succeeding  Senator  Fessenden  —  De 
parture  for  Europe  —  Winning  a  Wager  from  a  Sea  Captain  —  Con 
gressman  Kasson's  Pistol  —  Under  Surveillance  by  English  Officers 
—Impressions  of  John  Bright,  Disraeli  and  Other  Prominent  English 
men — Visit  to  France,  Belgium,  Holland  and  Germany — An  Audi 
ence  with  Bismarck  —  His  Sympathy  with  the  Union  Cause  — 
Wonders  of  the  Paris  Exposition  —  Life  in  Paris  —  Presented  to  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  III  and  the  Empress  Eugenie — A  Dinner  at  the 
Tuileries —  My  Return  Home  —  International  Money  Commission  in 
Session  at  Paris  —  Correspondence  with  Commissioner  Ruggles — 
His  Report  —  Failure  to  Unify  the  Coinage  of  Nations  —  Relative 
Value  of  Gold  and  Silver 334-351 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 

IMPEACHMENT    OF    ANDREW    JOHNSON. 

Judiciary  Committee's  Resolution  Fails  of  Adoption  by  a  Vote  of  57  Yeas 
to  108  Nays  —  Johnson's  Attempt  to  Remove  Secretary  Stanton  and 
Create  a  New  Office  for  General  Sherman  —  Correspondence  on  the 
Subject  —  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Impeachment,  and  Other 
Matters  Pertaining  to  the  Appointment  of  Lorenzo  Thomas  —  Im 
peachment  Resolution  Passed  by  the  House  by  a  Vote  of  126  Yeas 
to  47  Nays  —  Johnson's  Trial  by  the  Senate  —  Acquittal  of  the  Presi 
dent  by  a  Vote  of  35  Guilty  to  19  Not  Guilty —Why  I  Favored  Con 
viction —  General  Schofield  Becomes  Secretary  of  War  —  "Tenure 
of  Office  Act." 352-360 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE    FORTIETH    CONGRESS. 

Legislation  During  the  Two  Years  —  Further  Reduction  of  the  Currency  by 
the  Secretary  Prohibited  —  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Conference 
-Bill  for  Refunding  the  National  Debt  — Amounted  to  $2,639,382,- 
572.68  on  December  1, 1867 —  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments  Recom 
mended —  Refunding  Bill  in  the  Senate  —  Change  in  My  Views  — 
Debate  Participated  in  by  Nearly  Every  Senator  —  Why  the  Bill 
Failed  to  Become  a  Law  —  Breach  Between  Congress  and  the  Presi 
dent  Paralyzes  Legislation  —  Nomination  and  Election  of  Grant  for 
President  —  His  Correspondence  with  General  Sherman 361-373 

CHAPTER  XX. 

BEGINNING    OF    GRANT'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

His  Arrival  at  Washington  in  1864  to  Take  Command  of  the  Armies  of  the 
United  States  — Inaugural  Address  as  President— "An  Act  to 
Strengthen  the  Public  Credit ' '—  Becomes  a  Law  on  March  19, 1869  — 
Formation  of  the  President's  Cabinet  —  Fifteenth  Amendment  to 
the  Constitution  —  Bill  to  Fund  the  Public  Debt  and  to  Aid  in  the 
Resumption  of  Specie  Payments  — Bill  Finally  Agreed  to  by  the 
House  and  Senate  —  A  Redemption  Stipulation  Omitted  —  Reduc 
tion  of  the  Public  Debt  —  Problem  of  Advancing  United  States  Notes 
to  Par  with  Coin 374-386 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 
CHAPTER  XXI. 

OUR    COINAGE    BEFOKK    AND    AFTER    THE    WAR. 

in  Circulation  in  1869- General  Use  of  Spanish  Pieces  —  No 
Of  the  Dollar  Piece  in  the  Act  of  1863  — Free  0il^^S 
of  Gold  After  the  1853  Act  —  No  Truth  in  je}nvs  ^jative  to  the 
MintK  ATsaV  Offices1  niiV'cV.iniiKoTth?  United  States  -  Why  the 
DollaV  was  Dropped  from  the  Coins-Then  Known  Only  as  a  Com 
for  tlu-  For-ign  Market  -Establishment  of  the  "Trade  Dollar  - 
\  Legal  Tender  for  Only  Five  Dollars- Repeated  Attempts  to  Have 
Congress  Pass  a  Free  Coinage  Act  -  How  it  Would  Affect  Us  -  ,on- 
trovers?  Between  Senator  Sumner  and  Secretary  Fish 6 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

SOME    EVENTS    IN    MY    PRIVATE    LIFE. 

Administration — Attack  on  Me  by 


Feuds  and  Jealousies  During  Grant's  Administration— Attack  on  Me  by 
the  CinHmmti  "  Enquirer  "  —  Reply  and  Statement  Regarding  My 
Worldlv  Possessions— I  Am  Elected  to  the  Senate  for  the  Third 


f,,r  the  Second  Term 402-415 


CHAPTER  XXI II. 

THE    PANIC    OF    1873,    AND    ITS    RESULTS. 

Failure  of  Jay  Cooke  and  Co.— Wild  Schemes  "for  the  Relief  of  the 
People^' —Congress  Called  Upon  for  Help  —  Finance  Committee's 
Report  for  the  Redemption  of  United  States  Notes  in  Coin  —  Ex 
tracts  from  My  Speech  in  Favor  of  the  Report  — Bill  to  Fix  the 
Amount  of  United  States  Notes  —  Finally  Passed  by  the  Senate  and 
House — Vetoed  by  President  Grant  and  Failure  to  Pass  Over  His 
Objection  —  General  Effect  Throughout  the  Country  of  the  Struggle 
for  Resumption  —  Imperative  Necessity  for  Providing  Some  Measure 
of  Relief.  .  416-425 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

BILL    FOR    THE    RESUMPTION    OF    SPECIE    PAYMENTS. 

Decline  in  Value  of  Paper  Money  —  Meeting  of  Congress  in  December, 
1874  —  Senate  Committee  of  Eleven  to  Formulate  a  Bill  to  Advance 
United  States  Notes  to  Par  in  Coin — Widely  Differing  Views  of  the 
Members  —  Redemption  of  Fractional  Currency  Readily  Agreed 
to — Other  Sections  Finally  Adopted  —  Means  to  Prepare  for  and 
Maintain  Resumption  —  Report  of  the  Bill  by  the  Committee  on 
Finance  —  Its  Passage  by  the  Senate  by  a  Vote  of  32  to  14  —  Full 
Text  of  the  Measure  nnd  an  Explanation  of  What  It  Was  Expected 
to  Accomplish  —  Approval  by  the  House  and  the  President  .  .  .426-423 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xvii 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

RESUMPTION    ACT    RECEIVED    WITH    DISFAVOR. 

PAGES 

It  Is  Not  Well  Received  by  Those  Who  Wished  Immediate  Resumption  of 
Specie  Payments  —  Letter  to  "  The  Financier"  in  Reply  to  a  Charge 
That  It  Was  a  "Political  Trick,"  etc.  — The  Ohio  Canvass  of  1875  — 
Finance  Resolutions  in  the  Democratic  and  Republican  Platforms  — 
R.  B.  Hayes  and  Myself  Talk  in  Favor  of  Resumption  —  My  Recom 
mendation  of  Him  for  President  —  A  Democrat  Elected  as  Speaker 
of  the  House  —  The  Senate  Still  Republican  —  My  Speech  in  Sup 
port  of  Specie  Payments  Made  March  6,  1876 — What  the  Financial 
Policy  of  the  Government  Should  Be 433-439 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

MY    CONFIDENCE    IN    THE    SUCCESS    OF    RESUMPTION. 

Tendency  of  Democratic  Members  of  Both  Houses  to  Exaggerate  the  Evil 
Times  —  Debate  Over  the  Bill  to  Provide  for  Issuing  Silver  Coin  in 
Place  of  Fractional  Currency  —  The  Coinage  Laws  of  the  United 
States  and  Other  Countries  —  Joint  Resolution  for  the  Issue  of  Silver 
Coin  — The  "  Trade  Dollar"  Declared  Not  to  Be  a  Legal  Tender  — 
My  Views  on  the  Free  Coinage  of  Silver  —  Bill  to  Provide  for  the 
Completion  of  the  Washington  Monument  —  Resolution  Written  by 
Me  on  the  100th  Anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  — 
Unanimously  Passed  in  a  Day  by  Both  Houses  —  Completion  of  the 
Structure  Under  the  Act 440-451 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

THE    HAYES-TILDEN    PRESIDENTIAL    CONTEST. 

Nomination  of  R.  B.  Hayes  for  President  —  His  Fitness  for  the  Responsible 
Office  —  Political  Shrewdness  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  His  Opponent  — 
I  Enter  Actively  Into  the  Canvass  in  Ohio  and  Other  States  — Frauds 
in  the  South  —  Requested  by  General  Grant  to  Go  to  New  Orleans 
and  Witness  the  Canvassing  of  the  Vote  of  Louisiana  —  Departure 
for  the  South  —  Personnel  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  "  Vis 
itors" —  Report  of  the  Returning  Board  —  President  Grant's  Last 
Message  to  Congress  —  Request  to  Become  His  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury 452-462 

CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

I    BEGIN    MY    DUTIES    AS    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY. 

Legislative  Training  of  Great  Advantage  to  Me  in  My  New  Position — Loan 
Contract  in  Force  When  I  Took  the  Portfolio — Appointment  of  Charles 
F.  Conant  as  Funding  Agent  of  the  Treasury  Department  in  London — 
Redeeming  Called  Bonds— Sale  of  Four  Per  Cent.  Bonds  Instead  of 
Four  and  a  Half  Per  Cents.  —  Popularity  of  the  New  Loan  —  Great 
Saving  in  Interest  —  On  a  Tour  of  Inspection  Along  the  Northern 
Atlantic  Coast  —  Value  of  Information  Received  on  this  Trip  — 
Effect  of  the  Baltimore  and  Pittsburg  Railroad  Strikes  in  1877  Upon 
Our  Public  Credit.  .  463-475 


xviii  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

POLICY    OF    THE    HAYES    ADMINISTRATION. 

Reception  at  My  Home  in  Mansfield  -  Given  by  Friends  Irrespective  of 
1     '''      —  Introduced   by   My   Old   Friend    and    Partner,   Henry  C. 


,'•  v  —  Introuce        y       y  ,  . 

I  '  ,.<  -I  EepS  by  Giving  a  Result  of  the  Contests  in  South  Car- 
>  ma  and  Louisiana  to  DeciSe  Who  Was  Governor  -Positions  Taken 
by  Presents  Grant  and  Hayes  in  these  Contests  -My  Plans  to  Se 
Sre  the  U.-M.mption  of  Specie  Payments  -Effects  of  a  Deprecated 
rurrencv  —  Duties  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  Two  Modes 
of  K,suming-My  Mansfield  Speech  Printed  Throughout  the  Coun 
try  and  in  England  -Letters  to  Stanley  Matthews  -Our  Defeat  in 
uhi,>  —  An  Extra  Session  of  Congress  —  Bills  Introduced  to  Repeal 
the  Act  Providing  for  the  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments-  They 
All  Fail  of  Passage  —  Popular  Subscription  of  Bonds  all  Paid  for.  .  476- 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

EFFECT    OF    THE    BLAND    HILL    ON    THE    COUNTRY. 

An  \ct  Passed  by  the  House  Providing  for  the  Free  Coinage  of  the  Silver 
Dollar  —  Mr.  Ewing  Makes  an  Attack  on  Resumption  —  Fear  of  Cap- 
italic  Regarding  Our  National  Credit—  Four  Per  Cents.  Sell  Below 
par  —  Suspense  and  Anxiety  Continued  Throughout  the  Year  —  My 
First  Report  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  Recommendations  of 
a  Policy  to  be  Pursued  "to  Strengthen  the  Public  Credit"—  Sub 
stitution  of  $50,000,000  in  Silver  Coin  for  Fractional  Currency  —Sil 
ver  as  a  Medium  of  Circulation  —  Its  fluctuation  in  Value  —  Impor 
tance  of  Gold  as  a  Standard  of  Value  —  Changes  in  the  Market 
Value  of  Silver  Since  1873  ...............  490-506 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

ENACTMENT    OF    THE    BLAND-ALLISON    SILVER    LAW. 

Amendments  to  the  Act  Reported  by  the  Committee  on  Finance  —  Revival 
of  a  Letter  Written  by  Me  in  1868  —  Explained  in  a  Letter  to  Justin 
8.  Morrill  Ton  Years  Later  —  Text  of  the  Bland  Silver  Bill  as 
Amended  by  the  Senate  and  Agreed  to  by  the  House  —  Vetoed  by 
President  Hayes  —  Becomes  a  Law  Notwithstanding  His  Objections 
—  I  Decide  to  Terminate  the  Existing  Contract  with  the  Syndicate  — 
Subscriptions  Invited  for  Four  Per  Cent.  Bonds  —  Preparations  for 
Resumption  —  Interviews  with  Committees  of  Both  Houses  —  Con 
dition  of  the  Bank  of  England  as  Compared  with  the  United  States 
Treasury  —  Mr.  Buckner  Changes  His  Views  Somewhat  .....  507-521 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

SALE    OF    HONIJS    FOR    RESUMPTION    PURPOSES. 

Arrangements  Begun  for  the  Disposal  of  $50,000,000  for  Gold  or  Bullion  — 
Interviews  with  Prominent  Bankers  in  New  York  —  Proposition  in 
B«»half  of  the  National  Banks  —  Terms  of  the  Contract  Made  with 
tli.-  Syndicate  —  Public  Comment  at  the  Close  of  the  Negotiations— 
"  Gath's  "  Interview  with  Me  at  the  Completion  of  the  Sale  —  Eastern 
Press  Approves  the  Contract,  While  the  West  Was  Either  Indifferent 
or  Opposed  to  it  —  Senate  Still  Discussing  the  Expediency  of  Re 
pealing  the  Resumption  Act  —  Letter  to  Senator  Ferry  —  Violent 
and  ]  itter  Animosity  Aroused  Against  Me  —  I  Am  Charged  with 
Corruption  —  Clarkson  N.  Potter's  Charges  .........  522-536 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xix 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

A    SHORT    RESPITE    FROM    OFFICIAL    DUTIES. 

Visit  to  Mansfield  and  Other  Points  in  Ohio  — Difficulty  of  Making  a  Speech 
at  Toledo  —  An  Attempt  to  Break  up  a  Meeting  That  Did  Not  Suc 
ceed —  Various  Reports  of  the  Gathering  —  Good  Work  of  the  Cin 
cinnati  "Enquirer  "—Toledo  People  Wanted  "More  Money"— 
Remarks  Addressed  to  the  Cincinnati  Chamber  of  Commerce — Visit 
to  Lancaster,  the  Place  of  My  Birth  — My  Return  to  Washington  — 
I  Begin  to  Exchange  Silver  Dollars  for  United  States  Notes  —  My 
Authority  to  Do  So  Before  January  1  Questioned  —  The  Order  is 
Withdrawn  and  Some  Criticism  Follows  —  Instructions  to  the  United 
States  Treasurer  and  Others  —  Arrangements  with  the  New  York 
Clearing  House 537-546 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

INVESTIGATION    OF    THE    NEW    YORK    CUSTOM    HOUSE. 

A  General  Examination  of  Several  Ports  Ordered  —  No  Difficulty  Except  at 
New  York  — First  Report  of  the  Commission  — President  Hayes' 
Recommendations  —  Second  Report  of  the  Commission  —  Various 
Measures  of  Reform  Recommended  —  Four  Other  Reports  Made  — 
The  President  Decides  on  the  Removal  of  Arthur,  Cornell,  and 
Sharpe  — Two  Letters  to  R.  C.  McCormick  on  the  Subject  — Arthur 
et  al.  Refuse  to  Resign  — The  Senate  Twice  Refuses  to  Confirm  the 
Men  Appointed  by  the  President  to  Succeed  Them— Conkling's 
Contest  Against  Civil  Service  Reform  —  My  Letter  to  Senator  Allison 
—  Final  Victory  of  the  President 547-555 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

PREPARATIONS    FOR    RESUMPTION    OF    SPECIE    PAYMENTS. 

Annual  Report  Made  to  Congress  on  Dec.  2,  1878  —  Preparations  for  Re 
sumption  Accompanied  with  Increased  Business  and  Confidence  — 
How  Resumption  was  to  be  Accomplished  —  Laws  Affecting  the 
Coinage  of  Gold  and  Silver  —  Recommendation  to  Congress  that 
the  Coinage  of  the  Silver  Dollar  Be  Discontinued  When  the  Amount 
Outstanding  Should  Exceed  $50,000,000  —  Funding  the  Public  Debt 
—  United  States  Notes  at  Par  with  Gold  —  Instructions  to  the  As 
sistant  Treasurer  at  New  York.  .  .  .  556-561 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

REFUNDING    THE    NATIONAL    DEBT. 

Over  $140,000,000  of  Gold  Coin  and  Bullion  in  the  Treasury  January  1,  1879 

—  Diversity  of  Opinion  as  to  the  Meaning  of  Resumption  —  Effect 
of  the  Act  to  Advance  Public  Credit  —  Funding  Redeemable  Bonds 
Into  Four  per  Cents. —  Six  per  Cent.  Bonds  Aggregating  $120,000,000 
Called.  During  January,  1879  —  The  Sale  in  London  —  Charges  of 
Favoritism  —  Further  Enactments  to  Facilitate  the  Funding  —  Diffi 
culty  of  Making  Sales  of  Four  per  Cent.  Bonds  to  English  Bankers 

—  Large  Amounts  Taken  in  the  United  States  —  One  Subscription 
of  $190,000,000  — Rothschild's  Odd  Claim  — Complimentary  Resolu 
tion  of  the  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce.     .  .     .     562-577 


xx  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

GENERAL    DESIRE    TO    NOMINATE    ME    FOR    GOVERNOR    OF    OHIO. 

PAGES 

Death  of  My  Brother  Charles  —  The  46th  Congress  Convened  in  Special  Ses 
sion  —  ''Mending  Fences"  at  My  Home  in  Mansfield  —  Efforts  to 
Put  Me  Forward  as  a  Candidate  for  the  Governorship  of  Ohio  —  Re 
sult  of  My  Letter  to  John  B.  Haskin  —  Reasons  of  My  Refusal  of 
the  Nomination  for  Governor  —  Invitation  from  James  G.  Blaine 
to  Speak  in  Maine  —  My  Speech  at  Portland  —  Victory  of  the  Re 
publican  Party  —  My  Speech  at  Steubenville,  Ohio  —  Evidences  of 
Prosperity  on  Every  Hand  —  Visit  to  Cincinnati  and  Return  to 
Washington  —  Results  in  Ohio  ..................  578-593 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

LAST    DAYS   OF    THE    HAYES    ADMINISTRATION. 

Invitation  from  General  Arthur  to  Speak  in  New  York  —  Letter  to  Hon. 
John  Jay  on  the  Subject  —  Mr.  Evart's  Refined  Specimen  of  Ego 
tism  —  An  Anecdote  of  the  Hayes  Cabinet  —  Duty  of  the  Govern 
ment  to  Protect  the  Election  of  All  Federal  Officers  —  My  Speech 
in  Cooper  Institute  —  Offers  of  Support  to  Elect  Me  as  a  Successor 
of  Senator  Thurman  —  Republican  Victory  in  New  York  —  Presi 
dent  Hayes'  Message  to  Congress—  My  Report  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  —  M<xiification  of  My  Financial  Views  Since  that  Time  — 
Bank  botes  as  Currency  —  Necessity  for  Paper  Money  —  Mr. 
Bayard's  Resolution  Concerning  the  Legal  Tender  Quality  of 
United  States  Notes  —  Questions  Asked  Me  by  the  Finance  Com 
mittee  of  the  Senate  ....................  594-604 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

THE    PRESIDENTIAL    NOMINATION    IN    1880. 

Talk  of  Grant  for  President  for  a  Third  Term  —  His  Triumphal  Return 
from  a  Trip  Around  the  World  -The  Candidacy  of  Mr.  Blaine  and 
M  \  --It  -Many  of  My  Opponents  Those  Who  Disagreed  with  Me  on 
Financial  Questions  -Accused  of  Being  a  Catholic  and  of  Using 
Patronage  to  Aid  in  My  Nomination  —  Delay  in  Holding  the  Ohio 
Mat-  Convention  -My  Interview  with  Garfield  —Resolution  of 
State  Convention  in  My  Favor  -  National  Convention  at  Chi 
cago,  on  June  2  1880-  Fatal  Move  of  Nine  Ohio  Delegates  for 
Bin  ,m.  -  Final  >»omination  of  Gnrfield  -  Congratulations  --  Letters 
to  Governor  Foster  and  to  Garfield  -Wade  Hampton  and  the  "Ku- 

.    605-619 

CHAPTER  XL. 

MY    LAST    YEAR    IN    THE    TREASURY    DEPARTMENT. 


Openingof  the  1WJO  Campaign  in  Cincinnati  -  My  First  Speech  Arraigned 
as     Bitterly  Partisan  "  -Ohio  Thought  to  Be  in  Dou  It-  Rem  b 
.can   Ticket  Elected  in  Ohio  and    Indiana  -A   Stra  ge   Warn7n* 
ter£    RplT  ™m^ni^parfield  with  AssassinatTong-Thn  at? 
Reply  ^Recommendations    Regarding    Surplus    Revemie 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xxi 

CHAPTER  XLI. 

ELECTED    TO    THE    SENATE    FOR    THE    FOURTH    TIME. 

PAGES 

Elaine  Appointed  Secretary  of  State  —  Withdrawal  of  Governor  Foster  as  a 
Senatorial  Candidate  —  I  Am  Again  Elected  to  My  Old  Position  to 
Succeed  Allen  G.  Thurman —  My  Visit  to  Columbus  to  Return 
Thanks  to  the  Legislature  —  Address  to  Boston  Merchants  on  Fi 
nances  — Windom  Recommended  to  Succeed  Me  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  —  Personal  Characteristics  of  Garfield —  How  He  Differed 
from  President  Hayes  —  The  Latter' s  Successful  Administration  — 
My  One  Day  Out  of  Office  in  Over  Forty  Years  —  Long  Animosity  of 
Don  Piatt  and  His  Change  of  Opinion  in  1881  —  Mahone's  Power  in 
the  Senate  —  Windom's  Success  in  the  Treasury  —  The  Conkling- 
Platt  Controversy  with  the  President  over  New  York  Appoint 
ments 631-645 

CHAPTER  XLII. 

ASSASSINATION    OF    GARFIELD    AND    EVENTS    FOLLOWING. 

I  Return  to  Mansfield  for  a  Brief  Period  of  Rest  —  Selected  as  Presiding 
Officer  of  the  Ohio  State  Convention  —  My  Address  to  the  Delegates 
Indorsing  Garfield  and  Governor  Foster  —  Kenyon  College  Confers 
on  Me  the  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  — News  of  the  Assassination  of 
the  President  —  How  He  Differed  from  Blaine — Visit  of  General 
Sherman  —  Reception  by  Old  Soldiers  —  My  Trip  to  Yellowstone 
Park —  Speechmaking  at  Salt  Lake  City  —  Return  Home  —  Opening 
of  the  Ohio  Campaign  —  Death  of  Garfield 646-653 

CHAPTER  XLIII. 

BEGINNING    OF    ARTHUR'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

Special  Session  of  the  Senate  Convened  by  the  President  — Abuse  of  Me  by 
Newspapers  and  Discharged  Employes  —  Charges  Concerning  Dis 
bursement  of  the  Contingent  Fund  —  My  Resolution  in  the  Senate  — 
Secretary  Windom's  Letter  Accompanying  the  Meline  Report  — 
Investigation  and  Complete  Exoneration  —  Arthur's  Message  to 
Congress  in  December  —  Joint  Resolutions  on  the  Death  of  Gar- 
field  —  Elaine's  Tribute  to  His  Former  Chief  —  Credit  of  the  United 
States  at  "  High  Water  Mark  "  —Bill  Introduced  Providing  for  the 
Issuing  of  Three  per  Cent.  Bonds — Need  of  Tariff  Legislation  — 
Bill  to  Reduce  Internal  Revenue  Taxes  —  Tax  on  Playing  Cards  — 
Democratic  Victory  in  Ohio 654-665 

CHAPTER  XLIV. 

STEPS    TOWARD    MUCH-NEEDED    TARIFF    LEGISLATION. 

Necessity  of  Relief  from  Unnecessary  Taxation  —  Views  of  the  President 
as  Presented  to  Congress  in  December,  1882  —  Views  of  the  Tariff 
Commission  Appointed  by  the  President —  Great  Changes  Made  by 
the  Senate  —  Regret  that  I  Did  Not  Defeat  the  Bill  — Wherein 
Many  Sections  Were  Defective  or  Unjust  —  Bill  to  Regulate  and 
Improve  the  Civil  Service — A  Mandatory  Provision  That  Should  be 
Added  to  the  Existing  Law  —  Further  Talk  of  Nominating  Me  for 
Governor  of  Ohio  —  Reasons  Why  I  Could  Not  Accept  —  Selected  as 
Chairman  of  the  State  Convention  —  Refusal  to  Be  Nominated  —  J. 
B.  Foraker  Nominated  by  Acclamation  —  His  Career —  Issues  of  the 
Campaign  —  My  Trip  to  Montana  —  Resuming  the  Canvass  —  Hoad- 
ley  Elected  Governor  —  Retirement  of  General  Sherman 666-682 


xxiv  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

CHAPTER  LIII. 
CLEVELAND'S  EXTRAORDINARY  MESSAGE  TO  CONGRESS. 

PA.GE8 

First  Session  of  the  50th  Congress  — The  President's  "  Cry  of  Alarm"— 
Troubled  by  the  Excess  of  Revenues  Over  Expenditures  — My  An 
swer  to  His  Doctrines  —  His  Kefusal  to  Apply  the  Surplus  to  the 
Reduction  of  the  Public  Debt  — The  Object  in  Doing  So  — My  Views 
Concerning  Protection  and  the  Tariff  —  In  Favor  of  a  Tariff  Commis 
sion—"  Mills  Bill  "  the  Outcomeof  the  President's  Message  — Fail 
ure  of  the  Bill  During  the  Second  Session  —My  Debates  with  Senator 
Beck  on  the  Coinage  Act  of  1873,  etc.— Omission  of  the  Old  Silver 
Dollar  — Death  of  Chief  Justice  Waite  — Immigration  of  Chinese 
Laborers  —  Controversy  with  Senator  Vest  —  Speech  on  the  Fisheries  ^ 
Question  —  Difficulties  of  Annexation  with  Canada 771-785 


CHAPTER  L1V. 

REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION    OF    1888. 

Majority  of  the  Ohio  Delegates  Agree  to  Support  Me  for  President  —  Cleve 
land  and  Thurman  Nominated  by  the  Democrats —  I  Am  Indorsed 
by  the  State  Convention  Held  at  Dayton,  April  18-19  —  My  Response 
to  a  Toast  at  the  Americus  Club,  Pittsburg,  on  Grant  —  Meeting 
with  Prominent  Men  in  New  York  —  Foraker's  Reply  to  Judge  West's 
Declaration  Concerning  Blaine  —  Elaine's  Florence  Letter  to  Chair 
man  Jones  —  His  Opinion  of  My  Qualifications  for  the  Honorable 
Position  —  Meeting  of  the  Convention  in  Chicago  in  June  —  I  am 
Nominated  by  General  D.  11.  Hastings  and  Seconded  by  Governor 
Foraker  —  Jealousy  Between  the  Ohio  Delegates  —  Predictions  of  My 
Nomination  on  Monday,  June  25  —  Defeated  by  a  Corrupt  New  York 
Bargain  —  General  Harrison  Is  Nominated  —  Letter  from  the  Pres 
ident-Elect —  My  Reply  —  First  Speeches  of  the  Campaign- 
Harrison's  Victory  —  Second  Session  of  the  5Cth  Congress  —  The 
President's  Cabinet.  .  .  786-80? 


CHAPTER   LV. 

FOUR    AND    A    HALF    MONTHS    IN    EUROPE. 

Our  Party  Takes  Its  Departure  on  the  "  City  of  New  York  "  on  May  1  —  Per 
sonnel  of  the  Party  —  Short  Stop  in  London — Various  Cities  in  Italy 
Virited— Sight-Seeing  in  Rome  — Journey  to  Pompeii  and  Naples- 
Impressions  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Southern  Italy  —  An  Amusing  Inci 
dent  Growing  Out  of  the  Ignorance  of  Our  Courier  —  Meeting  with 
Mr.  Porter.  Minister  to  Rome  — Four  Days  in  Florence  — Venice 
Wholly  Unlike  Any  Other  City  in  the  World  — Favorable  Impression 
of  Vienna— Arrival  at  Paris  —  Reception  by  the  President  of  the 
Republic  of  France— Return  Home  — My  Opinion  Concerning  Eng 
land  and  Englishmen  — Reception  at  Washington— Campaigning 
Again  for  Foraker— Ohio  Ballot  Box  Forgery  and  Its  Outcome  — 
Addreftfl  at  Cleveland  on  "  The  Congress  of  American  States  "—De 
feat  of  Foraker  for  Governor.  ...  803-820 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xxv 

CHAPTER  LVI. 

HISTOKY    OF    THE    "  SHERMAN    SILVER    LAW." 

PAGES 

President  Harrison's  First  Annual  Message  —  His  Recommendations  Re 
garding  the  Coinage  of  Silver  and  Tariff  Revisions  —  Bill  Author 
izing  the  Purchase  of  $4,500,000  Worth  of  Silver  Bullion  Each  Month 

—  Senator  Plumb's  "  Free  Silver  "  Amendment  to  the  House  Bill  — 
Substitute  Finally  Agreed  Upon  in  Conference  —  Since  Known  as  the 
"  Sherman  Silver  Law" — How  It  Came  to  Be  so  Called  —  Chief  Merit 
of  the  Law  —  Steady  Decline  of  Silver  After  the  Passage  of  the  Act  — 
Bill  Against  Trusts  and  Combinations  —  Amendments  in  Committee 

—  The  Bill  as  Passed  —  Evils  of  Unlawful  Combinations  —  Death  of 
Representative  Win.  D.  Kelley  and  Ex-Member  S.  S.  Cox  —  Sketch 
of  the  Latter  —  My  Views  Regarding  Immigration  and  Alien  Con 
tract  Labor  —  McKinley  Tariff  Law — What  a  Tariff  Is  —  Republican 
Success   in  Ohio  —  Second  Session  of   the  51st  Congress  —  Failure 

of  Senator  Stewart's  "Free  Coinage  Bill." 821-848 


CHAPTER  LVII. 

EFFORTS  TO  CONSTRUCT  THE  NICARAGUA!*  CANAL. 

Early  Recognition  of  the  Needs  of  a  Canal  Across  the  Isthmus  Connecting 
North  and  South  America  —  M.  de  Lesseps  Attempts  to  Build  a 
Water  Way  at  Panama  —  Feasibility  of  a  Route  by  Lake  Nicaragua 
—  First  Attempts  in  1825  to  Secure  Aid  from  Congress  —  The  Clay  ton- 
Bulwer  Convention  of  1850  —  Hindrance  to  the  Work  Caused  by  This 
Treaty  —  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  in  1891  — 
Failure  to  Secure  a  Treaty  Between  the  United  States  and  Nicaragua 
in  1884  —  Cleveland's  Reasons  for  Withdrawing  This  Treaty  —  Incor 
poration  of  the  Maritime  Canal  Company  of  Nicaragua  —  Inevitable 
Failure  of  Their  Attempts  Unless  Aided  by  the  Government — Why 
We  Should  Purchase  Outright  the  Concessions  of  the  Maritime 
Company  — My  Last  Letter  from  General  Sherman  — His  Death  from 
Pneumonia  After  a  Few  Days'  Illness  —  Messages  of  President  Har 
rison  — Resolutions  —  My  Commemorative  Address  Delivered  Before 
the  Loyal  Legion 849-861 


CHAPTER  LVIII. 

THE    CAMPAIGN    OF    1890-91    IN    OHIO. 

Public  Discussion  of  My  Probable  Reelection  to  the  Senate  —  My  Visit  to 
the  Ohio  Legislature   in   April,  1891  —  Reception  at  the    Lincoln 
League  Club  —  Appointed  by  the  Republicans  as  a  Delegate  to  the 
State  Convention  at  Columbus  — Why  My  Prepared  Speech  Was  Not 
Delivered  — Attack  on  Me  by  the  Cincinnati  "  Enquirer  "—Text  of 
the  Address  Printed  in  the  "  State  Journal"— Beginning  of  a  Can 
vass,  with  Governor  Foraker  as  a  Competitor,  for  the  Senatorship- 
Attitude  of  George  Cox,  a  Cincinnati  Politician,  Towards  Me  —  At 
tempt  to  Form  a""  Farmers'  Alliance"  or  People's  Party  in  Ohio  — 
"Seven  Financial  Conspiracies  " — Mrs.  Emery's  Pamphlet,  and  My 
Reply  to  It 862-872 


XXvi  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

CHAPTER  LIX. 

FKEE    SILVER    AND    PROTECTION    TO    AMERICAN    INDUSTRIES. 

PAGES 

My  Views  in  1891  on  the  Free  Coinage  of  Silver  — Letter  to  an  Ohio  News 
paper  on  the  Subject  —  A  Problem  for  the  Next  Congress  to  Solve 
—  Views  Regarding  Protection  to  American  Industries  by  Tariff 
Laws  — My  Deep  Interest  in  This  Campaign  — Its  Importance  to  the 
Country  at  Large  —  Ohio  the  Battle  Ground  of  These  Financial 
Questions  —  Opening  the  Campaign  in  Paulding  Late  in  August  — 
Extracts  from  My  Speech  There  —  Appeal  to  the  Conservative  Men 
of  Ohio  of  Both  Parties  —  Address  at  the  State  Fair  at  Columbus  — 
Review  of  the  History  of  Tariff  Legislation  in  the  United  States  — 
Five  Republican  Principles  Pertaining  to  the  Reduction  of  Taxes  — 
Speeches  at  Cleveland,  Toledo,  Cincinnati,  and  Elsewhere  —  McKin- 
ley's  Election  by  Over  21 ,000  Plurality 873-887 


CHAPTER  LX. 

ELECTED    TO    THE    UNITED    STATES    SENATE    FOR    THE    SIXTH    TIME. 

I  Secure  the  Caucus  Nomination  for  Senator  on  the  First  Ballot  —  Foraker 
and  Myself  Introduced  to  the  Legislature  —  My  Address  of  Thanks 
to  the  Members  —  Speech  of  Governor  Foraker  —  My  Colleague 
Given  His  Seat  in  the  Senate  Without  Opposition  —  Message  of 
President  Harrison  to  the  52nd  Congress  —  Morgan's  Resolutions  and 
Speech  for  the  Free  Coinage  of  Silver  —  Opening  of  the  Silver  Debate 
by  Mr.  Teller— My  Speech  on  the  Question  — Defeat  of  the  Bill  on 
the  House  —  Discussion  of  the  Chinese  Question  —  My  Opposition 
to  the  Conference  Report  of  Mr.  Geary's  Amended  Bill  — Adopted 
by  the  Senate  After  a  Lengthy  Debate  —  Effect  of  the  Tariff  Laws 
Lpon  Wages  and  Prices  —  Senator  Hale's  Resolution — Carlisle's 
Speech  in  Opposition  to  High  Prices  — My  Reply  —  R£sum6  of  My 
Opinions  on  the  Policy  of  Protection  — Reception  by  the  Ohio  Re 
publican  Association  —  Refutation  of  a  Newspaper  Slander  Upon 
I.  M.  Dougherty  —  Newspaper  Writers  and  Correspondents — ' 'Boss- 
ism  "  in  Hamilton  County .  888-901 


CHAPTER  LXI. 

SECOND    ELECTION    OF    GROVER    CLEVELAND. 

Opposition  to  General   Harrison   for  the  Presidential   Nomination  — Mv 

That  He  Could  Not  Be  Elected  —  Preference  for  McKinley 

:mg  of  the  National  Republican  Convention  at  Minneapolis 

Aeetmg  of  Republicans  at  Washington  to  Ratify  the  Ticket  — 

V-u  -M.ap.-r  Comment  on  My  Two  Days'  Speech  in  the  Senate  on  the 

r  Question  —  Opening  Speeches  for  Harrison  and  Reid  — Pub- 

1<:;')"0"'  v  ^yr"isl°7  °f  the  Republican  Party-First  Encounter 

ha     Kodak1  -Political  Addresses  in  Philadelphia,  New  York 

Ilarri"'  ltl' Chica^°' and  Milwaukee  — Return  to  Ohio  — Defeat  of 


902-911 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xxvii 

CHAPTER  LXII. 

ATTEMPTS    TO    STOP    THE    PURCHASE    OF    SILVER    BULLION. 

PAGES 

My  Determination  to  Press  the  Repeal  of  the  Silver  Purchasing  Clause  of 
the  "  Sherman  Act" — Reply  to  Criticisms  of  the  Philadelphia 
"  Ledger" — Announcement  of  the  Death  of  Ex-President  Hayes  — 
Tribute  to  His  Memory  —  Efforts  to  Secure  Authority  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  to  Sell  Bonds  to  Maintain  the  Resumption  of 
United  States  Notes  —  The  Senate  Finally  Recedes  from  the  Amend 
ment  in  Order  to  Save  the  Appropriation  Bill  —  Loss  of  Millions  of 
Dollars  to  the  Government  —  Cleveland  Again  Inducted  Into  Office 
—  His  Inaugural  Address  —  Efforts  to  Secure  an  Appropriation  for 
the  "  World's  Fair  "—Chicago  Raises  $1,000,000— Congress  Finally 
Decides  to  Pay  the  Exposition  $2,500,000  in  Silver  Coin  — I  Attend 
the  Dedication  of  the  Ohio  Building  at  the  Fair  —  Address  to  the 
Officers  and  Crew  of  the  Spanish  Caravels 912-918 


CHAPTER  LXI1T. 

REPEAL    OF    PART    OF    THE    "  SHERMAN    ACT "    OF    1890. 

Congress  Convened  in  Extraordinary  Session  on  August  7,  1893  —  The 
President's  Apprehension  Concerning  the  Financial  Situation  — 
Message  from  the  Executive  Shows  an  Alarming  Condition  of  the 
National  Finances  —  Attributed  to  the  Purchase  and  Coinage  of 
Silver  —  Letter  to  Joseph  H.  Walker,  a  Member  of  the  Conference 
Committee  on  the  "  Sherman  Act" — A  Bill  I  Have  Never  Regretted 
—  Brief  History  of  the  Passage  of  the  Law  of  1893  —  My  Speech  in 
the  Senate  Well  Received  —  Attacked  by  the  "  Silver  Senators" — 
General  Debate  on  the  Financial  Legislation  of  the  United  States  — 
Views  of  the  "Washington  Post"  on  My  Speech  of  October  17 — Re 
peal  Accomplished  by  the  Republicans  Supporting  a  Democratic 
Administration  —  The  Law  as  Enacted  —  Those  Who  Uphold  the 
Free  Coinage  of  Silver  —  Awkward  Position  of  the  Democratic 
Members — My  Efforts  in  Behalf  of  McKinley  in  Ohio  —  His  Election 
by  81,000  Plurality  —  Causes  of  Republican  Victories  Throughout 
the  Country 919-933 


CHAPTER  LXIV. 

PASSAGE    OF    THE    WILSON    TARIFF    BILL. 

Second  Session  of  the  53rd  Congress  —  Recommendations  of  the  President 
Concerning  a  Revision  of  the  Tariff  Laws  —  Bill  Reported  to  the 
House  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  —  Supported  by  Chair 
man  Wilson  and  Passed  —  Received  in  the  Senate  —  Report  of  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Finance  —  Passes  the  Senate  with  Radical 
Amendments  —  These  Are  Finally  Agreed  to  by  the  House  —  The 
President  Refuses  to  Approve  the  Bill  —  Becomes  a  Law  After  Ten 
Days  —  Defects  in  the  Bill  —  Not  Satisfactory  to  Either  House,  the 
President  or  the  People  —  Mistakes  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
—  No  Power  to  Sell  Bonds  or  to  Borrow  Money  to  Meet  Current 
Deficiencies  —  Insufficient  Revenue  to  Support  the  Government  — 
A  Remedy  That  Was  Not  Adopted  —  Gross  Injustice  of  Putting 
Wool  on  the  Free  List  —  McKinley  Law  Compared  with  the  Wilson 
Bill  —  Sufficient  Revenue  Furnished  by  the  Former — I  Am  Criticized 
for  Supporting  the  President  and  Secretary.  ....  .  .  934-941 


xxviii  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

CHAPTER  LXV. 

SENIORITY    OF    SERVICE    IN    THE    SENATE. 

Notified  That  My  Years  of  Service  Exceed  Those  of  Thomas  Benton  —  Cele 
bration  of  the  Sons  of  the  American  Revolution  at  the  Washington 
Monument  — My  Address  to  Those  Present  — Departure  for  the 
West  with  General  Miles— Our  Arrival  at  Woodlake,  Nebraska  — 
Neither  "  "Wood  "  nor  "Lake" —Enjoying  the  Pleasures  of  Camp 
Jfe  — Bound  for  Big  Spring,  South  Dakota  —  Return  via  Sioux 
t.  Paul  and  Minneapolis  —  Marvelous  Growth  of  the  "Twin 
-Publication  of  the  "Sherman  Letters"  by  General  Sher 
man's  Daughter  Rachel  — First  Political  Speech  of  the  Campaign 
at  Akron  — Republican  Victory  in  the  State  of  Ohio  — Return  to 
Washington  for  the  Winter  of  1894-95  — Marriage  of  Our  Adopted 
Daughter  Mary  with  James  Iver  McCallum  — A  Short  Session  of 
Congress,  Devoted  Mainly  to  Appropriations  — Conclusion.  .  942-949 


OF    THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


CHAPTER    I. 

ANCESTRY  OF  THE  SHERMAN  FAMILY. 

Family  Name  is  of  Saxon  Origin  —  "Conquer  Death  by  Virtue "— Arrival  of   Rev. 

John  Sherman  at  Boston  in  1634  — General  Sherman's  Reply  to  an  English 

Sexton  —  Career  of  Daniel  Sherman  — My  First  Visit  to  Woodbury  — 

"  Sherman's  Tannery  "—Anecdote  of  "  Uncle  Dan"  — Sketch  of 

My  Father  and  Mother— Address  to  Enlisting  Soldiers  — 

General    Reese's    Account    of    My    Father's 

Career  —  Religion  of  the  Sherman 

Family  — My  Belief. 

THE  family  name  of  Sherman  is,  no  doubt,  of  Saxon 
origin.  It  is  very  common  along  the  Rhine,  and  in 
different  parts  of  the  German  Empire.  It  is  there 
written  Shearmann  or  Schurmann.  I  found  it  in 
Frankfort  and  Berlin.  The  English  Shermans  lived  chiefly 
in  Essex  and  Suffolk  counties  near  the  east  coast,  and  in 
London.  The  name  appears  frequently  in  local  records. 
One  Sherman  was  executed  for  taking  the  unsuccessful  side 
in  a  civil  war.  It  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  the  16th  cen 
tury  that  any  of  the  name  assumed  the  arms,  crest,  and  motto 
justified  by  their  pride,  property  or  standing.  The  motto  taken, 
"  Conquer  Death  by  Virtue,"  is  a  rather  meaningless  phrase. 
It  is  modest  enough,  and  indicates  a  religious  turn  of  mind. 
Nearly  every  family  of  the  name  furnished  a  preacher.  A  few 
members  of  it  attained  the  dignity  of  knighthood.  A  greater 
number  became  landed  property-holders,  and  more  were  en 
gaged  in  trade  in  London.  Sir  Henry  Sherman  was  one  of  the 
executors  of  the  will  of  Lord  Stanley,  Earl  of  Derby,  May  23, 
1521.  William  Sherman,  Esq.,  purchased  Knightston  in  the 
time  of  Henry  VIII;  and  a  monument  to  him  is  in  Ottery  St. 
Mary,  dated  1542.  As  a  rule  the  family  belonged  to  the  middle 
class  and  were  engaged  in  active  occupation,  earning  their  own 
bread,  with  a  strong  sense  of  their  rights  and  liberties  as 
Englishmen. 

(i) 


2  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  principal  family  of  the  name  in  the  16th  century  were 
the  Shermans  of  Yaxley  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  a  full  detail 
of  which  is  given  in  Davy's  Collections  of  that  county.  Ed- 
moud  Sherman,  my  ancestor,  was  a  member  of  this  family. 
He  was  born  in  1585  and  was  married  to  Judith  Angier,  May 
26,  1611.  He  resided  in  Dedham,  Essex  county,  England,  then 
a  place  of  some  importance.  He  was  a  manufacturer  of  cloth, 
a  man  of  means  and  high  standing.  He  was  a  Puritan,  with 
all  the  faults  and  virtues  of  a  sectary.  He  resisted  ship- 
money  and  the  tax  unlawfully  imposed  on  tonnage  and 
poundage.  He  had  the  misfortune  to  live  at  the  time  when 
Charles  I:  undertook  to  dispense  with  Parliament,  and  to 
impose  unlawful  taxes  and  burdens  upon  the  people  of  Eng 
land,  and  when  the  privileges  of  the  nobility  were  enforced 
with  great  severity  by  judges  dependent  upon  the  crown. 
He.  had  three  sons,  John,  baptized  on  the  4th  of  January, 
1614;  Edmond,  baptized  June  18,  1616,  and  Samuel,  bap 
tized  July  12,  1618.  He  had  a  nephew,  known  as  "Captain 
John,"  somewhat  older  than  his  sons,  who  was  an  active  man 
in  1684. 

At  this  time  the  migration  to  Boston,  caused  chiefly  by 
the  tyranny  of  Charles  I.  was  in  active  operation.  Hume,  in 
his  history,  says: 

"The  Puritans,  restrained  in  England,  shipped  themselves  off  for 
America,  and  laid  there  the  foundations  of  a  government  which  possessed 
all  the  liberty,  both  civil  and  religious,  of  which  they  found  themselves 
bereaved  in  thrir  native  country.  But  their  enemies,  unwilling  that  they 
should  anywhere  enjoy  ease  and  contentment,  and  dreading,  perhaps,  the 
dangerous  consequences  of  so  disaffected  a  colony,  prevailed  on  the  king  to 
issue  a  proclamation,  debarring  these  devotees  access,  even  into  those  in 
hospitable  deserts.  Eight  ships,  lying  in  the  Thames,  and  ready  to  sail, 
were  detained  by  order  of  the  council;  and  in  these  were  embarked  Sir 
Arthur  Hazelrig,  John  Hampden,  John  Pym,  and  Oliver  Cromwell,  who 
had  resolved,  forever,  to  abandon  their  native  country,  and  fly  to  the  other 
extremity  of  the  globe;  where  they  might  enjoy  lectures  and  discourses,  of 
any  length  or  form,  which  pleased  them,  the  king  had  afterwards  full 
leisure  to  repent  this  exercise  of  his  authority." 

It  appears  that,  influenced  by  the  same  motives,  Edmond 
Sherman  determined  to  remove  his  family,  with  his  nephew, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  3 

"Captain  John,"  to  Boston.  In  one  statement  made  in  respect 
to  them  it  is  said  that  the  father  and  his  three  sons  and 
nephew  embarked  for  Boston,  but  this  is  doubtful.  It  is  cer 
tain,  however,  that  his  son,  Rev.  John  Sherman  and  his  son 
Samuel,  and  his  nephew  "Captain  John,"  did  go  to  Boston  in 
1634.  It  is  quite  as  certain  that  if  they  were  accompanied  by 
their  father  and  their  brother  Edmond,  that  the  two  lat 
ter  returned  again  to  Dedham  in  1636.  Edmond  Sherman, 
senior,  lived  and  died  at  Dedham.  One  of  his  descendants, 
Rev.  Henry  Beers  Sherman,  a  few  years  ago  visited  Dedham 
and  there  found  one  of  the  church  windows  of  stained  glass 
bearing  the  initials  of  Edmond  Sherman  as  having  been  his 
gift,  and  the  record  shows  that  one  of  the  buttresses  of  the 
church  was  erected  at  his  expense.  Mr.  Henry  Beers  Sher 
man  there  saw  the  pupils  of  a  free  school,  endowed  by  Ed 
mond  Sherman  and  still  in  operation,  attending  the  church  in 
procession. 

When  in  London,  in  the  summer  of  1889,  I  concluded  to 
make  a  visit  to  "the  graves  of  my  ancestors."  I  examined 
Black's  Universal  Atlas  to  locate  Dedham,  but  it  was  not  to  be 
found.  I  made  inquiries,  but  could  discover  no  one  who  knew 
anything  about  Dedham,  and  concluded  there  was  no  such 
place,  although  I  had  often  read  of  it.  I  was  compelled,  there 
fore,  to  give  up  my  visit. 

Senator  Hoar,  a  descendant,  through  his  mother,  of  Roger 
Sherman  of  Revolutionary  fame,  was  more  fortunate  or  more 
persistent  than  I,  for  he  subsequently  found  Dedham  and  veri 
fied  the  accounts  we  had  of  our  common  ancestor,  and  procured 
photographs,  copies  of  which  I  have,  of  the  monument  of  Ed 
mond  Sherman,  of  the  church  near  which  he  was  buried,  and 
of  the  handsome  school  building,  still  called  "the  Sherman  Li 
brary,"  that  he  had  left  by  his  will  for  the  youth  of  Dedham, 
with  a  sufficient  annuity  to  support  it.  Dedham  is  but  two  or 
three  miles  from  Manningtree,  a  more  modern  town  on  the 
line  of  the  railroad,  which  has  substantially  obscured  the 
ancient  and  decayed  village  of  Dedham. 

The  sexton  of  this  church  wrote  General  Sherman  soon 
after  he  had  become  distinguished  as  a  military  leader,  calling 


4  RECOLLECTIONS 

his  attention  to  the  neglected  monument  of  his  ancestor,  Ed- 
mond  Sherman,  in  the  churchyard,  and  asking  a  contribution 
for  its  repair.  The  general  sent  a  reply  to  the  effect  that,  as 
his  ancestor  in  England  had  reposed  in  peace  under  a  monu 
ment  for  more  than  two  centuries,  while  some  of  his  more 
recent  ancestors  lay  in  unmarked  graves,  he  thought  it  bet 
ter  to  contribute  to  monuments  for  them  here  and  leave 
to  his  English  cousins  the  care  of  the  monuments  of  their 
common  ancestors  in  England.  This  letter  is  highly  prized 
by  the  sexton  and  has  beon  shown  to  visitors,  among  others 
to  Senator  Hoar,  as  a  characteristic  memento  of  General 
Sherman. 

Captain  John  Sherman,  "Captain  John,"  soon  after  his 
arrival  in  Boston,  settled  in  Watertown,  Mass.,  where  he  mar 
ried  and  had  a  large  family  of  children.  Among  his  descend 
ants  was  Roger  Sherman  of  the  Revolution,  by  far  the  most 
distinguished  man  of  the  name.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to 
contribute  to  and  sign  the  three  most  important  papers  of 
American  history,  the  "Address  to  the  King,"  the  "Declaration 
of  Independence"  and  the  "Constitution  of  the  United  States." 
Among  other  descendants  of  Captain  John  Sherman  were  Hon. 
Roger  Minot  Sherman,  of  New  Haven,  a  nephew  of  Roger 
Sherman,  a  distinguished  lawyer  and  a  leading  participant  in 
the  Hartford  Convention.  William  M.  Evarts,  George  F.  Hoar 
and  Chauncey  M.  Depew  are  descendants  of  Roger  Sherman  or 
of  his  brother. 

Rev.  John  Sherman,  the  eldest  son  of  Edmond  Sherman, 
was  born  on  the  26th  of  December,  1613,  at  Dedham,  England. 
He  graduated  at  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge,  left  college  a 
Puritan  and  came  over  to  America  in  1634,  as  above  stated. 
He  preached  his  first  sermon  at  Watertown,  Massachusetts, 
under  a  tree,  soon  after  his  arrival  in  this  country.  In  a  few 
weeks  he  went  to  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  and  preached  in 
several  places,  but  finally  settled  at  Watertown,  where  he  had 
a  large  family  of  children.  His  numerous  descendants  are  well 
distributed  throughout  the  United  States,  but  most  of  them  in 
the  State  of  New  York. 

Samuel  Sherman,  the  youngest   son  of   Edmond  Sherman, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  5 

is  the  ancestor  of  the  family  to  which  I  belong.  At  the  age  of 
sixteen  years  he  came  with  his  brother,  Rev.  John  and  his 
cousin  "Captain  John,"  in  April,  1634,  in  the  ship  " Elizabeth" 
from  Ipswich,  and  arrived  in  Boston  in  June,  and  for  a  time 
settled  in  Watertown,  Massachusetts.  He  afterwards  moved 
to  Weathers  field,  Connecticut,  thence  to  Stamford  and  thence 
to  Stratford. 

The  order  of  succession  of  the  descendants  of  Samuel  Sher 
man,  the  ancestor  of  the  family  to  wThich  I  belong,  is  as 
follows: 

1.  JOHN    SHERMAN,  the    fifth  child  of  Samuel    Sherman,  was    born  at 
Stratford,    Conn.,    February    8,    1650.       He     early    moved     to    Woodbury. 
He  died  December  13,  1730. 

2.  JOHN  SHERMAN  2nd,  the  fifth  child  of  John,  was  baptized  June,  1687. 
He  married  Hachaliah  Preston,  July  22,  1714.     He  died  1727. 

3.  DANIEL    SHERMAN,  the  third  child  of  John  2nd,  was  born  August 
14,  1721,  and  died  July  2,  1799. 

4.  TAYLOR  SHERMAN,  the  sixth  child  of  Daniel,  was  born  in  1758.     He 
married  Elizabeth  Stoddard  in  1787,  and  died  in  Connecticut  May  15,  1815. 
His  wridow  died  at  Mansfield,  Ohio,  August  1,  1848. 

5.  CHARLES  ROBERT  SHERMAN,  the  eldest  child    of   Taylor,  was  born 
September  26,  1788,  married  Mary  Hoyt,  of  Norwalk,  Conn.,  May  8,  1810. 
He  died  on  the  24th  of  June,  1829.     His  widow  died  at  Mansfield,  Ohio, 
September  23,  1852.     They  had  eleven  children,  six  sons  and  five  daugh 
ters,    all    of    whom     lived     to    maturity.     I    am  the   eighth  child    of    this 
family. 

The  names  and  dates  of  the  birth  of  the  children  of  my 
parents  are  as  follows: 

CHARLES  TAYLOR  SHERMAN,       .       .       .       February  3,  1811. 

MARY  ELIZABETH  SHERMAN April  21,  1812. 

JAMES  SHERMAN, December  10,  1814. 

AMELIA  SHERMAN, February  11,  1816. 

JULIA  ANN  SHERMAN, July  24,  1818. 

WILLIAM  TECUMSEH  SHERMAN,     .        .        .   February  8,  1820. 
LAMPSON  PARKER  SHERMAN,      .       .       .      October  31,  1821. 

JOHN  SHERMAN, May  10,  1823. 

SUSAN  DENMAN  SHERMAN,  ....       October  10,  1825. 

HOYT  SHERMAN, November  1,  1827. 

FANNY  BEECHER  SHERMAN,       .       .       .       May  3,  1829. 

Mr.  Cothron  in  his  "  History  of  Ancient  Woodbury,"  after 


fl  RECOLLECTIONS 

referring  to  Samuel  Sherman,  makes  this  reference  to  his  son 
John: 

"The  fame  of  his  son  John  is  particularly  the  property  of  the  town.  He 
was  distinguished,  not  only  at  home,  but  also  in  the  colony.  He  was  Justice 
of  the  Quorum,  or  Associate  County  Judge,  for  forty-four  years  from  1684;  a 
Representative  of  the  town  for  seventeen  sessions,  and  Speaker  of  the  Lower 
House  in  May  and  October,  1711,  and  Captain  in  the  Militia,  a  high  honor 
in  those  days.  He  was  the  first  Judge  of  Probate  for  the  District  of  Wood- 
bury,  from  its  organization  in  1719,  for  nine  years.  The  District  then  com 
prised  all  of  Litchfield  county,  and  Woodbury  in  New  Haven  county.  He 
was  an  assistant,  or  member  of  the  Upper  House,  for  ten  years  from  1713." 

John  Sherman  2nd,  does  not  seem  to  have  taken  any  active 
part  in  puhlic  affairs,  and  died  before  his  father,  at  the  age  of 
forty.  His  son  Daniel,  who  lived  to  the  age  of  eighty,  covering 
the  period  of  the  Indian  wars,  the  French  Canadian  War,  and 
the  war  of  the  Revolution,  took  an  active  part  in  all  the  great 
events  of  that  period.  Mr.  Cothron  says  of  him: 

"  Judge  Daniel  Sherman  was  perhaps  the  most  distinguished  man  that 
had  arisen  in  the  town  previous  to  his  day.  He  was  a  descendant  of  Samuel 
Sherman,  of  Stratford,  Connecticut,  who  emigrated  to  this  country  from 
England,  in  company  with  his  brother,  Rev.  John  Sherman,  and  his  nephew, 
Captain  John  Sherman,  ancestor  of  Hon.  Roger  Sherman.  He  was  a  Justice 
of  the  Quorum  for  twenty-five  years,  and  Judge  of  the  Litchfield  County 
Court  five  years  from  1780.  For  sixteen  years  he  was  Probate  Clerk  for  the 
District  of  Woodbury,  and  Judge  of  that  District  thirty-seven  years.  He 
represented  his  native  town  in  the  General  Assembly  sixty-five  semi-annual 
sessions,  retaining  the  unbounded  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens.  This  was 
by  far  the  longest  period  of  time  anyone  has  ever  represented  the  town.  He 
was  a  man  of  commanding  powers  of  mind,  of  sterling  integrity,  and  every 
way  cjualified  for  the  various  public  trusts  confided  to  his  care.  He  died  at 
a  good  old  age,  full  of  honor,  and  was  followed  by  the  affectionate  recollec 
tions  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  among  whom  he  had  so  long  lived." 

No  portion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  took  a  more 
decisive  part  in  the  Revolutionary  contest  of  1775  than  those 
of  Connecticut.  The  people  of  Woodbury  caught  the  prevail 
ing  spirit,  and,  as  early  as  September  20,  1774,  had  a  public 
meeting  and  made  patriotic  resolves,  and  entered  into  associa 
tions  for  defense.  Daniel  Sherman,  then  fifty-four  years  old, 
presided  at  this  meeting  and  was  appointed  president  of  the 
as.snciation  of  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN,  7 

He  was  a  member  of  the  "Committee  of  Inspection"  of 
thirty,  appointed  at  the  beginning  of  the  war.  On  the  12th  of 
April,  1784,  they  resolved  as  follows: 

"  Voted,  that  those  persons  who  joined  the  enemies  of  the  United  States 
in  the  course  of  the  late  Civil  war  of  what  description  soever  are  clenyed  a 
residence  in  this  Town  from  this  date  until  the  Genii  Assembly  shall  grant 
them  full  liberty  for  that  purpose." 

At  a  meeting  held  on  the  3rd  of  April,  1777,  at  which  Daniel 
Sherman  was  the  Moderator,  it  was: 

"  Voated  that  Each  Able  Bodied  Effective  man,  who  hath  or  shall 
voluntarily  Inlist  into  the  Continental  Army  in  such  way  and  manner 
toward  makeing  the  Quota  of  this  town  for  the  space  of  Three  years,  or 
during  the  war  shall  be  Intitled  to  Receive  out  of  the  publick  Treasury  of 
the  Town  the  sum  of  Twenty  Shillings  Lawful  money,  as  an  addition  to 
Each  month's  Wages  he  shall  continue  in  the  service,  to  be  paid  to  him,  or 
to  his  order,  at  the  End  of  Each  six  month's  service." 

It  was  shown  that  during  the  war  Daniel  Sherman  contrib 
uted  provisions  to  soldier's  families  to  the  value  of  2,718 
pounds,  7  shillings  and  8  pence. 

Taylor  Sherman,  my  grandfather,  the  son  of  Judge  Danie' 
Sherman,  was  born  in  1758.  He  was  married  in  1787  to 
Elizabeth  Stoddard  and  removed  to  Norwalk,  Connecticut, 
where  he  lived  during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  He  died  on 
the  15th  of  May,  1815. 

My  grandmother  was  born  at  Woodbury,  Connecticut,  on 
the  14th  of  June,  1767.  She  lived  to  a  good  old  age  and  died 
at  Mansfield,  Ohio,  on  the  1st  of  August,  1848.  She  was  a 
remarkable  woman  in  many  respects,  a  Puritan  of  the  strictest 
faith,  of  large  mold,  being  nearly  six  feet  tall,  and  well  pro 
portioned.  She  was  a  granddaughter  of  Rev.  Anthony  Stod 
dard,  a  man  whose  history  strikingly  presents  the  peculiar 
characteristics  of  life  in  Connecticut  during  the  18th  century. 

Mr.  Stoddard  served  his  congregation  for  sixty  years,  and 
died  September  7,  1760,  in  his  eighty-third  year,  and  the  sixty- 
first  of  his  ministry.  Mr.  Cothron,  in  1872,  says  of  him: 

"  He  was  at  the  same  time,  minister,  lawyer  and  physician.  Like  many 
of  the  early  ministers  of  the  colony,  he  prepared  himself  for  the  practice  of 
physic,  that  he  might  administer  to  the  wants  of  the  body,  as  well  as  those 
of  the  mind.  In  this  capacity  he  was  often  called.  The  only  person  the 
author  has  found  who  ever  saw  him,  was  Deacon  Amos  Squire,  of  Roxbury, 


8  RECOLLECTIONS 

who  died  two  or  throe  years  ago,  aged  ninety-nine,  and  who  recollected  hav- 
incr  seen  him  when  a  hid  about  eight  years  of  age,  while  on  a  visit  m  this 
rapacity  to  his  father,  who  had  received  a  severe  wound  from  an  ax.  He 
had  als"o  done  what  other  ministers  did  not,  and  that  was  to  perfect  himself 
in  legal  knowledge." 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  pastor  of  a  church  in  those 
days  was  in  quite  a  different  position  than  now,  when  the 
constitution  guarantees  to  every  one  liberty  to  worship  God 
according  to  the  dictates  of  his  conscience.  The  Congrega 
tional  mode  of  worship  was  then  adopted  and  established  by 
law  in  Connecticut,  but  it  was  provided  that  all  sober  orthodox 
persons  dissenting  therefrom  should,  on  representing  it  to  the 
General  Court,  be  allowed  to  worship  in  their  own  way.  Such 
a  privilege,  however,  was  regarded  with  distrust.  Our  fathers, 
who  desired  religious  freedom  and  periled  all  for  it  in  the 
wilderness,  had  not  anticipated  that  they  would  speedily  have 
an  opportunity  to  extend  that  toleration  to  others  which  in 
the  fatherland  they  had  in  vain  sought  for  themselves.  The 
town  church  was,  therefore,  in  substance,  the  only  church,  and 
the  preacher  was  the  autocrat  of  the  place. 

Mr.  Stoddard  was  not  only  preacher,  lawyer  and  doctor,  but 
he  was  also  a  fighter.  In  1707  an  expedition  was  made  by  the 
French  and  Indians  against  New  England,  which  created  gen 
eral  alarm  throughout  the  country.  Woodbury  was  exposed 
to  the  raids  made  by  the  Indians,  and  suspicions  were  enter 
tained  that  the  neighboring  tribes  would  join  the  French  and 
Indians  in  their  foray.  During  the  continuance  of  this  war, 
on  one  Sabbath  evening,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  services 
at  church,  while  he  was  walking  in  his  garden,  he  discovered 
an  Indian  skulking  among  the  surrounding  trees  and  bushes. 
Apparently  without  noticing  the  movements  of  the  Indian,  he 
contrived  to  re-enter  his  house,  and  obtained  his  gun.  After 
playing  the  same  game  of  skulking  with  his  adversary  for  a 
while,  Mr.  Stoddard  got  a  fair  view  of  him,  discharged  his 
piece,  and  the  Indian  fell  among  the  bushes.  He  dared  not 
investigate  farther  that  night,  but  having  quietly  given  the 
alarm,  the  inhabitants  sought  their  palisaded  houses  for  the 
night.  Early  in  the  morning  he  discovered  another  red  foe,  in 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  <) 

the  vicinity  of  his  companion,  and  whom  he  also  laid  low  with 
his  musket.  By  this  time  the  people  had  assembled,  and  after 
the  country  was  scoured  in  all  directions  for  several  hours,  and 
no  other  savages  were  found,  the  alarm  subsided. 

Before  leaving  my  Woodbury  ancestors,  who  resided  there 
nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  I  wish  to  relate  my  first 
visit  to  Woodbury.  I  was  at  West  Point,  as  one  of  the  Board 
of  Visitors,  one  Saturday  in  June,  1873,  when  I  concluded  to 
respond  to  an  invitation  I  had  received,  and  go  to  Woodbury 
and  spend  the  Sabbath  there.  I  did  so  arid  found,  as  I  had 
anticipated,  beautiful  valleys  with  picturesque  hills,  a  rural  air 
and  a  quiet,  peaceful,  Sunday  outlook.  I  knew  no  one  except 
Hon.  William  Cothren,  and  him  only  by  correspondence.  I 
believe  he  was  superintendent  of  the  Sunday  school ;  but,  at 
all  events,  upon  my  presenting  myself,  and  stating  my  desire 
to  explore  Woodbury,  he  kindly  consented,  and  went  with  me. 
I  located  many  of  the  most  interesting  objects  in  the  town. 
The  large,  well-built  stone  house  of  Daniel  Sherman  was  still 
standing,  made  after  the  usual  pattern,  two  stories  high  with  a 
lean-to  roof  in  the  rear,  and  with  low  ceilings.  He  had  lived 
there  during  most  of  his  active  life,  and  had  entertained  Wash 
ington  and  Lafayette,  when  they  at  different  times  visited  the 
French  vessels  at  Newport.  The  fortified  house  of  Rev.  Anthony 
Stoddard  was  in  a  good  state  of  preservation,  with  its  project 
ing  eaves  and  loop  holes  for  defense.  We  visited  the  old  church 
and  graveyard,  and  drove  southward  to  what  were  called  the 
" Sherman  settlements."  Evidently  the  comparatively  few 
families  in  Woodbury  were  in  a  state  of  comfort  as  they  were 
found  to  be  living  in  good  houses  and  drawing,  no  doubt,  an 
income  from  investments  in  the  great  and  growing  West. 

On  that  quiet  Sabbath  day  the  village  of  Woodbury  recalled 
to  me  Mr.  John  H.  Bryant's  description  of  his  native  village : 

"There  lies  a  village  in  a  peaceful  vale, 

With  sloping  hills  and  waving  woods  around, 

Fenced  from  the  blasts.     There  never  ruder  gale 
Bows  the  tall  grass  that  covers  all  the  ground; 

And  planted  shrubs  are  there,  and  cherish'd  flowers, 
And  a  bright  verdure  born  of  gentle  showers." 


10 


RECOLLECTIONS 


Subsequently  I  again  visited  Woodbury  with  General  Sher 
man.  Mr.  Cothren  was  still  there  and  was  very  kind  to  us.  It 
seemed  to  me  that  the  old  place  had  run  down  a  little,  that  the 
walks  were  not  so  clean,  the  grass  was  not  as  fresh  in  the  fields, 
and  evidently  the  graveyards  had  lost  some  of  their  monu 
ments,  but  a  prominent  one  had  been  erected  in  the  churchyard 
to  Rev.  Anthony  Stoddard,  to  which  General  Sherman  had  con 
tributed.  We  heard  of  no  one  of  our  name  in  Woodbury,  but 
when  General  Sherman  saw  an  old  sign,  "Sherman's  Tannery," 
he  said  that  he  believed  he  had  at  last  found  some  tangible 
evidence  of  the  residence  of  our  fathers  in  Woodbury  ;  that 
Sherman  had  been  a  good  honest  tanner  no  doubt,  and  that 
was  the  most  that  could  be  said  of  anyone. 

As  I  have  said,  my  grandfather,  Taylor  Sherman,  and  his  wife, 
Elizabeth  Stoddard,  moved  from  Woodbury  to  Norwalk,  where 
he  practiced  his  profession  as  a  lawyer.  He  attained  a  good 
position  as  such,  and  for  many  years  he  was  a  Judge  of  Probate. 
He  became  early  associated  with  the  proprietors  of  the  half 
million  acres  of  land  lying  in  the  western  part  of  the  Western 
Reserve  in  Ohio,  called  "  Sufferers'  Land." 

In  the  period  immediately  before  and  after  the  adoption  of 
the  constitution  several  of  the  states  laid  claim  to  western 
lands,  founded  upon  grants  by  James  I,  the  chief  of  which 
were  the  claims  of  Virginia  to  the  region  north  and  west  of  the 
Ohio  River,  and  the  claim  of  Connecticut  to  all  the  land  lying 
west  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  South  Seas  and  north  of  the  41st 
parallel  of  latitude.  These  claims  were  finally  compromised 
by  Congress  granting  to  Virginia  all  the  land  lying  between  the 
Scioto  and  the  Miami  Rivers  in  Ohio,  and  to  Connecticut  the  land 
in  Ohio  north  of  the  41st  parallel,  extending  westward  of  Penn 
sylvania  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles. 

During  the  Revolutionary  War  the  coasts  of  Connecticut  had 
been  subjected  to  several  raids  by  the  British  and  Tories,  and 
several  towns,  including  Norwalk,  Greenwich,  Fairfield,  Dan- 
bury,  New  Haven  and  New  London,  had  been  burned.  Indem 
nity  had  been  proposed,  but  the  state  was  in  no  condition  to 
pay  such  losses. 

In  the  year  1800,  the  State  of  Connecticut  granted  to  her 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  H 

citizens,  who  were  sufferers  by  fire  during  the  Revolutionary 
War,  a  half  million  acres  of  land,  lying  within  the  State  of 
Ohio,  which  was  to  be  taken  off  the  west  part  of  what  was 
called  the  "Western  Connecticut  Reserve,"  now  embraced  in 
the  counties  of  Huron  and  Erie.  By  an  act  of  the  legislature 
of  the  State  of  Ohio,  passed  in  1803,  the  sufferers  were  incor 
porated  under  the  name  of  "  The  proprietors  of  the  half  million 
acres  of  land,  lying  south  of  Lake  Erie,  called  '  Sufferers'  Land.' " 
The  affairs  of  this  company,  by  that  act,  were  to  be  managed 
by  a  Board  of  Directors  which,  among  other  things,  was  author 
ized  to  locate  and  survey  said  half  million  acres  of  land,  and 
partition  it  among  the  different  claimants. 

On  the  first  day  of  November,  1805,  Taylor  Sherman  was 
appointed  by  the  Board  of  Directors  an  agent  to  survey  the 
above  tract  of  land,  and,  on  the  16th  day  of  December,  of  the 
same  year,  he  entered  into  a  contract  with  John  McLane  and 
James  Clarke,  Jr.,  to  survey,  or  have  surveyed,  said  tract. 
Taylor  Sherman  visited  the  fire  lands,  and  fully  performed  the 
duty  imposed  upon  him.  He  also  purchased  a  considerable 
tract  of  this  land  in  Sherman  township,  Huron  county,  which 
was  the  foundation  of  the  little  fortune  which  he  left  to  his 
widow  and  children. 

The  whole  of  the  Western  Reserve,  especially  the  western 
part  of  it,  was  at  that  time  in  the  possession  of  the  Indians, 
who  soon  afterwards  engaged  in  open  warfare  with  the  white 
settlers.  Surveys,  especially  along  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie, 
were  extremely  difficult,  owing  to  extensive  bayous  and  swamps, 
but  the  surveys  were  made  where  practicable,  and  where  lines 
could  not  be  run,  straight  lines  were  drawn  on  the  map,  and 
the  contents  estimated.  This  gave  rise  to  long  litigation,  one 
case  being  reported  in  the  13th  volume  of  Ohio  Supreme  Court 
Reports. 

The  gift  of  Connecticut  to  the  sufferers  was  a  wise  and  lib 
eral  one,  and  after  the  War  of  1812  it  led  to  the  migration  to  the 
counties  of  Huron  and  Erie  of  a  great  number  of  persons  from 
the  towns  of  Norwalk,  Greenwich,  Danbury,  New  Haven  and 
New  London.  The  losses  of  the  sufferers  in  these  different  towns 
had  been  carefully  examined  and  stated,  and  the  sufferers  were 


12  RECOLLECTIONS 

allowed  land  in  proportion  to  their  losses.  The  formidable  list 
of  these  sufferers  is  a  striking  proof  of  the  savage  and  destruc 
tive  manner  in  which  the  Revolutionary  War  was  conducted  by 
the  British  troops.  The  whole  Western  Reserve  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  IDth  century  was  a  wilderness,  with  not  a  single 
white  inhabitant.  The  census  of  1820,  however,  showed  that  it 
then  contained  a  population  of  58,608,  while  that  of  1890  showed 
a  population  of  678,561.  Of  these  a  larger  number  and  propor 
tion  were  descendants  of  Connecticut  parents  than  are  now 
inhabitants  of  that  state.  The  industries,  commerce,  wealth 
and  intelligence  of  this  region  are  not  excelled  by  any  com 
munity  of  the  same  size  anywhere  else  in  the  country. 

As  an  illustration  of  the  condition  of  this  region  in  1812,  it 
may  be  worth  while  to  here  record  a  truthful  anecdote  of  Daniel 
Sherman,  the  son  of  Taylor  Sherman,  and  whom  we  knew  as 
44  Uncle  Dan."  In  the  spring  of  1812,  when  twenty-two  years 
of  age,  he  was  sent  by  his  father  to  make  improvements  on  his 
land  in  Huron  county,  by  building  a  log  cabin  and  opening  a 
clearing.  He  had  with  him  a  hired  man  of  the  name  of  John 
Chapman,  who  was  sent  to  Milan,  twelve  miles  away,  to  get  a 
grist  of  corn  ground,  it  being  the  nearest  and  only  mill  in  the 
county.  Either  on  the  way  there,  or  while  returning,  Chapman 
was  killed  by  the  Indians.  Undo  Dan  did  not  hear  of  this  until 
the  next  day,  when,  with  a  knapsack  on  his  back,  he  started  for 
Mansfield,  forty  miles  away.  For  thirty  miles  there  was  dense 
and  unbroken  forest  without  a  settler.  He  arrived  at  a  block 
house,  six  miles  from  Mansfield,  but  concluded  that  was  not 
strong  enough  to  protect  him.  He  then  went  to  Mansfield, 
where  they  had  a  better  blockhouse,  but  he  heard  so  many 
stories  of  Indians  that  he  did  not  feel  safe  there,  and  walked 
thence  to  his  brother's  house  in  Lancaster,  about  seventy-five 
miles  away,  through  an  almost  continuous  forest. 

In  November,  1818,  Taylor  Sherman  was  appointed,  by  Presi 
dent  Madison,  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue  for  the  Second 
District  of  Connecticut.  He  enjoyed  the  office  but  a  short  time 
and  died,  as  already  stated,  on  the  15th  day  of  May,  1815. 

A  sketch  of  my  father  and  mother  will  throw  some  light 
upon  the  lives  of  their  children,  but  it  is  a  delicate  task  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  13 

write  of  one's  parents.  As  I  was  but  six  years  old  when  my 
father  died  I  have  only  a  dim  recollection  of  him,  but  materials 
for  an  interesting  sketch  of  his  brief  but  active  career  are 
abundant.  I  know  of  no  citizen  of  Ohio  of  whom  more  anec 
dotes  have  been  told,  or  whose  general  and  social  life  has  been 
more  highly  appreciated,  or  whose  popularity  has  been  more 
marked,  than  that  of  my  father.  During  the  early  years  of  my 
life  at  the  bar  I  met  many  of  .the  older  lawyers,  contemporary 
with  my  father,  and  they  all  spoke  of  him  in  the  highest  praise, 
and  generally  had  some  incident  to  tell  of  him  that  happened 
in  the  days  of  the  "Stirrup  Court." 

Charles  Robert  Sherman,  my  father,  was  born  in  Norwalk, 
Connecticut,  September  26, 1788,  the  eldest  son  of  Judge  Taylor 
Sherman  and  Elizabeth  Stoddard.  He  received  the  best  educa 
tional  advantages  of  his  day,  and,  when  fully  prepared,  com 
menced  the  study  of  law  in  the  associated  offices  of  his  father  and 
the  Hon.  Judge  Chapman.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1810, 
and  on  May  8,  of  that  year,  married  Mary  Hoyt,  also  of  Norwalk, 
who  had  grown  up  with  him  from  childhood.  In  the  same  sum 
mer  he  went  to  Ohio  to  locate  a  home.  He  could  not  go  into 
the  northern  part  where  his  father's  land  lay,  as  it  was  then 
roamed  over  by  hostile  Indians,  but  followed  the  usual  route  to 
Ohio  by  Pittsburg  and  Wheeling  to  Zanesville.  He  located  at 
Lancaster,  but  returned  to  Norwalk,  Connecticut,  in  the  fall  of 
1810.  In  1811  he  returned  to  Lancaster,  accompanied  by  his 
wife.  Ohio  was  then  a  frontier  state,  and  in  large  portions  of 
its  territory  an  unbroken  wilderness.  The  way  to  it  from  their 
New  England  home  was  far  and  weary,  beset  with  many  hard 
ships  and  exposed  to  great  dangers.  My  father  and  mother 
were  obliged  to  journey  the  greater  part  of  this  distance  on 
horseback,  alternately  carrying  their  infant  child  upon  a  pillow 
before  them.  I  only  advert  to  these  incidents  as  they  illustrate 
the  self-reliant  character  of  the  man,  and  the  brave,  confiding 
trust  of  his  wife.  The  little  boy  they  carried  upon  the  pillow, 
then  their  only  son,  was  Charles  Taylor  Sherman. 

Soon  after  their  arrival  in  Lancaster  my  father  took  a  lead 
ing  part  in  the  measures  of  defense  against  the  British  and  the 
Indians.  I  find  in  an  old  and  weather-beaten  newspaper  of 


14  RECOLLECTIONS 

Lancaster,  Ohio,  called  the  "  Independent  Press,"  that  on  the 
Kith  of  April,  1812,  at  a  meeting  of  the  first  regiment  of  the 
first  brigade  of  the  third  division  of  the  militia  of  Ohio,  assem 
bled  at  Lancaster  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  company  of  vol 
unteers  to  march  immediately  to  Detroit,  my  father,  then  major 
of  that  regiment,  made  a  very  effective  address  to  the  regiment, 
the  result  of  which  was  the  voluntary  enlistment  of  the  com 
pany  required  from  Fairh'eld  county. 

I  presume  the  soldiers  enlisted  at  Lancaster  were  a  part  of 
the  army  infamously  surrendered  by  General  Hull  on  the  16th 
of  August,  1812.  This  event  opened  up  the  whole  of  the  then 
western  states  and  territories  to  the  inroads  of  the  British  and 
Indians,  but  was  brilliantly  compensated  by  the  splendid  vic 
tory  of  Commodore  Perry  at  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie,  on  the 
10th  of  September,  1813,  in  which  he  destroyed  the  British  fleet 
and  announced  his  victory  in  the  stirring  words,  "  We  have 
met  the  enemy,  and  they  are  ours!"  This  was  followed  by  the 
complete  triumph  of  General  Harrison  in  the  battle  of  the 
Thames,  October  5,  1813,  in  which  Tecumseh  was  killed,  and 
the  power  of  the  British  and  Indians  in  that  portion  of  the 
field  of  operations  practically  destroyed. 

My  father  was  appointed  by  Mr.  Madison,  on  the  9th  of 
November,  1813,  as  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue  for  the  Third 
District  of  Ohio.  He  was  then  engaged  in  the  active  practice 
of  his  profession.  He  was  required  to  employ  deputies  in  each 
of  the  counties  of  Fail-field,  Pickaway,  Madison,  Franklin, 
Delaware,  and  Knox  to  collect  internal  revenue  taxes,  when 
assessed.  He  took  great  care  in  the  selection  of  his  deputies, 
and  in  all  cases  required  bonds,  with  security,  from  each 
deputy.  At  this  period  the  only  money  in  Ohio  was  local  bank 
paper  money.  No  silver  or  gold  coins  could  be  had,  and  the 
purchasing  power  of  notes  varied  with  the  success  or  defeat  of 
our  armies  in  the  field.  Internal  taxes  were  imposed  on  dis 
tilled  spirits,  on  the  retailing  of  spirits,  on  salt,  sugar,  carriages, 
sales  at  auction,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  per  cent,  on  bank  notes,  on 
all  notes  discounted  by  a  bank,  and  on  inland  bills  of  exchange. 

It  is  clearly  shown  by  the  papers  on  file  in  the  treasury 
department  that  Mr.  Sherman  exercised  the  utmost  care  in  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  15 

collection  of  these  taxes  through  his  deputies.  No  difficulty 
seems  to  have  occurred  until  July,  1817,  when  the  government, 
without  previous  notice,  refused  to  take  the  paper  then  in  cir 
culation  in  Ohio,  but  demanded  notes  of  the  bank  of  the  United 
States,  or  its  branches,  one  of  which  was  located  at  Chillicothe. 
This  left  upon  the  hands  of  his  deputies  a  large  amount  of 
money  that  soon  became  utterly  worthless.  The  system  of 
local  banking  failed  and  the  loss  fell  upon  the  holders  of  notes, 
and,  largely,  upon  the  collectors  of  internal  revenue  and  their 
deputies.  Among  my  father's  deputies  the  principal  one  seems 
to  have  been  Peter  Apple,  of  Pickaway  county,  who  at  the  time 
of  his  appointment  held  a  county  office,  was  postmaster,  and  a 
justice  of  the  peace.  He  was  a  leading  man,  of  high  character 
and  standing,  and  supposed  to  be  of  considerable  wealth.  In 
1817  he  became  embarrassed  and  insolvent,  and  was  removed 
from  his  position  as  deputy.  His  bonds  proved  worthless,  and 
the  whole  loss  and  liability  fell  upon  my  father. 

In  like  circumstances,  under  the  existing  law,  Congress  has, 
in  all  cases  where  due  diligence  on  the  part  of  the  collector 
has  been  proven,  relieved  the  collector.  My  father  declined  to 
make  any  appeal  for  such  relief,  but  applied  the  proceeds  of  all 
his  property,  and  a  large  part  of  his  earnings,  to  make  good,  as 
far  as  he  could,  the  defalcations  of  his  deputies.  This  loss  was 
a  great  embarrassment  for  him  and  his  family  during  his  life. 
It  did  not  affect  his  standing,  either  at  home  or  with  the  gov 
ernment,  but  it  deprived  him  of  many  comforts,  and  his  family 
of  advantages  and  opportunities  for  education  which  they 
otherwise  would  have  had. 

Under  the  old  constitution  of  Ohio  prior  to  1850,  the  Su 
preme  Court  was  composed  of  four  judges.  They  met  at 
Columbus  in  the  winter  to  hold  the  court  of  last  resort,  but  at 
other  seasons  they  divided  into  circuit  courts  composed  of  two 
judges,  and  went  from  county  to  county  attended  by  a  bevy  of 
the  leading  lawyers  of  the  state,  all  mounted  on  horseback  and 
always  ready  for  fun  or  frolic.  I  gladly  acknowledge  that  I 
have  received  many  a  kindness  and  much  aid  in  business  as 
well  as  political  and  social  life,  from  the  kindly  memory  of  my 
father.  I  shrink  from  writing  of  his  personal  traits  and  genial 


If) 


RECOLLECTIONS 


nature,  but  insert,  instead,  brief  extracts  from  a  sketch  of  him 
written  in  1872,  as  a  part  of  a  local  history  of  Fairfield  county, 
Ohio,  by  General  William  J.  Reese,  who  knew  him  intimately. 
General  Reese  says: 

"Established  permanently  at  Lancaster  in  the  prosecution  of  his  profes 
sion,  the  subject  of  this  sketch  rapidly  rose  to  eminence  as  a  polished  and 
eloquent  advocate,  and  as  a  judicious,  reliable  counsellor  at  law — indeed,  in 
the  elements  of  mind  necessary  to  build  up  and  sustain  such  a  reputation, 
few  men  were  his  equals,  and  fewer  still  his  superiors,  in  the  State  of  Ohio 
or  out  of  it.  But  it  was  not  only  in  the  higher  region  of  legal  attainments 
that  he  gained  superiority;  his  mind  was  enriched  with  choice  classic  culti 
vation  also. 

-x-  -x-  ******* 

•'  During  the  pioneer  years  of  Ohio  its  lawyers  were  obliged  to  perform 
extensive  circuits  to  practice  their  profession;  they  were  accustomed  to 
accompany  the  courts  from  county  to  county,  and  in  this  way  to  traverse  an 
extent  of  country  which,  being  uncalled  for  at  present,  would  appear  fabu 
lous  in  statement  and  difficult  to  realize. 

"  Those  early  days  also  commemorated  the  warmest  personal  friendships 
in  the  profession,  and,  indeed,  this  could  hardly  have  been  otherwise,  as  they 
compelled  its  members  into  the  closest  habitual  companionship.  They  rode 
together  in  the  same  primitive  style,  their  saddle-bags  stuffed  with  papers, 
documents,  briefs,  law-books,  clothing,  and,  peradventure,  some  creature 
delectation  also.  They  were  exposed  in  common  to  the  same  inclemencies 
and  impediments  of  travel,  they  lodged  together  at  the  same  inns  or  taverns, 
messed  at  the  same  table,  slept  in  the  same  rooms,  and  were  not  unfrequently 
coerced  by  twos  into  the  same  bed.  Free,  jovial,  genial,  manly,  and  happy 
times  they  were,  when,  after  a  hard-fought  field-day  of  professional  antago 
nisms  in  court,  the  evening  hours  were  crowned  with  social  amenities,  and 
winged  with  wit  and  merriment,  with  pathos,  sentiment  and  song. 

******** 

"At  these  symposiums  of  recreation,  and  they  were  held  whenever  the 
courts  used  to  meet,  Charles  It.  Sherman  was  always  the  most  welcome  of 
companions,  and  contributed  his  full  share  even  to  the  ambrosial  feasts, 

*  When  all  such  clustering  portions  had 
As  made  their  frolic  wild,  not  mad.' 

Thus  endowed  and  so  associated,  he  became  a  leading  and  a  popular 
people's  lawyer,  from  the  Ohio  River  to  our  northern  lake. 

"  His  written  opinions,  published   in  '  Hammond's   Reports  of  the  Su 
preme  Court,'  demonstrate  a  mind  of  the  choicest  legal  capabilities.     They 
(5  clear,  compact,  yet  comprehensive,  intuitive,  logical,  complete  and  con 
clusive,  and  are  respected  by  the  bar  and  courts  in  this  and  other  states  as 
judicial  <tirt,i  of  the  highest  authority.     He  won  upon  the  bench,  as  he  did 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  17 

at  the  bar,  the  affection  and  confidence  of  his  associates.  They  esteemed 
him  for  his  gentle  and  genial  nature,  for  the  brilliant  flashes  of  his  mind  and 
the  solid  strength  of  his  judgment;  above  all,  for  the  stainless  integrity  of 
his  character,  as  a  judge  arid  as  a  man. 

"  Under  the  provisions  of  our  old  constitution,  the  Supreme  Court  was 
required  to  hold  an  annual  term  or  sitting  in  each  county  of  the  state,  two 
of  the  judges  officiating.  In  every  court-room  in  Ohio  where  Judge  Sher 
man  presided  he  made  friends.  His  official  robes  were  worn  by  him  as  the 
customary  habiliments  of  the  man.  He  was  never  distant,  haughty,  morose, 
austere,  or  overbearing  on  the  bench.  It  was  not  in  his  nature  to  be  so  any 
where,  and  it  was  therefore  always  a  personal  pleasure  to  practice  in  his 
courts.  The  younger  members  of  the  profession  idolized  him  in  every  part 
of  the  state;  for  them  arid  their  early  efforts  lie  systematically  sympathized, 
and  he  uniformly  bestowed  upon  them  the  most  gracious  compliment  that 
any  judge  upon  the  bench  can  render  to  the  oldest  practitioner  at  the  bar — 
he  gave  them  his  interested  and  undivided  attention. 

"  He  had  entered  upon  the  sixth  year  of  his  official  term,  was  in  his 
manly  meridian  of  life,  in  the  full  fruition  of  his  matured  intellectual  powers, 
in  the  plenitude  of  his  public  usefulness,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  apparent 
robust  physical  health,  out  upon  his  circuit,  and  about  to  hold  a  session  of 
the  Supreme  Court  at  Lebanon,  in  Warren  county,  when  suddenly,  without 
any  premonition,  he  was  struck  down  with  a  fatal  malady,  that  was  fright 
fully  rapid  in  its  termination.  The  best  medical  aid  wTas  summoned  from 
Cincinnati;  it  was  vain.  An  express  messenger  was  hurried  to  Lancaster  for 
Mrs.  Sherman,  but  before  she  reached  him  her  lamented  husband  wras  dead. 

"  He  died  in  Lebanon,  June  24,  1829,  in  the  41st  year  of  his  age. 

•x-  -x-  #  #  #  #  #  *  * 

"  This  fragmentary  sketch  would  be  more  incomplete  did  I  not  mention 
that  Judge  Sherman  was  a  zealous  and  prominent  member  of  the  Masonic 
fraternity,  arid  that  he  filled  its  highest  offices  of  honor  in  the  several  r^and 
bodies  of  Ohio." 

General  Reese,  the  author  of  this  sketch,  was  born  in  Phila 
delphia,  Pa.,  on  the  5th  of  August,  1804.  He  was  a  graduate  of 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  studied  law  and  was  admitted 
to  practice  in  Philadelphia.  He  then  came  to  Ohio  and  was  ad 
mitted  to  the  bar  in  Cincinnati  and  soon  after  settled  in  Lan 
caster.  In  1829,  soon  after  the  death  of  my  father,  he  married 
my  eldest  sister,  Mary  Elizabeth.  He  did  not  long  pursue  his 
profession  but  became  a  merchant.  He  was  prominent  as  a 
member  of  the  board  of  public  works.  In  old  militia  times  he 
was  in  command  of  the  forces  of  the  state  as  its  only  major- 
general.  He  was  grand  master  of  the  Grand  Lodge  of  Masons 

S.— 2 


is 


RECOLLECTIONS 


in  Ohio  for  a  series  of  years,  and  at  the  same  time  held  high 
rank  in  the  Grand  Lodge  of  the  United  States.  He  was  a 
handsome  and  accomplished  gentleman,  of  pleasing  manners, 
and  liheral  to  a  fault.  He  died  on  the  17th  of  December,  1883, 
at  Lancaster,  in  his  eightieth  year. 

Of  my  mother  I  can  scarcely  write  without  emotion,  though 
she  died  more  than  forty  years  ago.  Her  maiden  name  was 
Mary  lloyt.  She  was  a  member  of  a  family,  mostly  merchants 
and  sailors,  who  had  lived  in  Norwalk,  Connecticut,  since  its 
first  settlement.  At  the  period  of  the  American  Revolution 
the  Hoyt  family,  composed  of  several  brothers,  was  divided  in 
their  allegiance,  some  as  Tories,  some  as  Whigs.  My  mother's 
grandfather  was  a  Whig.  It  is  a  tradition  in  the  family  that 
one  of  the  Tory  brothers  pointed  out  the  house  of  his  brother, 
at  the  capture  of  Norwalk  by  the  British  and  Tories,  as  the 
nest  of  a  rebel,  and  it  was  burned  to  the  ground.  In  this  it 
shared  the  fate  of  the  greater  part  of  the  town.  The  Tories  of 
the  family  went  to  St.  Johns,  but  years  after  the  war  was 
over  they  and  their  descendants  returned  to  Connecticut  and 
New  York,  and  many  of  them  became  prominent  and  re 
spected  citizens.  Isaac  Hoyt,  my  grandfather,  was  a  promi 
nent  citizen  of  Norwalk,  possessing  considerable  wealth  for 
those  days. 

My  mother  was  carefully  educated  at  the  then  famous 
female  seminary  at  Poughkeepsie,  New  York.  I  remember  the 
many  embroidered  pictures,  made  with  the  needle  and  silk 
thread  by  the  handicraft  of  my  mother,  as  a  schoolgirl,  care 
fully  framed,  that  decorated  the  old  house  in  Lancaster.  The 
women  of  that  day  were  trained  more  for  the  culture  and 
ornament  of  the  house,  more  to  knit  stockings  and  weave  home 
spun  than  to  make  speeches  on  woman's  rights.  Soon  after 
her  graduation  she  married  Charles  Robert  Sherman,  as  before 
stated,  and  their  lives  were  blended.  She  sometimes  rode  with 
him  when  on  the  circuit,  and  always  on  horseback.  It  was  an 
adage  in  the  family,  even  to  her  grandchildren,  that  she  was 
always  ready  for  a  visit.  I  never  knew  her  to  scold,  much  less 
to  strike,  her  children.  She  was  our  sure  refuge  against  grand 
mother,  between  whom  and  my  mother  there  was,  however, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  19 

the  warmest  affection.  When  Aunt  Elizabeth  married  Mr. 
Parker,  grandmother  followed  her  daughter  to  their  home  in 
Mansfield. 

When  my  mother,  by  the  death  of  her  husband,  was  left  a 
widow  with  eleven  children  and  spare  means  of  support,  she 
received  the  sympathy  of  all  her  neighbors  and  the  kindly 
encouragement  of  everyone  in  Lancaster.  As  her  children 
scattered  her  resources  increased,  so  that  after  one  year  of 
widowhood  she  was  quite  independent.  Like  Goldsmith's  Vicar 
of  Wakefield  she  was  " passing  rich"  on  four  hundred  dollars  a 
year.  Soon  the  houses  of  her  children  were  open  to  her,  but 
she  clung  to  Lancaster  until  all  her  children  had  taken  flight, 
when,  in  the  summer  of  1844,  she  accepted  the  invitation  of 
her  sons  to  make  her  home  in  Mansfield  and  removed  there. 
She  had  there  her  house  and  home.  Her  two  youngest  daugh 
ters,  and  the  writer  of  this,  were  her  family,  but  in  a  very  brief 
period  all  around  her  wrere  married.  She  still  continued  to 
occupy  her  home,  and  always  with  some  of  her  numerous 
grandchildren  as  her  guests.  She  often  visited  her  children, 
and  her  coming  was  always  regarded  by  them  as  a  favor  con 
ferred  by  her.  And  so  her  tranquil  life  flowed  on  until  1852, 
wiien  she  attended  the  state  fair  at  Cleveland  and  contracted  a 
bad  cold.  She  returned  to  Mansfield  only  to  die  on  the  23rd 
day  of  September,  1852,  at  the  residence  of  her  daughter,  Mrs. 
Hartley. 

Before  closing  this  sketch  of  my  ancestors,  it  seems  proper 
that  I  refer  to  their  religious  beliefs  and  modes  of  worship.  In 
England  they  were  classed  as  Puritans,  and  were  members  of 
the  Presbyterian  church.  In  Connecticut  they  followed  the 
doctrine  and  faith  of  the  Congregational  church  of  Anthony 
Stoddard.  Daniel  Sherman  and  his  father  were  deacons  of  the 
congregation  of  Mr.  Stoddard,  and  his  granddaughter,  the  wife 
of  Taylor  Sherman,  carried  her  faith  and  practice  into  her 
family,  and  maintained  to  her  death  the  strict  morals,  and  close 
observance  of  the  Sabbath  day,  that  was  the  established  rule 
and  practice  of  the  Connecticut  Congregationalist. 

My  mother's  family,  the  Hoyts,  were,  with  scarcely  an  ex 
ception,  members  of  the  Episcopal  church.  My  mother  was 


20  RECOLLECTIONS 

reared  in  that  faith  and  practice  from  infancy,  and  was  a  mem 
ber  of  that  church  at  the  time  of  her  marriage.  When  she 
emigrated  to  Lancaster  she  found  there  no  church  of  that  de 
nomination,  and,  therefore,  joined  the  Presbyterian  church 
under  the  pastorage  of  Rev.  John  Wright,  who  baptized  all  hei 
children.  At  a  later  period,  perhaps  about  1840,  when  an 
Episcopal  church  was  established  in  Lancaster,  she  resumed 
her  attendance  and  worship  in  that  church.  When  she  re 
moved  to  Mansfield  she  attended  the  Episcopal  church  at  that 
place,  partook  of  its  sacraments  and  usages,  and  died  in  that 
faith  and  worship.  All  her  living  children  and  their  families 
recognized  and  supported  the  Episcopal  church  as  their  church, 
except  the  children  of  General  Sherman,  who  followed  their 
mother  and  her  maternal  ancestors  in  the  faith  and  worship  of 
the  Catholic  church. 

The  writer  of  this  has  a  firm  belief  in  the  Bible  as  the  only 
creed  of  religious  faith  and  duty,  and  willingly  accords  to  every 
human  being  the  right  to  choose  his  form  of  worship  according 
to  his  judgment,  but  in  case  of  doubt  it  is  best  to  follow  the 
t-eachings  of  his  mother. 

With  this,  the  sketch  of  my  ancestors  closes.  Many  will 
think  it  is  not  part  of  my  life,  and  that  I  have  given  too  much 
space  and  importance  to  it.  If  so,  I  hope  they  will  pass  it  over 
without  reading.  Each  individual  life  is  molded  by  one's  ances 
try,  by  the  incidents  of  his  childhood,  the  training  he  receives 
in  the  family  and  the  school  and  the  conditions  and  surround 
ings  of  his  early  days.  The  boy  is  father  to  the  man.  It  is 
difficult  for  one  in  advanced  age  to  recall  or  to  measure  the 
influence  of  each  of  these  in  forming  his  character,  but  a  state 
ment  of  them  is  a  necessary  preface  to  a  history  of  his  later 
life.  My  information  as  to  my  ancestry  is  chiefly  derived  from 
the  admirable  local  histories  of  Connecticut,  and,  especially, 
from  Cothron's  "History  of  Ancient  Woodbury,"  Hutchin- 
son's  "  History  of  Connecticut,"  and  the  local  records  and  tradi 
tions  of  Essex  and  Sussex  counties  in  England. 

I  cannot  claim  for  my  ancestors  superior  rank,  wealth  or 
ability.  They  were  not  specially  distinguished  for  any  of 
these,  but  they  were  men  of  useful  and  honorable  lives,  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


21 


untarnished  reputation,  highly  esteemed  by  their  contempora 
ries,  thorough  republicans  in  the  broad  sense  of  that  word,  al 
ways  for  their  country  in  any  contest  for  the  right,  and  willing 
to  yield  equal  political  and  civil  rights  to  all  their  countrymen 
of  every  creed  and  color. 


ARMS   OF  THE   SHERMAN    FAMILY. 


CHAPTER    II. 
MY  BOYHOOD  DAYS  AND  EARLY  LIFE. 

Born  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  May  10,  1823  — Death  of  My  Father  and  Its  Effect  on 
Our   Family  — Early  Days  at  School— A  Dead  Sheep  in   the  Schoolroom  — 
IieHHon  in  Sunday  Sport  — Some  of  My  Characteristics  — My  Attack 
on  the  Schoolmaster— Robbing  an  Orchard  — A  Rodman  at 
Fourteen,  and  My  Experiences  While  Surveying— Debates 
at  Beverly  —  Early  Use  of  Liquor— First  Visit 
to  Mansfield  in  1889  — The  Famous  Cam 
paign  of  184-0  —  1   Begin  the 
Study  of  Law. 

1WAS  born  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  on  the  10th  day  of  May,  1823, 
the  eighth  child  of  Charles  and  Mary  Sherman.  My  first 
distinct  recollection  of  events  is  connected  with  the  scenes 
and  incidents  that  followed  the  death  of  my  father  on  the 
24th  day  of  June,  1821).  I  have  a  dim  recollection  before  that 
time  of  being  sent  to  school  with  my  elder  brothers  to  keep 
me  out  of  mischief,  and  of  my  father  praising  me  for  learning 
the  alphabet,  but  all  other  impressions  of  my  infancy  were 
absorbed  in  the  great  family  tragedy.  We  were  warned  to 
keep  quiet,  and  to  remain  out  of  doors,  so  as  not  to  disturb 
mother,  who  was  critically  ill,  and,  as  our  grandmother  was 
then  supreme  in  the  household,  we  knew  that  her  will  was 
law,  and  that  punishment  invariably  followed  an  offense. 
During  these  enforced  absences  many  were  the  wise  resolves, 
or,  rather,  the  conceits,  that  the  boys  discussed  for  "helping 
mother." 

Hut  time,  which  mellows  every  misfortune,  brought  us 
many  changes.  My  sister,  Elizabeth,  was  soon  married  to  Gen 
eral  William  J.  Reese.  My  brother,  Charles,  came  home  a  full- 
fledged  graduate,  and,  as  we  thought,  very  learned.  Every 
body  was  kind.  The  affairs  of  my  father  were  settled.  The 
homestead  and  garden  were  secured  to  my  mother,  and 
she  had,  in  addition,  a  settled  income  from  her  father's  estate 
of  $400  a  year,  while  grandmother  had  her  "fire  lands/'  and 

(22) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OB^  JOHN  SHERMAN.  23 

an  assured  but  small  income  besides.  In  those  days  a  little 
money  went  a  great  way ;  but  there  were  eleven  children  of  us 
to  be  cared  for, — from  Charles,  aged  eighteen,  to  Fanny,  aged 
three  months.  The  separation  of  this  family  was  imperative, 
but  the  friends  of  my  father  were  numerous,  and  their  offer 
ings  were  generous  and  urgent.  Charles  entered  the  family  of 
our  cousin,  Mr.  Stoddard,  an  old  and  leading  lawyer  in  Dayton, 
Ohio,  studied  law,  and  in  two  years  was  admitted  to  the  bar. 
James,  the  next  eldest  brother,  accepted  a  clerkship  in  a  store 
in  Cincinnati,  and  from  that  time  paid  his  own  way,  becoming 
a  merchant,  first  in  Lancaster,  and  later  in  Des  Moines,  Iowa. 
William  Tecumseh  was  adopted  into  the  family  of  Hon. 
Thomas  Ewing,  who  lived  in  the  same  square  with  us  in  Lan 
caster.  The  two  families  were  bound  by  ties  and  mutual  aid 
which  were  highly  creditable  to  both.  My  father,  Judge 
Sherman,  had  been  able  to  help  Mr.  Ewing  in  the  beginning  of 
his  professional  career,  and  Mr.  Ewing  gratefully  and  gener 
ously  responded.  They  maintained  the  most  intimate  and 
cordial  relations  during  their  lives  and  their  families  have 
since  continued  them,  the  bond  being  strengthened  by  the 
marriage  of  William  Tecumseh  to  Mr.  Ewing's  daughter,  Ellen. 
Lampson  P.,  the  fourth  son,  was  adopted  into  the  family  of 
Charles  Hammond,  of  Cincinnati,  a  distinguished  lawyer  of 
marked  ability,  the  reporter  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio, 
and  editor  and  chief  proprietor  of  the  " Gazette, "  the  leading 
newspaper  published  in  his  day  in  Cincinnati. 

While  the  reduction  of  our  family  was  thus  taking  place  I 
was  kept  at  school  at  Lancaster,  where  I  made  considerable 
advance  in  such  studies  as  a  lad  from  six  to  eight  years  of  age 
can  pursue.  I  have  forgotten  the  names  of  my  tutors.  The  pres 
ent  admirable  system  of  common  schools  in  Ohio  had  not  then 
been  adopted,  but  the  private  schools  in  Lancaster  were  con 
sidered  very  good,  and  most  of  the  boys  of  school  age  were 
able  at  little  cost  to  get  the  rudiments  of  an  education. 

In  the  spring  of  1831,  my  father's  cousin,  John  Sherman, 
a  prosperous  merchant  of  Mt.  Vernon,  Ohio,  accompanied  by 
his  bride,  visited  my  mother,  and  proposed  to  take  me  into  his 
family  and  to  keep  me  at  school  until  I  was  prepared  to  enter 


24  RECOLLECTIONS 

Kenyon  College,  five  miles  from  Mt.  Vernon.  This  was  a 
kindly  offer  and  was  gratefully  accepted.  But  I  remember 
well  the  sadness  I  felt,  and  the  tears  I  shed,  over  the  departure 
from  home  into  the  midst  of  strangers.  The  old-fashioned 
stage  coach  was  then  the  only  medium  of  travel  and  the  fifty 
miles  between  Lancaster  and  Mt.  Vernon  were  to  me  a  weari 
some  journey.  For  days  after  I  arrived  in  Mt.  Vernon  I  was 
moping  either  at  the  house  or  at  the  store,  but  ere  long 
became  accustomed  to  the  change,  and  commenced  my  studies 
in  the  schools,  which,  as  I  remember  them,  were  admirably 
conducted  by  teachers  of  marked  ability,  among  whom  were 
some  who  became  distinguished  in  professional  and  business 
life.  One  of  the  families  that  I  became  intimate  with  was 
that  of  Mr.  Norton,  one  of  whose  sons,  J.  Banning  Norton, 
who  lately  died  in  Dallas,  Texas,  was  my  constant  companion. 
We  studied  our  lessons  together,  but  frequently  had  quarrels 
and  fights.  It  was  a  "fad"  of  his  to  wear  his  finger-nails 
very  long.  On  one  occasion  I  pummeled  him  well,  but  he 
scratched  my  face  in  the  contest.  When  I  went  home,  marked 
in  this  way,  I  was  asked  how  I  came  to  be  so  badly  scratched 
and  the  best  answer  I  could  make  was  that  I  had  fallen  on  a 
"splintery  log,"  and  this  got  to  be  a  by-word  in  the  school. 

According  to  the  usages  of  the  time  I  was  put  early  to  the 
study  of  Latin,  which  then  seemed  to  be  regarded  as  the  neces 
sary  foundation  for  an  education.  I  must  confess  that  during 
my  stay  in  Mt.  Vernon  I  was  rather  a  troublesome  boy,  fre 
quently  involved  in  controversies  with  the  teachers,  and  some 
times  punished  in  the  old-fashioned  way  with  the  ferule  and 
the  switch,  which  habit  I  then  regarded  as  tyrannical  and  now 
regard  as  impolitic.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  policy  of  punish 
ment  adopted  in  the  schools  of  those  times  would  be  expedient 
to-day.  It  tended  to  foster  a  constant  irritation  between  the 
teacher  and  the  pupil. 

Among  my  school  adventures  at  Mt.  Vernon  was  one  I 
heartily  regret.  We  had  a  teacher  by  the  name  of  Lord.  He 
was  a  small  man,  and  not  able  to  cope  with  several  of  the  boys 
in  the  school.  We  called  him  "Bunty  Lord."  One  evening 
after  school  four  boys,  of  whom  I  was  one,  while  playing  on 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  25 

the  commons,  found  a  dead  sheep.  It  was  suggested  that  we 
carry  the  sheep  into  the  schoolroom  and  place  it  on  Lord's 
seat.  This  was  promptly  done  and  I  wrote  a  Latin  couplet, 
purporting  that  this  was  a  very  worthy  sacrifice  to  a  very  poor 
Lord,  and  placed  it  on  the  head  of  the  sheep.  The  next  morn 
ing  Lord  found  the  sheep  and  made  a  great  outcry  against  the 
indignity.  Efforts  were  at  once  made  to  ascertain  the  actors 
in  this  farce,  and  proof  was  soon  obtained.  My  handwriting 
disclosed  my  part  in  the  case,  and  the  result  was  a  prompt  dis 
charge  of  the  culprits  from  school;  but  poor  Lord  lost  his 
place,  because  of  his  manifest  inability  to  govern  his  unruly 
pupils. 

Another  teacher  whom  I  remember  was  of  a  very  different 
type.  This  was  Matthew  H.  Mitchell.  He  was  severe  and  dog 
matic,  allowing  no  foolishness  in  his  school.  He  was  strict 
and  impartial  in  his  treatment  of  the  boys,  and,  though  we  did 
not  like  him,  we  respected  his  power. 

I  had  one  adventure  during  these  early  boyhood  days  which 
nearly  cost  me  my  life,  and  which  Uncle  John  (as  I  called  Mr. 
Sherman)  converted  into  a  religious  warning.  One  Sunday 
there  was  a  freshet  in  Owl  Creek,  on  the  south  side  of  the 
town,  and  many  people  went  to  see  it,  I  among  the  rest.  I 
was  reckless,  and,  against  the  advice  of  others,  went  out  on  a 
temporary  foot-bridge  which  fell  and  I  dropped  into  the  raging 
waters.  How  I  escaped  I  hardly  know,  but  it  was  by  the 
assistance  of  others.  Uncle  John  said  that  I  was  punished  by 
the  Almighty  for  violating  the  Sabbath.  Ever  after  that  I  was 
careful  about  Sunday  sport. 

I  remember,  while  living  at  Uncle  John's,  witnessing  the 
wedding  of  his  niece,  Miss  Leavenworth,  to  Columbus  Delano. 
I  sat  upon  the  stair  steps  during  the  ceremony,  the  first  of  the 
kind  I  ever  saw.  I  mention  this  because  of  my  long  acquaint 
ance  with  Mr.  Delano  and  his  family.  He  became  a  great 
lawyer  and  filled  many  offices  of  high  public  trust,  and  is  now 
(1895)  living  in  vigorous  health,  eighty-six  years  old.  I  also 
remember  very  well  Henry  B.  Curtis  and  his  family.  He  mar 
ried  a  sister  of  Mrs.  Sherman  of  Mt.  Vernon,  and  had  a  number 
of  children.  He  was  a  brother  of  Colonel  Samuel  R.  Curtis, 


.,|;  RECOLLECTIONS 

distinguished  in  the  Civil  War,  was  an  accomplished  lawyer, 
a  careful  business  man  and  a  gentleman  in  every  sense  of  the 

word. 

On  the  whole  I  regard  my  four  years  at  Mount  Yernon  as 
well  spent.  I  advanced  in  my  studies  so  that  I  could  translate 
Latin  fairly  well,  I  went  through  the  primary  studies,  and 
obtained  some  comprehension  of  algebra,  geometry  and 
kindred  studies.  In  the  meantime  the  condition  of  our  family 
had  greatly  changed  and  generally  improved.  My  sister 
Amelia  was  happily  married  to  Robert  McComb,  a  merchant  of 
Mansfield.  My  father's  only  sister  was  married  to  Judge  Par 
ker,  of  Mansfield,  to  which  place  my  grandmother  had  followed 
her  daughter,  and  my  brother  Charles  had  entered  on  his 
career  as  a  lawyer  in  the  same  town. 

Uncle  John  had  a  family  of  small  children  growing  up  and 
I  felt  I  was  in  the  way.  My  mother  was  anxious  for  me  to 
return  home  as  all  her  boys  were  away.  I  wanted  to  go. 
Uncle  John,  however,  expressed  his  desire  for  me  to  stay  and 
enter  Kenyon  College,  but  I  knew  that  Mrs.  Sherman  preferred 
that  I  should  leave  as  she  had  her  young  children  to  care  for. 
The  result  was  my  return  to  Lancaster  at  the  age  of  twelve. 
Mrs.  Sherman  is  now  living  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  at  the  age 
of  eighty-seven,  with  her  son  John.  I  shall  always  remember 
with  sincere  gratitude  her  care  and  forbearance  manifested 
toward  a  rather  wild  and  reckless  boy  at  the  disagreeable  age 
of  from  eight  to  twelve  years.  Affection  may  make  a  mother 
bear  with  the  torment  of  her  own  child  at  that  age,  but  will 
rarely  induce  an  equal  leniency  toward  that  of  another. 

My  return  to  Lancaster  was  a  happy  event  in  my  life.  I 
renewed  my  old  acquaintance  with  boys  of  my  age,  and  was 
on  intimate  terms  with  Philemon  Ewing,  Charles  Garaghty, 
Frederick  Reese,  W.  P.  Rice,  W.  Winthrop  Sifford  and  others. 
My  brother,  William  Tecumseh,  was  three  years  my  senior, 
and  he  and  his  associates  of  his  own  age  rather  looked  down 
upon  their  juniors.  Still,  I  had  a  good  deal  of  intercourse  with 
him,  mainly  in  the  way  of  advice  on  his  part.  At  that  time  he 
was  a  steady  student,  quiet  in  his  manners  and  easily  moved 
by  sympathy  or  affection.  I  was  regarded  as  a  wild,  reckless, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  27 

lad,  eager  in  controversy  and  ready  to  fight.  No  one  could 
then  anticipate  that  he  was  to  be  a  great  warrior  and  I  a 
plodding  lawyer  and  politician.  I  fired  my  first  gun  over  his 
shoulder.  He  took  me  with  him  to  carry  the  game,  mostly 
squirrels  and  pigeons.  He  was  then  destined  to  West  Point, 
and  was  preparing  for  it.  To  me  the  future  was  all  unknown. 

I  entered,  with  all  the  boys  referred  to  and  many  others, 
the  Academy  of  Mark  and  Matthew  Howe,  then  well  estab 
lished,  and  of  great  reputation,  —  and  deservedly  so.  The 
schoolrooms  were  large,  and  furnished  with  desks  and  chairs, 
an  improvement  upon  the  old  benches  with  boards  in  front. 
The  course  of  studies  mapped  out  for  me  was  much  the  same 
as  I  pursued  at  Mount  Vernon,  with  a  specialty  of  the  first  six 
books  of  Euclid,  and  of  algebra.  Latin  was  taught  but  little. 
From  the  first,  arithmetic,  algebra  and  surveying  were  my 
favorite  studies,  and  in  those  I  became  proficient.  We  had  an 
improvised  theatre  in  which  we  acted  plays  and  made 
speeches. 

When  I  entered  the  school  Matthew  Howe  was  the  regu 
lator,  teacher  and  dominie.  He  was  the  supreme  autocrat, 
from  wThom  there  was  no  appeal.  All  the  boys  respected  him, 
for  he  was  certainly  a  good  teacher,  but  they  did  not  like  his 
domineering  way.  I  got  along  with  him  pretty  well  for  some 
months,  but  one  day  after  I  had  mastered  my  lessons  I  rested 
my  head  on  my  desk  when  I  was  sharply  reproved  by  him.  I 
said  that  I  did  not  feel  very  well  and  had  learned  my  lessons. 
He  called  me  to  the  black-board  and  directed  me  to  demon 
strate  some  problem  in  my  lesson  of  Euclid.  I  went,  and,  as  I 
believed,  had  made  the  drawing  and  demonstrated  the  prob 
lem.  He  said  I  had  not,  that  I  had  failed  to  refer  to  a  corol 
lary.  I  answered  that  he  had  not  required  this  in  previous 
lessons.  Some  discussion  arose,  when,  with  the  ferule  in  his 
hand,  he  directed  me  to  hold  out  mine.  I  did  so,  but  as  he 
struck  my  right  hand,  I  hit  him  with  all  the  force  I  could  com 
mand  with  my  left.  This  created  great  excitement  in  the 
school,  all  the  students  being  present,  my  brother  Tecumseh 
among  them.  It  was  said  at  the  time  that  the  boys  were  dis 
posed  to  take  sides  with  me,  but  I  saw  no  signs  of  it.  The 


28  RECOLLECTIONS 

result  was  that  I  was  expelled  from  the  school,  but,  by  the 
intercession  of  my  mother,  and  Mrs.  Reese,  after  explanations,  I 
was  restored,  and  during  my  two  years  with  Mr.  Howe  I  had 
no  other  contention  with  him.  He  moved  some  years  later  to 
Iowa,  where  he  established  another  academy,  and  lived  a  long 
and  useful  life.  We  had  friendly  correspondence  with  each 
other,  but  neither  alluded  to  our  skirmish  over  a  corollary  in 
Euclid. 

The  pupils  had  the  usual  disposition  among  boys  to  play 
tricks  on  each  other.  The  academy  was  in  a  large  square,  the 
greater  part  of  which  was  an  orchard  of  apple  trees.  Mr. 
Howe  lived  on  the  corner  of  the  square,  some  distance  from 
the  academy.  The  boys  were  forbidden  to  climb  the  trees  to 
shake  down  the  fruit,  but  were  quite  welcome  to  the  fruit  on 
the  ground.  One  fall,  when  the  apples  were  ripe,  the  boys 
conspired  to  play  a  trick  upon  some  of  the  students  and  out 
siders, — among  them  my  brother  Lampson,  then  on  a  visit 
home  from  Cincinnati, — who  were  easily  persuaded  to  rob  the 
orchard,  none  more  willing  than  "  Lamp. "  Those  in  the  plot 
were  to  watch  and  prevent  interference.  When  the  time 
came  we  had  detailed  two  or  three  boys  in  the  academy  to  fire 
off  muskets,  well  loaded  with  powder  and  nothing  else,  when 
the  signal  was  given.  Everything  moved  on  according  to  pro 
gramme.  The  boys  detailed  to  shake  down  the  apples  were  in 
the  trees,  when,  all  at  once,  the  firing  of  musketry  commenced. 
The  boys  dropped  from  the  trees  and  scattered  in  every  direc 
tion.  Some  were  caught  in  the  pea  vines  of  Mr.  Howe's 
garden,  but  most  of  them,  with  great  labor,  climbed  over  the 
high  fence  around  the  ground  and  dropped  on  the  outside 
"with  a  thud,"  safe  from  powder!  The  dogs  in  the  neighbor 
hood  lent  their  aid  to  the  outcry,  and  everybody  was  con 
vinced  that  ruffians  had  robbed  Howe's  orchard. 

I  suppose  it  will  never  occur  that  a  generation  of  boys  will 
not  do  these  things.  At  seventy-two  I  know  it  was  wrong. 
At  thirteen  I  thought  it  was  fun. 

I  now  recall  many  pleasing  memories  of  what  occurred  in 
the  two  years  "at  home"  at  that  period  when  the  life  of  a  boy 
is  beginning  to  open  to  the  future.  It  is  the  period  of  greatest 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  29 

danger  and  highest  hope.  At  that  time.  1835  to  1837.  every 
body  was  prosperous.  The  development  created  by  our 
system  of  canals  had  opened  markets  for  our  produce.  The 
public  national  debt  had  been  paid.  The  pet  banks  chartered 
after  the  destruction  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  started 
upon  a  wild  scheme  of  inflation.  A  craze  to  purchase  public 
land  created  an  overflowing  revenue.  All  causes  combining 
created  a  deceptive  prosperity  that  could  end  only  in  one  way. 
All  this  was  Greek  to  me.  All  I  wanted,  and  the  controlling 
wish  of  my  life,  was  to  help  mother.  She  was  always  kind, 
loving  and  forbearing.  Xo  word  of  reproach  ever  fell  from 
her  lips  to  me.  She  was  the  same  to  all  her  children,  but  if 
there  was  any  difference,  or  favor,  it  was  for  me.  Even  at 
that  early  age  I  had  day  dreams  for  the  future,  and  mother 
was  the  central  picture.  If  fortunes  could  be  made  by  others 
why  could  I  not  make  one  ?  I  wished  I  was  a  man.  It  began 
to  appear  to  me  that  I  could  not  wait  to  go  through  college. 
What  were  Latin  and  Greek  to  me,  when  they  would  delay 
me  in  making  my  fortune! 

Near  the  close  of  1836  I  wrote  to  my  brother  Charles  at 
Mansfield,  asking  him  to  get  me  employment.  He  discouraged 
me  and  said  I  should  stick  to  my  studies,  but  I  insisted  that  I 
was  strong  and  could  make  my  own  living.  At  this  time  Ohio 
had  decided  upon  the  improvement  of  the  Muskingurn  River 
from  Zanesville  to  Marietta,  and  the  Board  of  Public  Works 
had  selected  Colonel  Samuel  R.  Curtis,  a  graduate  of  West 
Point,  as  chief  engineer.  He  was  a  brother  of  Mr.  Curtis,  of 
Mount  Vernon.  and  a  friend  of  our  family. 

Charles  had  no  difficulty  in  securing  me  employment  as 
junior  rodman  if.  at  the  age  of  fourteen.  I  could  perform  the 
duties  required. — which  Colonel  Curtis  doubted.  The  work 
was  not  to  commence  until  the  spring,  when  I  was  to  be  given 
a  trial.  I  worked  hard  that  winter,  for  hard  work.  I  thought, 
was  the  way  to  fortune.  I  studied  the  mode  of  leveling.  I 
saw  a  man  on  the  Hocking  canal  operate  his  instrument,  take 
the  rear  sight  from  the  level  of  the  water  in  the  canal,  then 
by  a  succession  of  levels  backwards  and  forwards  carry  his 
level  to  the  objective  point.  Then  the  man  was  kind  enough 


30  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  show  me  how,  by  simple  addition  and  subtraction,  the  result 
wanted  could  be  obtained.  I  was  well  advanced  in  arithmetic 
and  in  mathematics  generally,  and  was  confident,  even  if  I 
was  hardly  fourteen  years  old,  that  I  could  do  the  work  of  a 
junior  rodman. 

About  the  first  of  May,  1887,  the  day  of  deliverance  came. 
I  was  to  be  my  own  master  and  make  my  own  living !  A 
fortune  gilded  with  hope  was  before  me.  I  was  to  go  in  the 
stage  thirty-six  miles  to  Zanesville,  and  thence  by  stage-route 
down  the  Muskingum  River,  twenty-eight  miles  to  McConnels- 
ville.  When  the  stage  arrived  at  my  mother's  house  it  was 
rather  full,  but  there  was  still  room  enough  for  me.  All  the 
family,  and  my  comrades,  had  gathered  to  see  me  off.  My 
baggage,  all  newr,  was  thrown  into  the  boot,  and  I  took  my 
seat  in  the  stage.  My  heart  sank  a  little  as  the  stage  rolled 
over  the  hill  and  down  the  valley  beyond,  but  the  passengers 
wanted  to  know  who  I  was,  where  I  was  going,  and  what  I 
was  going  to  do,  and  I  think  they  got  all  the  information  they 
wanted,  for  why  should  I  not  tell  them  of  my  visions  of  hope, 
sometimes  called  plans?  Oh!  the  golden  dreams  of  childhood, 
the  splendid  anticipations  of  boyhood,  the  fields  of  conquest  to 
be  won,  the  fortunes  to  be  made,  all  to  vanish  into  thin  air  by 
the  touch  of  reality. 

I  arrived  at  Zanesville  long  after  dark,  and  very  weary. 
I  had  never  been  in  so  large  a  town  before.  The  hotel  was 
full  of  people,  but  no  one  noticed  me.  I  was  hungry,  but 
could  only  get  the  scraps  left,  as  the  supper  hour  was  past. 
I  was  to  leave  in  the  morning  at  daylight  without  breakfast. 
I  was  shown  into  a  small  dark  room,  on  the  third  floor,  and 
was  to  be  called  in  the  morning.  I  did  not  like  the  place  and 
was  alone  and  in  fear.  I  had  more  money  than  ever  before. 
Might  I  not  be  robbed?  I  took  the  precaution  to  deposit  my 
jack-knife  on  a  chair  within  reach,  to  defend  myself  in  case  of 
attack !  My  fears  were  soon  lost  in  sleep.  In  the  morning  I 
was  aroused  to  take  my  place  in  the  stage,  but  forgot  my 
knife,  my  only  weapon  of  defense,  and  it  was  lost  to  me  for- 
The  bright  morning  revived  my  spirits.  A  hearty 
breakfast  at  Taylorsville  revived  all  my  hopes  and  plans. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  31 

I  arrived  at  McConnelsville  about  noon  and  stopped  at  the 
only  tavern  in  the  place.  I  called  at  the  headquarters  of 
Colonel  Curtis  and  introduced  myself  to  him.  He  received  me 
very  kindly  and  introduced  me  to  the  office  clerks,  and  to 
James  M.  Love,  who,  I  was  told,  would  take  me  within  a  week 
to  the  engineer  corps,  then  running  their  levels  at  Beverly, 
sixteen  miles  away.  I  spent  the  week  pleasantly  with  him, 
and  was  intimately  associated  with  him  during  my  service  of 
two  years.  He  subsequently  studied  law  and  practiced  his 
profession  at  Coshocton.  When  the  Mexican  War  was  pro 
gressing  he  enlisted  in  one  of  the  Ohio  regiments,  became  a 
captain,  and,  I  think,  a  major,  and  rendered  good  service.  He 
subsequently  migrated  to  Iowa  and  was  appointed  judge  of 
the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  that  state.  This 
position  he  held  for  many  years  with  distinction  and  honor. 
He  died  July  2,  1891. 

When  the  time  came  for  joining  the  corps  Love  proposed 
that  we  start  in  the  morning  for  Beverly,  but  I  insisted  that, 
as  it  was  only  sixteen  miles  to  Beverly,  we  could  easily  make 
the  trip  after  dinner.  I  had  never  walked  so  far  as  sixteen 
miles  in  my  life,  but  had  walked  or  run  three  or  four  miles  in 
an  hour,  and,  by  the  rules  of  arithmetic,  we  could  easily  go  six 
teen  miles  in  five  or  six  hours.  He  yielded  to  my  wishes,  and, 
as  our  baggage  had  been  sent  by  the  stage,  we  started  about 
one  o'clock,  light  of  heart  and  foot.  When  we  had  climbed 
the  long  hill  south  of  McConnelsville,  about  a  mile  and  a  half, 
I  was  a  little  tired,  and  I  asked  how  far  we  had  gone ;  he  said, 
*  a  mile  and  a  half ! '  I  began  then  to  appreciate  my  folly  in 
not  starting  in  the  morning.  He  said  nothing,  but  kept  at  my 
slower  pace,  giving  me  a  rest  occasionally.  It  was  sundown 
when  we  were  six  miles  from  Beverly,  and  I  was  completely 
tired  out.  Still  neither  of  us  proposed  to  stop,  as  we  could 
have  done  at  a  farmer's  house  on  the  roadside.  We  reached 
the  town  of  Beverly  about  ten  o'clock,  weary  and  hungry. 
This  tramp  taught  me  a  lesson  I  never  forgot,— not  to  insist 
upon  anything  I  knew  nothing  about.  We  found  the  corps 
the  next  day  in  camp  in  one  large  tent  on  the  east  bank  of 
the  Muskingum  River. 


;;._,  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  had  another  experience,  equally  unpleasant,  during  our 
first  evening  in  camp.  The  members  of  our  corps,  five  or  six 
in  number,  had  been  invited  by  Mr.  Lindsley  to  attend  a  party 
at  his  house  near  by.  They  accepted,  and,  as  Love  and  I  had 
no  invitations,  wre  were  left  on  guard  in  the  tent  containing 
the  instruments  and  supplies.  When  we  were  alone  there 
came  up  suddenly  a  storm  of  wind  and  rain, — not  uncommon 
along  the  valley, — which  flattened  the  tent  and  flooded  the 
ground  on  which  it  stood.  We  were  thoroughly  soaked  and 
utterly  helpless,  and,  for  a  time,  in  real  danger.  I  remember 
my  utter  collapse  at  this  new  misfortune,  but  all  we  could  do 
was  to  wait  and  hope  for  the  return  of  the  corps.  I  must  con 
fess  that  I  quietly  mingled  my  tears  with  the  rain,  but  I  did 
not  tell  this  to  the  boys  when  they  returned  after  the  storm 
was  over.  No  great  damage  was  done.  The  tent  was  soon 
raised  and  secured  in  place.  The  next  morning  I  was  given  a 
rod  and  instructed  IIOAV  to  use  it.  I  noticed  that  my  associates 
did  not  have  much  confidence  in  my  ability  to  perform  the 
duties,  and,  especially  the  senior  rodman,  John  Burwell.  I 
followed  instructions,  however,  and  reported  my  rod  correctly. 
After  a  day  or  two  they  gave  me  a  book  in  which  I  was  to 
enter  the  levels.  In  a  very  short  time  they  were  satisfied  that 
I  could  perform  my  duties,  and  I  was  soon  trusted  to  make  up 
the  record  of  levels,  and  the  necessary  additions  and  subtrac 
tions  in  my  book. 

This  little  corps  was  composed  of  men,  some  of  whom 
afterwards  became  proficient  as  engineers,  lawyers  or 
preachers.  Among  them  were  John  R.  Straughn,  Wright 
Coffinberry,  John  Scott,  John  Burwell,  and  James  M.  Love. 
The  line  of  surveys  was  soon  completed  to  Marietta,  the  locks 
and  dams  were  located,  estimates  of  cost  were  carefully  made, 
the  materials  to  be  used  were  purchased  and  the  excavations 
and  embankments  to  be  made  were  computed.  My  associates 
soon  found  that  I  could  do  the  work  assigned  me,  and  in  this 
way  I  won  their  respect  and  forbearance. 

After  the  surveys  were  completed,  the  members  of  the 
corps  were  located  at  different  places  to  take  charge  of  the 
work.  Mr.  Coffinberry  was  assigned  to  Lowel],  and  I  was 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  33 

attached  to  him  as  an  assistant.  John  Scott,  who  had  been  at 
West  Point,  and,  I  think,  was  a  graduate,  was  assigned  to  Bev 
erly,  where  a  dam,  lock  and  a  short  canal  were  to  be  con 
structed.  In  the  fall  of  1837  he  was  dismissed,  I  think,  for 
intemperance.  I  was  detailed,  not  exactly  to  take  his  place, 
for  which  I  was  unfitted,  but  to  look  after  some  details,  and  to 
keep  the  headquarters  advised  of  the  progress  of  the  work.  It 
was  soon  found  that  I  was  able  to  measure  embankments, 
excavations,  stone  and  other  materials.  The  result  was  that  I 
was  continued,  at  my  early  age,  practically  in  charge  of  the 
work  I  have  mentioned.  All  plans  came  from  headquarters 
and  I  was  carefully  instructed  from  there  what  to  do  and  how 
to  do  it.  This  was  a  great  and  useful  experience  for  me,  and  it 
continued  until  the  summer  of  1839. 

During  most  of  the  time  I  lived  in  the  family  of  Mr.  Paul 
Fearing,  an  old  and  respected  citizen  of  Beverly,  who  had  long 
been  engaged  in  what  was  called  the  river  trade.  He  trans 
ported  the  produce  of  the  country,  chiefly  pork,  apples,  wrheat, 
and  corn,  from  the  neighboring  region  on  flats  and  scows  down 
the  Muskingum,  Ohio  and  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans,  stopping 
at  the  riverside  towns,  selling  his  commodities  and  buying 
others.  The  boats  were  sold  at  New  Orleans  for  lumber.  The 
captain  and  crew,  generally  consisting  of  two  men,  would  re 
turn  by  steamer  with  the  proceeds  of  their  traffic  in  sugar, 
molasses  and  other  productions  of  the  south.  This  wras  the 
early  mode  of  traffic,  but  it  had  been  largely  broken  up  by 
steamboats,  so  that  at  the  time  I  refer  to,  Mr.  Fearing's  occupa 
tion  was  gone;  but  he  had  a  comfortable  little  fortune,  and, 
with  his  wife  and  only  daughter,  lived  in  a  neat  cottage  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  at  Beverly,  where  I  became  practically  a 
member  of  his  family. 

The  community  at  Beverly  was  a  very  intelligent  one,  com 
posed  mainly  of  settlers  from  Massachusetts  on  the  Ohio  Com 
pany's  purchase.  The  valley  of  the  Muskingum  is  exceedingly 
fertile,  but  it  is  comparatively  narrow  and  confined  by  pictur 
esque  hills  and  ridges,  broken  by  water  courses.  The  settle 
ments  were  mostly  in  the  valley,  for  the  hill  lands  were  rough, 
covered  by  poor  soil,  and  were  occupied  chiefly  for  grazing. 


S.— 3 


34  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  portion  of  the  valley  at  Beverly,  and  south  of  it,  was  sin 
gularly  fertile  and  pleasing,  and  very  valuable.  Its  owners  and 
occupants  were  mostly  of  New  England  birth  and  descent, 
Their  productions  had  a  ready  market  down  the  river,  and  in 
that  age,  before  railroads,  the  valley  had  a  great  advantage  in 
transportation  and  supplies  over  the  interior  parts  of  the  state. 
The  people  were,  as  a  rule,  educated  in  good  schools,  and  they 
had  a  college  at  Marietta  and  a  female  college  at  Zanesville. 
The  proposed  improvement  of  the  Muskingum,  they  believed, 
would  give  them  another  advantage,  by  securing  them  water 
of  a  depth  sufficient  for  boats  in  the  dry  seasons  of  the  year,  as 
well  as  during  the  "freshets,"  which  they  then  had  to  depend 
upon,  but  which  at  best  were  not  very  reliable  in  their  habits, 
as  I  found  to  my  cost.  This  was  to  be  corrected  by  the  "im 
provement,"  which,  in  their  delusive  hope,  was  to  give  them 
cheap  water  transportation  all  the  year  around. 

At  that  time  railroads  were  in  their  infancy.  They  have 
since  practically  destroyed  or  crippled  all  internal  navigation 
on  inland  rivers,  reaching  their  iron  arms  over  the  United 
States,  traversing  north  and  south,  east  and  west — a  vast 
gridiron  of  roads,  in  value  greater  than  the  market  value  of 
all  the  land  in  the  United  States  in  1837.  Before  the  first  rail 
road  was  built  in  Ohio  the  Muskingum  improvement  was 
completed,  but  it  proved  to  be  a  bad  investment.  The  canals 
of  Ohio  and  this  improvement  were,  perhaps,  the  necessary 
forerunner  of  the  railroads  to  come,  but  the  money  expended 
on  them  was  practically  lost.  And  I  believe  that  the  experi 
ment  now  being  made  by  the  United  States  in  the  improvement 
of  the  Ohio,  Missouri  and  Mississippi  Rivers  will  end  in  a  like 
result  on  a  grander  scale.  By  the  demolition  of  the  forests 
which  covered  this  great  valley,  the  supply  and  distribution  of 
the  waters  and  rivers  in  this  region  will  be  so  diminished  at 
certain  seasons  as  to  render  these  water-ways  worthless  for 
navigation.  Engineers  may  make  dams  that  will  hold  water, 
and  locks  that  may  lift  a  steamboat,  but  if  the  clearing  away 
of  forests  prevents  the  usual  fall  of  rain  and  causes  its  absorp 
tion  into  the  earth,  and  if  the  dispersion  of  water  by  its  use 
and  waste  in  cities,  are  to  continue,  the  dam  will  not  be  filled, 


JOHN    SHERMAN   AT  THE  AGE  OF    19. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  35 

and  the  lock  will  be  like  a  stranded  vessel,  fit  only  as  a  quarry 
for  cut  stone,  or  for  a  railway  arch  over  a  street  of  asphalt  in 
a  growing  city.  Captain  Fearing  railed  against  the  steamboats 
as  many  now  inveigh  against  the  railroads,  but  these  two  great 
agencies  will  divide  the  commerce  of  the  world  between  them. 
The  railroads  will  possess  the  land,  the  steamboats  the  ocean 
and  the  great  fresh  waters  of  the  world.  Possibly  steamboats 
may  be  utilized  on  short  stretches  of  rivers,  but  even  on  these 
they  will  have  to  compete  with  railroads  having  wide-reaching 
connections  which  they  do  not  possess.  The  money  expended 
to  levee  the  Mississippi  may  be  lost  by  the  United  States,  but 
the  planters  will  receive  some  benefit  from  it  in  the  protection 
given  to  their  crops.  The  steamboats  in  interior  waters  will 
be  exchanged  for  iron  whalebacks,  and  new  forces  of  a  new 
nature,  as  yet  only  partly  developed,  such  as  electricity,  will 
contest  with  steam  as  a  motive  power. 

During  the  period  of  my  stay  on  the  Muskingum  improve 
ments  I  had  very  excellent  opportunities  for  study,  of  which  I 
regret  to  say  I  did  not  avail  myself  as  well  as  I  might  have 
done.  Still,  I  occupied  my  leisure  in  reading  novels,  histories, 
and  such  books  as  I  could  readily  get.  Many  books  were  sent 
to  me  from  Lancaster.  I  purchased  a  number,  and  found 
some  in  Beverly  which  were  kindly  lent  to  me.  I  read  most 
of  the  British  classics,  as  they  are  called,  the  Spectator,  Shakes 
peare,  Byron,  and  Scott.  I  read  all  I  could  find  of  the  history 
of  America.  I  tried  to  brush  up  my  Latin,  but  without  much 
success.  I  had  the  frequent  company  of  my  associates  on  the 
corps,  all  of  whom  were  bright,  able  men,  several  years  in 
advance  of  me  in  age.  We  were  frequently  called  to  head 
quarters  at  McConnelsville,  a  trip  usually  made  on  horseback, 
and  where  we  always  had  not  only  a  cheerful,  but  a  very  in 
structive  time.  Colonel  Curtis  was  highly  esteemed  by  us  all, 
and  his  treatment  of  me  was  kind  and  fatherly.  He  frequently 
complimented  me  upon  my  work,  and  when  he  came  through 
Beverly  he  visited  me. 

Among  the  diversions  at  Beverly  we  had  occasional  debates. 
One  of  these  was  upon  the  dangerous  subject  of  temperance,  a 
topic  not  then  much  discussed,  for  drinking  of  something 


,jfl  RECOLLECTIONS. 

stronger  than  water  was  almost  as  universal  as  eating,  and  con 
sidered  equally  necessary.  However,  there  sprang  up  about 
that  time  a  movement  in  favor  of  temperance.  It  was  thought 
best  to  discuss  the  subject  at  a  public  meeting,  a  school-teacher 
and  I  taking  the  side  of  temperance,  and  two  other  young 
men  opposing  us.  The  meeting  was  well  attended,  largely  by 
the  men  employed  on  the  public  work  who  habitually  received 
a  certain  number  of  "jiggers"  of  whisky  a  day,  at  regular 
hours.  Whisky,  not  being  taxed,  was  worth  from  fifteen  to 
twenty-five  cents  a  gallon.  It  was  not  an  expensive  luxury, 
and  was  regarded  by  all  the  workingmen  on  the  improvement 
as  a  necessity.  At  the  end  of  the  debate,  which  I  do  not  re 
member  to  have  been  a  very  notable  one,  the  audience  decided 
we  had  the  best  of  the  argument.  The  discussion  created  a 
great  excitement.  The  workingmen  took  up  the  cry  that  the 
Cumberland  Presbyterians,  the  prevailing  sect  there,  and  other 
Christians,  were  interfering  with  their  habits  and  comfort,  and 
when  the  young  schoolmaster  appeared  the  next  day,  they 
raised  a  shout  and  pursued  him  with  sticks  and  stones. 
He  escaped  with  difficulty  across  the  river,  thus  getting  out  of 
the  way.  I  heard  of  the  trouble,  but  went  up  to  the  canal  and 
made  my  usual  measurements.  Not  a  word  was  said  to  me 
and  no  unkindness  shown.  I  understood  afterwards  that  this 
was  caused  by  a  warning  given  them  by  the  contractor,  who, 
hearing  of  the  assault  upon  the  schoolmaster,  told  them  that  I 
was  a  part  of  the  government  and  it  would  not  do  to  attack 
me ;  that  to  disturb  me  would  have  a  very  bad  effect  upon  them 
all.  So,  I  was  forgiven,  and,  indeed,  I  never  had  any  contro 
versy  during  my  time  there  with  anyone  connected  with  the 
work,  from  John  McCune,  the  contractor,  to  the  humblest 
water  carrier  about  the  works. 

Early  in  the  winter  of  1838,  I  think  in  November,  I  had 
made  up  my  mind  to  go  to  Cincinnati  on  the  usual  leave  after 
the  close  of  the  works.  As  an  excuse,  and  to  procure  means 
of  paying  for  the  trip,  I  purchased,  partly  on  credit,  a  barge 
and  loaded  it  with  barreled  salt,  apples  and  other  commodities, 
intending  before  the  freeze-up  to  avail  myself  of  the  usual 
rise  in  the  river  to  float  to  the  Ohio  and  thence  to  Cincinnati. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  37 

All  went  smoothly,  the  boat  was  loaded  and  floated  as  far  as 
Luke  Shute,  when  the  river  was  found  to  be  too  low  to  pro 
ceed.  Consequently  the  boat  was  tied  up  and  placed  under  the 
care  of  a  man  who  slept  aboard.  We  waited  for  the  river  to 
rise,  but  it  did  not  come.  Both  the  Muskingum  and  Ohio 
Rivers  were  very  low  that  season  and  finally  froze  up  before  the 
freshet  came.  This  closing  of  navigation  created  a  great  de 
mand  for  salt  in  Cincinnati,  as  that  article  could  not  be 
obtained  from  the  up-river  country,  and  it  advanced  to  a  price 
that  would  have  yielded  me  a  little  fortune  had  my  boat  not 
been  among  those  thus  detained.  I  undertook  to  carry  some 
of  the  salt  by  flatboats,  but  they  were  frozen  up.  The  pack 
ing  season  in  Cincinnati  was  going  forward  and  salt  bore  a 
high  price,  but  I  knew  it  would  fall  the  moment  the  river 
opened.  It  was  apparent  that  I  would  lose  on  the  salt,  but  I 
still  clung  to  my  purpose  to  go  down  the  river.  Finally  the 
freshet  came,  some  time  in  January,  I  think,  and  then,  with 
three  men  on  the  barge,  I  floated  down  the  river,  tying  up 
at  nights  for  safety,  and  stopping  occasionally  to  sell  apples 
to  the  Kentucky  farmers,  I  arrived  at  last  in  Cincinnati  and 
soon  found  that  salt  had  greatly  fallen  in  value,  so  I  sold 
the  salt,  boat  and  cargo  upon  the  best  terms  I  could  get.  The 
result  was  a  loss  of  about  one  hundred  dollars.  However,  I 
had  a  very  pleasant  visit  in  Cincinnati  with  my  brother 
Lampson,  who  was  connected  with  the  "Cincinnati  Gazette.5' 
He  was  a  member  of  the  family  of  Mr.  Charles  Hammond,  his 
daughter,  and  son-in-laAV  Mr.  L'Hommedieu.  Mr.  Hammond 
had  been  a  warm  friend  of  my  father's  and  was  certainly  one 
of  the  ablest  writers  of  his  day  and  generation,  as  well  as  an 
accomplished  lawyer.  He  was  much  pleased  at  my  adventure 
and  especially  with  my  rough  shoes  and  warm  Kentucky  jeans. 
He  told  me  not  to  be  discouraged,  and  flattered  me  with  the 
statement  that  a  young  fellow  who  could,  at  fifteen  years  of 
age,  do  what  I  had  done  would  make  his  way  in  the  world. 

At  that  time  I  saw  Judge  Burnett  at  his  residence.  He  had 
been  a  colleague  of  my  father  on  the  supreme  bench,  and  dur 
ing  all  his  manhood  had  been  distinguished  as  a  lawyer  and  a 
man  of  marked  ability.  He  wore  a  long  queue,  preserved  the 


38 


RECOLLECTIONS 


habits  of  the  gentleman  of  the  old  school,  and  was  proud  of 
being  a  Federalist.  His  book  called  "  Burnett's  Notes  "  is  per 
haps  the  most  valuable  collection  of  historical  data  pertaining 
to  the  early  history  of  Ohio  now  extant. 

At  this  time  I  visited  what  was  called  Powers'  "Hell."  My 
brother  Lampson  and  I  took  the  boatmen  with  us,  and  "  Lamp.," 
who  was  fond  of  playing  practical  jokes,  and  knew  the  place 
better  than  1  did,  took  care  to  warn  one  of  the  roughest  of  my 
boatmen  to  seize  hold  of  a  bar  which  was  before  him,  and 
which  "  Lamp."  knew  would  be  charged  later  with  electricity, 
and  to  hold  on  to  it  for  dear  life.  We  heard  a  rumbling  sound 
inside,  and  finally  saw  flashes  resembling  lightning,  and  we 
naturally  seized  on  whatever  was  before  us  to  await  the  open 
ing  of  "  Hell."  After  more  sheet  lightning  the  veil  was  drawn 
aside  and  there  were  before  us  representatives  of  human  beings 
in  every  attitude  of  agony.  At  the  same  moment  the  electric 
current  was  passed  through  certain  bars  before  us,  on  one  of 
which  the  boatman  held  a  firm  grip,  but  no  sooner  was  lie 
charged  with  electricity  than  his  hair  flew  on  end,  he  looked 
the  picture  of  terror,  shouted  in  a  loud  voice,  "0,  hell!  "  and 
broke  for  the  door.  Soon  after  we  followed  also,  and  that,  to  us, 
was  the  end  of  a  scene  that  ought  never  to  have  been  exhibited. 

I  returned  to  Beverly  in  a  steamboat  and  soon  settled  all  the 
bills  of  the  salt  speculation,  but  had  to  call  upon  Mr.  McComb 
and  my  brother,  Charles,  for  a  small  sum  to  make  up  the  deficit. 
I  repaid  this  sum  later  on,  but  Mr.  McComb  never  failed,  when 
ever  1  made  a  business  proposition  that  seemed  hazardous,  to 
say,  with  a  great  haw-haw:  "Well,  John,  that  is  one  of  your 
salt  speculations." 

The  election  in  the  fall  of  1838  resulted  in  the  choice  of  a 
Democratic  governor  and  state  legislature,  which,  according  to 
the  politics  of  the  time,  involved  an  entire  change  of  state 
officials  and  employes.  Mr.  Wall  became  a  member  of  the 
Hoard  of  Public  Works,  and  was  assigned,  among  other  works, 
to  the  charge  of  the  Muskingum  improvement.  In  the  course 
of  a  few  months,  I  think  about  the  last  of  June,  1839,  Col. 
Curtis  was  removed,  and  Mr.  Macaboy  was  appointed  superin 
tendent  in  his  place.  At  first  it  was  uncertain  whether  changes 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  39 

would  be  made  in  the  subordinates  of  the  corps.  Some  of  its 
members  had  become  so  much  attached  to  Col.  Curtis  that  they 
thought  it  right  and  proper  to  send  him  a  letter  expressing  in 
substance  their  regret  at  his  removal,  their  high  estimate  of  his 
services,  and  thanks  for  his  kindness  to  them.  This  was  signed 
by  Mr.  Coffinberry,  Mr.  Burwell,  Mr.  Love  and  myself.  I  am 
not  certain  that  others  did  not  express  the  same  friendly  feel 
ings,  but,  at  all  events,  the  four  whose  names  I  have  mentioned 
were  summarily  dropped  from  the  service. 

Thus,  after  two  years  of  faithful  work  with  small  pay,  I  was, 
at  the  age  of  sixteen,  turned  adrift  on  account  of  politics. 

I  find  among  my  papers,  dingy  with  age,  the  correspondence 
with  Col.  Curtis,  and  also  the  subsequent  correspondence  be 
tween  Mr.  Wall  and  myself,  in  respect  to  my  removal.  My 
letter  to  Mr.  Wall  was  a  disclaimer  of  any  intention  of  disrespect 
to  him  in  our  letter  to  Col.  Curtis,  and  his  reply  was  that  we 
alleged  that  Col.  Curtis  was  removed  without  a  cause,  which  he 
denied.  I  have  no  doubt,  from  a  present  reading  of  the  papers, 
but  that  he  would  have  retained  me  as  a  juvenile  offender  if  I 
had  made  a  suitable  apology,  but  the  instinct  of  a  boy  to  stand 
up  for  his  party  was  too  strong.  I  was  a  Whig  of  sixteen,  arid 
it  was  glorious  to  be  a  victim  of  persecution. 

I  also  find  among  my  papers  of  that  time,  which  I  thought 
worthy  of  preservation,  a  multitude  of  essays  on  as  many  dif 
ferent  subjects,  and  some  efforts  at  poetry,  all  of  which  1  con 
sign  to  flames.  Most  boys  have  had  the  same  experience.  The 
only  benefit  I  derived  was  the  habit  I  formed  of  writing  upon 
such  subjects  as  attracted  my  attention  by  reading,  a  habit  I 
continued  when  studying  law,  in  preparing  a  case  for  trial,  and 
in  preparation  for  a  debate  in  Congress. 

I  returned  at  once  to  Lancaster.  The  great  financial  depres 
sion,  commencing  in  1837,  was  now  at  its  height.  It  was  said 
that  Ohio  State  six  per  cent,  bonds  had  been  sold  at  fifty  cents 
on  the  dollar.  Many  banks  were  embarrassed  and  refused  to 
discount  notes,  while  several  failed,  and  their  circulating  notes 
became  worthless.  I  found  that  Lancaster  had  especially  suf 
fered,  that  many  of  its  leading  business  firms  had  suspended  or 
were  on  the  brink  of  failure.  I  was  then  in  excellent  health, 


40 


RECOLLECTIONS 


tall  and  slender  and  willing  to  work.  I  received  temporary 
employment  from  Dr.  Kreider,  who  Was  either  Clerk  of  the 
Court  or  Kecorder  of  Deeds,  I  do  not  remember  which.  He 
gave  me  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  day,  which  I  regarded  as  a  great 
favor,  but  the  records  were  soon  made  up  and  I  had  nothing 
to  do. 

It  was  at  this  period  of  my  life  that  I  fell  into  very  bad 
habits.  Many  of  the  boys  about  my  age  who  were  with  me  at 
Howe's  school  were  still  about  Lancaster,  and  were  out  of  em 
ployment  like  myself.  We  would  meet  on  the  street,  or  at  the 
post  otiiee,  or  some  place  of  resort,  to  talk  over  old  times,  and 
got  into  the  habit  of  drinking  poor  wine,  mostly  made  of 
diluted  whisky  and  drugs.  The  general  habit  of  drinking  spir 
its  was  then  more  common  than  now,  but  I  had  not  been  subject 
to  this  temptation,  as  Col.  Curtis  was  very  strict  in  prohibiting 
all  such  drinking.  With  the  jolly  good  fellows  I  met  at  Lan 
caster  who  had  nothing  to  do,  I  could  not  refuse  to  join  in 
drinking  the  health  of  each  other,  and  thus  I  was  conscious 
frequently  of  being  more  or  less  intoxicated.  On  one  occasion, 
in  the  fall  of  1839,  I  went  home  very  sick  from  drinking.  My 
mother  received  me  with  much  surprise  and  sorrow,  but  neither 
complained  nor  scolded,  and,  with  the  utmost  kindness,  put  me 
to  bed  and  watched  over  and  cared  for  me.  I  was  not  stupid 
enough  to  be  unconscious  of  my  degradation  and  her  affection, 
and  then  and  there  resolved  never  to  be  in  such  a  condition 
again,  and  from  that  time  to  this  I  am  not  conscious  of  having 
been  under  the  influence  of  liquor.  I  have  partaken  of  wine 
and  spirits  at  weddings,  feasts  and  dinners,  I  have  used  it  as  a 
medicine,  and  in  response  to  toasts  and  compliments,  but  never 
to  an  extent  to  addle  my  brain  or  disturb  my  walk. 

At  that  time  intemperance  was  a  common  vice.  Of  the 
young  men  who  were  my  contemporaries  a  very  large  propor 
tion  became  habitual  drunkards  and  died  prematurely.  No 
reform  in  my  time  has  been  so  general  and  beneficial  as  that 
of  the  disuse  of  drinking  intoxicating  liquors,  commencing  in 
1S41.  Formerly  liquors  were  put  on  the  sideboard  or  table,  and 
the  invitation  "take  a  drink"  was  as  common  then  as  "take 
a  seat"  is  now.  This  method  of  treating  was  shared  in  by 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  41 

preachers  of  the  Gospel,  and  by  all  who  observed  the  courtesies 
of  social  life.  Now  these  conditions  have  greatly  changed. 
Whisky  is  banished  to  the  drug  store,  the  grocery  and  the 
saloon,  and  even  there  it  is  under  surveillance  and  so  high 
ly  taxed  as  to  furnish  a  large  proportion  of  the  national 
revenue. 

Some  time  in  the  autumn  of  1839  I  visited  Mansfield  for  the 
first  time,  on  some  business  for  General  Reese,  and  it  was  then 
arranged  that  early  in  the  next  spring  I  should  return  to  study 
law  with  my  brother  Charles.  Mansfield  was  then  a  very  unat 
tractive  village,  badly  located  on  parallel  ridges  and  valleys, 
but  precisely  in  the  center  of  the  very  large  county  of  Richland, 
then  containing  900  square  miles.  The  county  covered  a  part 
of  the  high  table-land  that  separated  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie 
and  the  Ohio  River.  It  was  an  almost  unbroken  forest  during 
the  War  of  1812,  with  a  few  families  living  in  log  houses,  pro 
tected  by  block  houses  of  logs  from  the  incursions  of  -Indians, 
many  of  whom  lived  in  the  county.  After  the  war  it  was  rap 
idly  settled,  chiefly  from  Pennsylvania,  and  divided  into  farms 
of  160  acres  or  less,  according  to  the  new  congressional  plan  of 
townships  six  miles  square,  sections  one  mile  square,  and  sub 
divisions  of  forty,  eighty,  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres. 
The  topography  of  the  county  was  high  and  rolling,  from  900 
to  1,350  feet  above  the  sea,  with  innumerable  springs  of  the 
purest  water,  and  small  streams  and  creeks,  all  rising  in  the 
county  and  flowing  north  or  south  into  the  Muskingnm  or  San- 
dusky  Rivers.  The  timber  was  oak,  sugar,  elm,  hickory  and 
other  deciduous  trees.  This  valuable  timber  was  the  chief  ob 
struction  to  the  farmers.  It  had  to  be  deadened  or  cut  away  to 
open  up  a  clearing  for  the  cabin  and  the  field.  The  labor  of 
two  or  three  generations  was  required  to  convert  it  into  the 
picturesque,  beautiful  and  healthy  region  it  now  is. 

The  village  of  Mansfield  has  been  converted  into  a  flourishing 
city  of  more  than  15,000  inhabitants,  with  extensive  manufac 
turing  establishments  and  a  network  of  railroads  reaching  out 
to  Cleveland,  Chicago,  Pittsburg,  Columbus,  Cincinnati  and 
Indianapolis.  There  was  no  sign  of  this  development  when  I 
first  visited  the  place. 


42  RECOLLECTIONS 

On  my  return  to  Lancaster  I  applied  myself  closely  to  study 
and  reading,  mainly  of  history.  I  read  Hume,  Smollett  and 
Miller's  histories  of  England,  Gibbon's  "  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire,"  and  such  histories  of  the  United  States  as  I 
could  procure.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  memorable  "  Log 
Cabin  and  Hard  Cider  Campaign"  of  1840  commenced.  General 
Harrison  had  been  nominated  in  December,  1839,  at  Harrisburg, 
by  the  Whig  party.  He  was  a  distinguished  general  in  the  War 
of  1812,  but  had  lived  mainly  a  quiet,  modest  life  on  his  farm  at 
South  Bend,  near  Cincinnati.  The  Democratic  papers  ridiculed 
him  as  a  feeble  old  man,  living  in  a  cabin  and  drinking  hard 
cider.  The  Whigs  turned  these  sarcasms  with  great  effect  upon 
their  adversaries.  They  compared  the  old  soldier  and  his  excel 
lent  war  record,  living  in  a  cabin  with  the  latch  string  out  and 
eating  corn  bread,  with  "Matty  Van,  the  used  up  man,"  living 
in  a  palace,  with  roast  beef  every  day,  eating  from  silver  plate, 
with  gold  spoons,  and  drawing  a  salary  of  $25,000  a  year.  This 
was  no  doubt  demagoguism,  but  there  was  back  of  it  the  great 
questions  of  protection  to  American  industries,  sound  and  sta 
ble  currency,  and  the  necessity  of  economy  in  public  expendi 
tures.  A  great  meeting  was  held  in  Columbus  in  February, 
1840.  In  the  procession  were  log  cabins,  filled  with  farmers  and 
hauled  by  a  number  of  horses  and  oxen,  and  hard  cider  was  on 
tap  for  all  who  chose  to  drink.  Songs  were  improvised,  espe 
cially  by  Greiner,  the  poet  of  the  canvass.  One  of  these  songs, 
with  the  refrain,  "The  Log  Cabin  Candidate  will  March  to 
Washington,"  became  famous  and  prophetic. 

Some  time  in  March,  1840,  taking  the  stage  for  Mansfield,  I 
saw  signs  of  political  excitement  all  along  the  way,  even  at 
that  early  period  of  the  canvass.  My  sister  Susan,  two  years 
younger  than  I,  was  with  me.  We  met  with  no  adventure 
worthy  of  notice  until  we  arrived  at  our  destination,  when,  in 
ascending  the  hill  to  the  public  square,  the  coach  slipped  and 
fell  over  on  its  side.  This  we  considered  a  bad  omen.  It  was 
not,  however,  an  unusual  accident,  as  the  roads  were  always 
bad  in  March,  and  the  coaches  of  that  day  not  worthy  of  the 
name.  We  were  heartily  welcomed  into  the  family  of  Robert 
McComb,  who  had  married  my  sister,  Amelia. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  48 

1  was  to  study  law,  but  under  the  laws  of  Ohio  I  could  not 
be  admitted  to  practice  until  I  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years.  Our  liberal  laws  presumed  that  a  man  of  ordinary 
capacity  could  master  this  profession  in  two  years.  What  was 
I  to  do  during  the  two  spare  years?  This  question  was  left  to 
the  decision  of  my  uncle,  Judge  Parker,  husband  of  my  father's 
only  sister.  He  was  a  peculiar  character,  and,  as  I  will  have 
occasion  to  refer  to  him  again,  I  will  give  of  him  a  brief  biog 
raphy.  He  was  born  in  Nova  Scotia.  His  father  was  a  mer 
chant  of  some  wealth  who  early  decided  that  his  son  should  be 
educated  in  Ohio,  and  chose  for  him  the  college  at  Athens. 
There  young  Parker  not  only  received  his  collegiate  diploma, 
but  became  thoroughly  attached  to  western  habits  and  opinions. 
He  studied  law  with  my  father  at  Lancaster,  and,  when  ad 
mitted  to  the  bar,  went  to  Mansfield,  where  he  practiced  law. 
He  was  genial,  social,  and  especially  fond  of  the  society  of 
young  people.  I  have  often  seen  him  stop  on  the  streets  of 
Mansfield  to  watch  boys  playing  marbles.  He  was  conceded  to 
be  an  able  lawyer,  perhaps  the  best  land  lawyer  and  special 
pleader  in  that  part  of  Ohio.  But  he  was  not  an  advocate, 
partly  owing  to  occasional  stuttering,  but  in  jury  cases  em 
ployed  my  father  until  the  latter  became  a  judge  of  the  supreme 
court. 

Mr.  Parker  had  for  some  years  before  1840  retired  from 
active  practice,  and  was  engaged  with  Robert  McComb  as  a 
general  merchant.  During,  or  about  1842,  he  was  elected  by 
the  legislature  of  Ohio  presiding  judge  of  the  Court  of  Com 
mon  Pleas,  and  became  eminently  popular,  and  deservedly  so. 
He  was  to  be  my  guide  and  counselor. 

A  few  words  in  regard  to  my  brother,  Charles  Taylor,  will 
explain  our  relations,  the  confidence  he  reposed  in  me,  and  my 
deep  obligations  to  him.  He  was  then  a  bachelor  thirty  years 
old,  with  quite  a  lucrative  practice,  mainly  in  collecting  debts 
due  to  New  York  and  other  eastern  merchants.  Our  banking 
system  was  then  as  bad  as  it  could  be,  exchange  on  New  York 
was  always  at  premium,  and  there  wTas  no  confidence  in  our 
local  banks.  Charles  was  substantially  the  banker  in  Manslield 
and  surrounding  counties  for  eastern  merchants.  He  was  a 


44  RECOLLECTIONS 

good  speaker  when  he  addressed  a  judge,  and  his  briefs  were 
clear  statements  of  the  law  of  the  case,  but  when  forced  to 
speak  to  a  jury  he  was  exceedingly  shy  and  sensitive.  He 
avoided  jury  trials.  He  was  a  fair  speaker  on  popular  topics, 
and  took  great  interest  in  current  politics  as  a  Whig.  He  was 
a  member  of  the  Harrisburg  convention  that  nominated  Gen 
eral  Harrison  for  President,  and  made  several  creditable  speeches 
in  that  canvass.  He  was  married  in  the  fall  of  1840  to  Miss 
Elizabeth  Williams,  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  and  I  became  a  member 
of  his  family  soon  after. 

The  influence  of  the  special  traits  and  tendencies  of  Judge 
Parker  and  my  brother  Charles  upon  my  life  was  soon  manifest. 
My  course  of  study,  outlined  by  Judge  Parker,  commenced  with 
Blackstone,  followed  soon  after  by  Coke  on  Littleton.  As  a 
compromise  I  was  allowed  to  read  Kent's  Commentaries,  but 
Chitty's  Pleadings  had  to  go  cilong  with  Kent.  The  disinclina 
tion  of  Charles  to  have  anything  to  do  with  contested  litigation 
became  more  marked,  and  I  was  compelled,  long  before  my  ad 
mission  to  the  bar,  to  look  after  such  cases  as  grew  out  of  his 
practice.  The  pleadings  then  in  vogue  were  the  declarations, 
pleas  and  replications  of  the  English  common  law.  These  I 
prepared  after  I  had  been  a  student  for  a  year,  and,  in  cases 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  a  justice  of  the  peace,  I  habitually 
appeared  either  in  prosecution  or  defense. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  I  was  often  outwitted  and  defeated, 
much  to  my  chagrin.  In  one  case  submitted  to  arbitration,  a 
pettifogger  of  bad  repute  by  the  name  of  Baldwin  secured  an 
award  palpably  unjust.  I  felt  more  keenly  than  my  client  the 
injustice  done  him,  and  never  forgave  Baldwin  until  he  was 
indicted  for  perjury  and  driven  out  of  the  county  in  disgrace. 

While  pursuing  my  studies^  I  was  able  in  various  ways  to 
make  enough  money  to  support  myself.  I  wrote  deeds  and 
agreements,  and  drew  the  first  map  of  Richland  county,  show 
ing  subdivisions  in  farms,  the  course  of  creeks  and  rivulets, 
and  roads.  1  was  also  employed  to  collect  small  debts,  and, 
towards  the  close  of  my  probation,  I  was  intrusted  with  large 
collections,  one  of  which  was  in  closing  the  business  of  an  old 
firm  with  outstanding  credits  of  more  than  $20,000. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  45 

In  those  days  of  primitive  barter  the  merchant  was  the 
banker  of  all  the  farmers  dealing  with  him.  The  farmer  sold 
to  the  merchant  most  of  his  surplus  products,  including  live 
stock  and  pork,  and  purchased  all  his  supplies,  mainly  of  cloth 
ing,  tea,  coffee,  and  the  like,  and  the  merchant  made  advances 
on  the  growing  crop.  At  the  close  of  a  year  the  account  was 
settled,  generally  with  a  balance  in  favor  of  the  merchant. 
Little  money  was  used.  It  was  a  traffic  in  commodities.  It 
was  not  unusual  for  the  merchant  to  drive  horses  and  cattle  to 
Pittsburg  or  further  east,  and  send  the  proceeds  to  the 
eastern  merchant. 

In  the  fall  of  the  year  it  was  quite  common  for  the  farmer 
to  load  upon  his  wagon  his  surplus  wheat  and  haul  it  fifty 
miles  to  Sandusky  and  Milan,  receiving  in  return  salt  and 
farming  implements,  and  the  balance  in  money.  Wheat  was 
then  the  chief  production  of  the  farm,  and  was  about  the 
only  article  that  would  command  cash.  At  this  season  the 
highway  was  often  blocked  with  long  trains  of  wagons  that 
would  not  give  way  for  other  vehicles.  At  night  the  wagons 
would  be  parked  on  the  roadside  near  a  creek,  and  the  farmers 
and  their  boys  would  have  a  regular  joyous  picnic  on  provi 
sions  brought  from  home.  This  was  the  life  of  a  farmer  before 
the  days  of  railroads,  and  I  am  not  sure  but  it  was  a  more 
happy  one  than  now.  Then  the  village  blacksmith  or  shoe 
maker,  the  tinker,  the  carpenter  and  the  mechanic  of  every 
trade  had  his  shop  and  was  a  far  more  important  and  inde 
pendent  citizen  than  now,  when  grouped  into  large  manufac 
turing  and  machine  works. 

While  a  student,  I  was  frequently  sent  by  my  brother  to 
Wooster,  the  nearest  bank,  with  large  sums  of  money  to  pur 
chase  exchange  on  New  York  for  his  clients.  These  trips  I 
always  made  on  horseback.  Once,  as  I  was  to  start  quite  early 
in  the  morning,  I  received  nearly  $2,000  in  bills  the  night 
before,  in  two  packages,  and  placed  them  in  my  overcoat.  In 
the  morning  I  threw  my  overcoat  over  my  arm  and  went  for 
my  horse.  Before  mounting  I  felt  for  the  money  and  found  it 
was  gone.  I  started  in  alarm  for  the  house  and  on  my  way 
found  one  package  of  $1,000  lying  on  the  sidewalk  at  the 


46  RECOLLECTIONS 

corner  of  the  street  where  I  had  passed,  but  the  other  was 
nowhere  to  be  seen.  I  felt  sure  it  was  picked  up  by  some  one. 
I  at  once  gave  notice  to  my  brother,  and  he  took  immediate 
measures  to  trace  the  finder.  I  cannot  express  the  chagrin 
and  anxiety  which  I  suffered  on  account  of  my  carelessness, 
but  Charles  uttered  no  reproach,  but  prepared  to  replace  the 
loss.  Fortunately  within  a  month  the  lost  money  was  traced 
to  an  "aarly  drunkard,"  who  found  the  package  on  the  pave 
ment  while  going  for  his  morning  grog.  He  Avas  watched  and 
at  night  was  seen  to  take  some  money  from  his  trunk.  A 
search  warrant  soon  led  to  the  restoration  of  the  money,  except 
a  small  sum  he  had  spent. 

During  my  study  of  law,  the  bar  at  Mansfield  was  considered 
a  very  able  one,  including  among  its  members  James  Stewart, 
Thomas  W.  Bartley,  Jacob  Brinkerhoff,  Charles  Sherman  and 
others.  All  of  those  named  became  judges,  either  of  the  courts 
of  Ohio  or  of  the  United  States.  During  the  same  period  there 
were  also  many  law  students  in  the  offices  of  these  gentlemen, 
among  them  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  George  W.  Geddes,  Thomas 
H.  Ford,  Henry  C.  Hedges,  Willard  Slocum,  Joseph  Newman, 
Patrick  Hull  and  others,  who  afterwards  became  distinguished 
in  civil  or  military  life.  These  students,  myself  among  the 
number,  organized  a  moot  court,  presided  over  by  Joseph  New 
man,  then  in  active  practice  as  a  partner  of  Mr.  Stewart.  We 
held  famous  moot  courts  in  which  cases  were  tried  with  all  the 
earnestness,  industry  and  skill  that  could  have  been  evoked  by 
real  cases.  In  these  trials  Mr.  Kirkwood  and  I  were  usually 
pitted  against  each  other,  although  he  studied  late  in  life,  and 
was  then  more  than  thirty  years  old.  He  was  then  a  Dem 
ocrat,  but  moved  to  Iowa  in  1856,  became  a  Republican  war 
governor  of  that  state  and  United  States  Senator.  I  have 
always  regarded  our  contests  in  this  moot  court  as  the  most 
important  part  of  my  legal  training. 

The  course  of  study  pursued  under  the  direction  of  Judge 
Parker  continued  until  my  admission  to  the  bar,  though  much 
interrupted  by  the  variety  and  nature  of  my  employment.  I 
read,  in  addition  to  the  routine  works  prescribed  by  Judge 
Parker,  a  great  variety  of  literary  and  historical  works,  and 


MR.   SHERMAN    AT  THE  AGE    OF  TWENTY-THREE. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  47 

had  substantially  practiced  my  profession  a  year  or  more  in 
advance  of  my  admission  to  the  bar. 

I  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  on  the  10th  day  of  May, 
1844,  and  promptly  on  time  on  that  day  I  was  presented  to  the 
Supreme  Court  "on  the  circuit,"  then  sitting  at  Springfield, 
Ohio,  for  admission  to  the  bar.  Several  other  students  were 
presented,  and,  according  to  the  custom  of  that  time,  we  were 
all  referred  to  a  committee  composed  of  General  Samson 
Mason,  Hon.  Charles  Anthony  and  one  other  lawyer  whose 
name  I  do  not  recall.  All  were  leading  lawyers  of  that  place, 
and  had  been  busily  occupied  in  the  court.  We  met  that  evening 
at  the  office  of  one  of  these  gentlemen  to  pass  the  ordeal  for 
which  we  had  been  preparing  for  years.  A  few  questions  were 
put  to  us  which  were  answered,  when  some  question  was  asked, 
the  answer  to  which  led  to  a  decided  difference  of  opinion 
among  the  examiners,  and  a  practical  suspension  of  our  exam 
ination.  It  soon  occurred  to  them  that  they  were  more  inter 
ested  in  the  cases  coming  on  " to-morrow"  than  in  o in 
efficiency  as  incipient  lawyers.  I  was  asked  under 'whom  I 
studied.  I  answered  Judge  Parker,  and  they  all  agreed  that 
anyone  who  was  certified  by  him  ought  to  be  admitted. 

My  old  and  dearest  friend,  and  boon  companion,  Dr.  J.  C. 
Buckingham,  of  Springfield,  was  then  entering  upon  his  pro 
fession.  He  was  an  admirable  penman.  He  obtained  leave  of 
the  clerk  of  the  court,  to  write  out  my  certificate  of  admission 
as  a  member  of  the  bar,  and  this  he  did  in  beautiful  form, 
handsomely  illustrated.  He  attached  to  it  an  enormous  seal, 
and  it  was  duly  signed  by  the  clerk  of  the  court.  I  have  kept 
it  as  a  memento  of  him,  but  have  never  had  occasion  to  present 
it  to  anyone.  He,  poor  fellow,  died  prematurely  at  Springfield, 
when  in  the  full  employment  of  his  duties  as  a  physician,  and 
with  the  most  hopeful  prospects  of  success  in  his  profession. 

I  must  not  forget  that  in  my  boyhood  days  I  had  a  strong 
penchant  for  military  parade.  I  remember  well  the  respect 
always  shown  to  the  Revolutionary  veterans,  who  survived  to 
the  period  of  my  boyhood.  At  every  meeting,  political  or 
otherwise,  where  these  soldiers  appeared  to  share  in  the  assem 
blage  of  citizens,  they  were  received  with  profound  respect. 


48  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Hats  came  off.  They  were  given  the  best  seats,  and  every 
mark  of  honor  was  shown  them.  What  boy  did  not  feel  the 
gushings  of  patriotic  emotion  when  one  of  these  old  veterans 
appeared  upon  the  stage.  To  a  less  degree,  similar  marks  of 
respect  were  shown  to  the  soldiers  of  the  War  of  1812;  but, 
though  this  was  as  great  and  important  an  event  in  our  history, 
it  did  not  light  the  spark  of  patriotic  fire  like  the  Revolu 
tionary  War. 

Before  the  war  for  the  Union  broke  out,  military  spirit  died 
away,  especially  in  Ohio.  Military  organizations  had  fallen  into 
disuse  and  popular  contempt.  We  had,  it  is  true,  in  times  far 
apart,  what  were  called  militia  musters,  but  Jack  FalstafPs 
regiment  was  nothing  to  our  militia.  I  had  the  honor  to  be  a 
member  of  the  staff  of  Colonel  Urie,  of  Ashland,  when  the 
venerable  General  Wilson  was  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
militia  of  that  part  of  Ohio.  He  was  a  hero  of  the  War  of 
1812,  and,  as  I  remember,  a  gallant  and  fine-looking  old  gentle 
man.  The  regiment — so  called — without  guns,  uniform,  or 
anything  proper  for  a  soldier,  was  with  some  difficulty  formed 
into  line,  but  a  wavering  line,  across  the  public  square  at 
Mansfield  and  along  East  and  West  Market  streets,  when,  by 
some  misunderstanding  of  orders,  the  right  of  the  regiment 
marched  to  the  right,  and  the  left  to  the  left.  With  some 
difficulty,  and  a  good  deal  of  swearing,  they  were  brought  back 
into  line  and  dismissed.  Militia  day  was  a  day  of  drunkenness 
and  fighting.  No  wonder  that  years  passed  without  muster. 
Such  was  the  military  condition  of  the  United  States  when  the 
War  of  the  Rebellion  sounded  the  tocsin  of  alarm,  and  our 
generation  was  called  upon  to  meet  the  gravest  struggle  in 
American  history. 


CHAPTER  TIL 
ADMISSION  TO  THE  BAR  AND  EARLY  POLITICAL  LIFE. 

Law  Partnership  with  my  Brother  Charles  — Changes  in  Methods  of  Court  Practice  — 
Obtaining  the  Ivight-of-Way  for  a  Railroad  —  Excitement  of  the  Mexican  War 
and  its  Effect  on  the  Country  — My  First  Visit  to  Washington— At  a 
Banquet  with  Daniel  Webster— New  York  Fifty  Years  ago  — Mar 
riage  with  Margaret  Cecilia  Stewart— Beginning  of  My  Political 
Life  — Belief  in  the  Doctrine  of  Protection  —  Democratic 
and    Whig    Conventions  of    185U  —  The   Slavery 
Question  —  My  Election  to  Congress  in  1854. 

A7TER  I  was  admitted  to  the  bar  I  felt  the  natural  ela 
tion  of  one  who  had  reached  the  end  of  a  long  journey 
after  weary  waiting.     I  spent  two  or  three  weeks  in 
visiting  my  relatives  in  Dayton  and  Cincinnati,  attend 
ing  the  courts  in  those  cities,  where  I  observed  closely  the  con 
duct  of  judges  and  lawyers  in  the  trial  of  cases,  and  returned 
to  Mansfield  full  of  confidence,  and  with  a  better  opinion  of 
myself  than  I  have  entertained  since. 

The  first  object  I  sought  to  accomplish  was  the  removal  of 
my  mother  and  her  two  unmarried  daughters,  Susan  and 
Fannie,  from  Lancaster  to  Mansfield.  At  this  time  all  her  sons 
were  settled  at  homes  distant  from  Lancaster,  and  her  other 
daughters  were  married  and  scattered.  By  an  arrangement 
between  my  brothers,  Charles  and  Tecumseh,  and  myself,  I  was 
to  keep  house  with  mother  in  charge,  Susan  and  Fannie  as 
guests.  This  family  arrangement  was  continued  until  Susan 
and  I  were  married  and  mother  died. 

To  return  to  my  admission  to  the  bar.  I  felt  that  I  was 
now  a  man.  I  had  heretofore  banked  mainly  on  the  treasures 
of  hope.  My  brother,  Charles  Sherman,  admitted  me  as  an 
equal  partner  in  his  lucrative  practice,  and  thus  I  gained  a 
foot-hold  in  the  profession.  Fortunately  for  me,  his  timidity 
required  me  to  attend  stoutly  contested  cases  brought  to  us. 
The  old  distinction  between  law  and  equity  proceedings  was 
then  preserved,  and  Charles  was  a  very  good  equity  counselor. 

s.-4  (49) 


50  RECOLLECTIONS 

With  this  line  of  distinction  between  us  we  never  had  any  dif 
ficulty  in  arranging  our  business,  or  in  dividing  our  labor.  He 
was  then  agent  and  attorney  for  New  York  and  eastern  cred 
itors,  the  confidential  adviser  of  our  leading  business  men,  and 
the  counselor  of  a  very  interesting  sect,  then  quite  numerous 
in  Kichland  county,  called  Quakers,  or  Friends,  who  could  not 
conscientiously  take  the  usual  oath,  but  in  witnessing  all  nec 
essary  legal  papers,  and  in  contests,  made  their  affirmations. 
There  was,  therefore,  left  to  me  the  pleadings,  oral  or  written, 
and  the  struggle  of  debate  and  trial.  The  practice  of  the  bar 
in  Ohio  had  greatly  changed  from  that  of  the  early  decades  of 
this  century.  As  I  have  stated,  the  judges,  in  the  earlier 
decades,  accompanied  by  leading  lawyers,  mounted  on  horses, 
went  from  county  to  county  and  disposed  of  the  docket.  The 
local  lawyers  had  but  little  to  do.  Now  all  this  is  changed. 
Each  county  has  its  bar  and  its  leading  lawyers,  and  only  when 
the  case  is  of  great  importance  a  "foreign"  lawyer  is  called  in. 
The  change  has  been  caused  by  the  abnormal  growth  of  popu 
lation.  In  1830  the  total  population  of  the  state  was  only 
938,000,  that  of  many  of  the  counties  being  very  small.  In 
1850  the  population  had  more  than  doubled,  amounting  to 
1,980,000.  In  1890  it  was  3,672,000,  well  distributed  among 
the  counties  according  to  their  capacity  for  supporting  this 
increase. 

Other  remarkable  changes  have  also  taken  place  during  the 
same  period.  The  entire  mode  of  conducting  business  in  early 
days  has  been  abandoned.  Cash  payments  and  short  accounts 
have  taken  the  place  of  barter  and  credit.  The  Ohio  banking 
law  of  1846,  followed  and  superseded  by  the  national  banking 
act  of  1863,  produced  a  radical  change  in  the  forms,  credit  and 
solvency  of  paper  money,  and,  more  than  any  other  cause,  has 
encouraged  the  holding  of  small  savings  of  money  in  savings 
banks  and  like  institutions.  These  favorable  conditions  tended 
to  limit  credits,  to  encourage  savings,  and  to  change  the 
vocation  and  habits  of  lawyers. 

Change  in  methods  have  also  affected  the  legal  profession. 
The  adoption  of  a  code  of  laws,  and  of  new  and  simple  plead 
ings,  rendered  useless  half  the  learning  of  the  old  lawyers, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  51 

driving  some  of  them  out  of  practice.  I  knew  one  in  Mans 
field  who  swore  that  the  new  code  was  made  by  fools,  for  fools, 
and  that  he  never  would  resort  to  it.  I  believe  he  kept  his 
word,  except  when  in  person  he  was  plaintiff  or  defendant. 
Yet,  the  code  and  pleadings  adopted  in  New  York  have  been 
adopted  in  nearly  all  the  states,  and  will  not  be  changed  except 
in  the  line  of  extension  and  improvement. 

These  reforms,  and  the  many  changes  made  in  the  organi 
zation  of  our  state  and  federal  courts,  have  to  a  considerable 
extent  lessened  the  fees  and  restricted  the  occupation  of  la\v- 
yers.  But  it  can  be  said  that  the  leading  members  of  the  legal 
profession  proposed  and  adopted  these  reforms,  and  always  ad 
vocated  any  legislation  that  tended  to  simplify  and  cheapen 
litigation  and  at  the  same  time  protect  life,  property  or 
reputation. 

While  these  causes  were  operating  against  lawyers,  agents 
of  nature,  hitherto  unknown,  undiscovered,  and  wonderful, 
were  being  developed,  which  were  to  completely  revolutionize 
the  methods  of  travel,  the  transportation  of  goods,  and  the 
modes  of  production,  thus  opening  new  fields  for  the  employ 
ment  of  lawyers.  Instead  of  assault  and  battery  cases,  suits 
for  slander  and  the  collection  of  debts,  the  attention  of  law 
yers  was  directed  to  the  development  of  railroads,  banking 
institutions  and  other  corporations. 

The  construction  of  railroads  caused  a  most  remarkable 
revolution  in  the  habits  and  industries  of  our  people.  The 
first  built  in  Ohio  ran  from  Lake  Erie  or  the  Ohio  River,  north 
or  south  into  the  center  of  the  state.  Among  them  was  the 
Sandusky  &  Mansfield  road,  originally  a  short  line  from  San- 
dusky  to  Monroeville,  intended  to  be  run  by  horse  power.  It 
was  soon  changed  to  a  steam  road,  the  power  being  furnished 
by  a  feeble,  wheezing  engine,  not  to  be  compared  with  the  loco 
motive  of  to-day.  It  was  then  extended  to  Mansfield,  and  sub 
sequently  to  Newark,  but  was  not  completed  until  1846.  It 
was  built  of  cross-ties  three  feet  apart,  connected  by  string 
pieces  of  timber  about  six  by  eight  inches  in  dimensions,  and  a 
flat  iron  bar  two  and  one-half  inches  wide  and  five-eighths  of 
an  inch  thick.  The  worthlessness  and  danger  of  such  a  railroad 


52  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  soon  demonstrated  by  innumerable  accidents  caused  by 
the  spreading  of  rails,  the  "snaking "of  the  flat  bars  of  iron 
through  the  cars,  and  the  feebleness  of  the  engines.  Both  road 
and  engines  soon  had  to  be  replaced.  In  every  case  which  I 
recall  the  original  investment  in  the  early  railroads  was  lost. 

It  was  thought  when  the  first  railroad  from  Sandusky  to 
Mansfield  was  completed  that  the  road  would  save  the  farmer 
five  or  six  cents  a  bushel  on  his  wheat  in  its  transit  to  the  lake, 
and  yield  a  handsome  profit  to  the  stockholders  of  the  railroad. 
That  was  the  great  benefit  anticipated.  No  one  then  thought 
of  the  movement  by  railroad,  over  vast  distances,  of  grain, 
stock,  and  merchandise,  but  regarded  the  innovation  as  a  sub 
stitute  for  the  old  wagon  trains  to  the  lake. 

The  construction  of  this  railroad  wras  considered  at  that 
time  a  great  undertaking.  It  was  accomplished  mainly  by  the 
leading  business  men  of  Mansfield,  but  the  road  turned  out  to 
be  a  very  bad  investment,  bankrupting  some  and  crippling 
others.  I  was  employed  by  the  company  to  collect  the  stock 
and  to  secure  by  condemnation  the  right-of-way  from  Ply 
mouth  to  Mansfield.  Much  of  the  right-of-way  was  freely 
granted  without  cost  by  the  owners  of  the  land.  As  the  chief 
benefit  was  to  inure  to  the  farmers,  it  was  thought  to  be  very 
mean  and  stingy  for  one  of  them  to  demand  money  for  the 
right-of-way  through  his  farm.  I  went  over  the  road  from 
Mansfield  to  Plymouth  with  a  company  of  five  appraisers,  all 
farmers,  who  carefully  examined  the  line  of  the  railroad,  and 
much  to  my  mortification,  assessed  in  the  aggregate  for  twenty 
miles  of  railway  track,  damages  to  the  amount  of  $2,000.  I 
honestly  thought  this  an  exorbitant  award,  but  the  same  dis 
tance  could  not  be  traversed  now  at  a  cost  for  right-of-way  for 
ten  times  that  sum. 

The  present  admirable  roads  in  Ohio  have  been  built  mainly 
by  the  proceeds  of  bonds  based  upon  a  right-of-way. 

In  the  meantime  other  railroads  of  much  greater  impor 
tance  were  being  built,  and  the  direction  of  the  roads,  instead 
of  being  north  and  south,  was  from  east  to  west,  to  reach  a 
business  rapidly  developing  west  of  Ohio  of  far  greater  impor 
tance  than  the  local  traffic  of  that  state. 


CHARLES  T.  SHERMAN, 

ELDEST  BROTHER  OF  SENATOR  AND  GENERAL  SHERMAN. 


,  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  58 

Among  the  most  valuable  of  these  railroads  was  the 
Pittsburg,  Ft.  Wayne  &  Chicago,  now  a  part  of  the  system  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company,  by  which  it  is  leased. 
This  road  was  built  in  sections  by  three  different  corporations, 
subsequently  combined  by  authority  of  the  legislatures  of 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois.  The  first  section 
was  the  Pittsburg  &  Ohio  railroad  from  Pittsburg  to  Crest 
line,  twelve  miles  west  of  Mansfield. 

There  is  perhaps  a  no  more  remarkable  material  develop 
ment  in  the  history  of  mankind  than  that  of  railroads  in  the 
United  States  since  1845.  The  number  of  miles  of  such  roads  is 
now  171,804.72,  the  actual  cost  of  which  with  equipment 
amounting  to  $9,293,052,143.  The  value  of  these  railroads  and 
their  dependent  warehouses  and  stations  is  probably  greater 
to-day  than  was  the  value  of  the  entire  property  of  the  United 
States  in  1840. 

Contemporaneous  with  railroads  came  the  telegraph,  the 
cable,  and  the  telephone.  The  first  telegraph  wire  was  strung 
between  Baltimore  and  Washington  in  1844.  The  first  tele 
graph  line  through  the  State  of  Ohio  was  from  Cleveland 
via  Mansfield  to  Columbus  and  Cincinnati,  and  was  established 
in  1848.  At  the  close  of  the  session  of  the  supreme  court  at 
Mansfield  in  that  year,  Judge  Hitchcock,  who  presided,  asked 
me  the  road  to  Mt.  Gilead,  in  Morrow  county,  a  county  then 
recently  created.  I  pointed  to  the  telegraph  wire  stretched  on 
poles,  and  told  him  to  follow  that.  The  old  judge,  who  had 
been  on  the  supreme  bench  for  over  twenty  years  was  quite 
amused  at  the  direction  given.  He  laughed  and  said  he  had 
been  mislead  by  guideboards  all  his  life,  and  now  he  was  glad 
to  be  guided  by  a  wire. 

The  development  and  changes,  soon  after  my  admission  to 
the  bar,  turned  somewhat  the  tide  of  my  hopes  and  expecta 
tions.  Our  firm  soon  lost  the  business  of  collecting  debts  for 
eastern  merchants  by  the  establishment  of  numerous  and  safe 
banks  under  the  state  act  of  L846.  Several  of  the  old  banks, 
especially  those  at  Wooster,  Norwalk,  and  Massillon  had  ut 
terly  failed,  and,  I  believe,  paid  no  part  of  their  outstanding 
notes.  The  new  banks,  founded  upon  a  better  system,  one  of 


54  RECOLLECTIONS 

which  was  at  Mansiiekl,  rapidly  absorbed  the  collection  of 
eastern  merchants  from  the  part  of  Ohio  in  which  we  lived. 
Tliis  loss  was,  however,  more  than  made  good  by  our  employ 
ment  as  attorneys  for  the  several  railroads  through  Richland 
county.  My  brother  gradually  withdrew  from  his  business  in 
Mansfield,  and  became  the  general  attorney  for  the  Pittsburg, 
Ft.  Wayne  &  Chicago  liailroad. 

Tn  the  meantime  I  had  taken  a  junior  part  in  the  trial  of 
several  cases  in  which  I  was  greatly  favored  by  Mr.  Stewart, 
the  most  eminent  member  of  his  profession  at  Mansfield.  He 
gave  me  several  opportunities  for  testing  my  qualities  before 
a  jury,  so  that  I  gradually  gained  confidence  in  myself  as  a 
speaker. 

My  Uncle  Parker  was  then  judge  of  the  court  of  common 
pleas.  So  far  from  favoring  me  on  account  of  my  relation  to 
him,  he  seemed  to  me  to  wish  to  demonstrate  his  impartiality 
by  overruling  my  pleadings  or  instructing  the  jury  against  me. 
I  am  quite  sure  now  that  this  was  fanciful  on  my  part,  for  he 
was  universally  regarded  as  being  an  excellent  example  of  a 
just  judge  without  favor  or  partiality. 

During  the  early  period  of  practice  at  the  bar  I  studied  my 
cases  carefully  and  had  fair  success.  I  settled  more  cases  by 
compromises,  however,  than  I  tried  before  a  jury.  I  got  the 
reputation  of  being  successful  by  full  preparation  and  a  thor 
ough  knowledge  of  the  facts  and  law  of  the  case.  In  address 
ing  a  jury  1  rarely  attempted  flights  of  oratory,  and  when  I 
did  attempt  them  I  failed.  I  soon  learned  that  it  was  better  to 
gain  the  confidence  of  a  jury  by  plain  talk  than  by  rhetoric. 
Subsequently  in  public  life  I  preserved  a  like  course,  and  once, 
though  I  was  advised  by  Governor  Chase  to  add  a  peroration  to 
my  argument,  I  did  not  follow  his  advice.  While  I  defended 
many  persons  for  alleged  crimes  I  never  but  once  prosecuted  a 
criminal.  My  old  friend,  Mr.  Kirkwood,  was  the  prosecuting 
attorney  of  the  county,  and  I  renewed  with  him  my  "moot 
court"  experience  in  frequent  contests  between  real  parties. 

During  this  period  I  became  a  member  of  the  order  of 
Odd  Fellows  in  Mansfield.  I  took  an  active  interest  in  the 
order,  and  was  at  one  time  Noble  Grand  of  the  lodse.  I  have 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  55 

continued  ever  since  to  pay  my  dues,  but  have  not  been  able  to 
attend  the  meetings  regularly  for  some  years.  I  have  always 
thought,  without  any  reference  to  its  supposed  secrecy,  that  it 
is  an  association  of  great  value,  especially  in  bringing  young 
men  under  good  social  influences  with  men  of  respectable  char 
acter  and  standing. 

Among  the  political  incidents  of  this  period  1  recall  the 
excitement  that  grew  out  of  the  Mexican  War.  The  general 
feeling  among  all  classes,  and  the  universal  feeling  among  the 
Whigs  was,  that  the  Mexican  War  was  purposely  and  unjustly 
entered  upon  to  extend  the  institution  of  slavery.  There  is, 
now,  no  doubt  that  such  was  the  object  of  the  war.  After  the 
battles  at  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma  a  call  was  made 
upon  the  people  of  Ohio  for  two  regiments  of  volunteers. 
These  were  raised  without  much  difficulty,  one  being  placed 
under  the  command  of  Col.  Thomas  L.  1  lamer,  the  other  under 
my  old  commander,  Col.  Samuel  R.  Curtis.  I  was  somewhat 
tempted  to  enter  the  service,  though  I  did  not  believe  in  the 
justice  of  the  war.  My  old  friend,  Gen.  McLaughlin,  raised  a 
company  in  Mansfield,  and  my  comrade  on  the  Muskingum  Im 
provement,  James  M.  Love,  raised  one  in  Coshocton,  and  Col. 
Curtis  was  to  command  the  regiment.  My  brother,  William 
Tecumseh,  then  captain  in  the  regular  army,  was  eager  to  go 
into  the  war.  He  had  been  stationed  at  Pittsburg,  on  recruit 
ing  service,  but  during  the  excitement  visited  us  at  Mansfield, 
and  chafed  over  the  delay  of  orders  to  join  the  troops,  then 
under  General  Taylor.  No  doubt  his  impatience  led  him  to  be 
assigned  to  the  expedition  around  Cape  Horn  to  occupy  Cali 
fornia,  this,  greatly  to  his  regret,  keeping  him  out  of  the  war 
with  Mexico. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  merits  of  this  war  in  the 
beginning,  its  fruits  were  undoubtedly  of  immense  value  to 
this  country.  Without  this  war  California  might,  like  other 
provinces  of  Mexico,  have  remained  undeveloped.  In  the  pos 
session  of  the  United  States  its  gold  and  silver  have  been 
discovered  and  mined,  and,  together  with  all  the  vast  interior 
country  west  of  the  Mississippi,  it  has  been  developed  with  a 
rapidity  unexampled  in  history. 


r)fi  RECOLLECTIONS 

Iii  the  winter  of  1846-7, 1  for  the  first  time  visited  the  cities 
of  Washington,  New  York  and  Boston.  I  rode  in  a  stage 
coach  from  Mansfield  to  the  national  road  south  of  Newark, 
and  thence  over  that  road  by  stages  to  Cumberland,  the  rail 
roads  not  having  yet  crossed  the  mountains.  From  Cumber 
land  I  rode  in  cars  to  Baltimore,  occupying  nearly  a  day.  From 
Baltimore  I  proceeded  to  Washington. 

On  my  arrival  I  went  to  the  National  Hotel,  then  the  most 
popular  hotel  in  Washington,  where  many  Senators  and  Mem 
bers  lodged.  I  found  there,  also,  a  number  of  charming  young 
ladies  whose  company  was  much  more  agreeable  to  me  than 
that  of  the  most  distinguished  statesmen.  We  had  hops,  balls 
and  receptions,  but  I  recall  very  few  public  men  I  met  at  that 
time.  Mr.  Vinton,  then  the  veteran  Member  from  Ohio, 
invited  me  to  join  for  a  few  days  his  mess;  he  was  then  board 
ing  in  a  house  nearly  opposite  the  hotel,  kept  by  an  Italian 
whose  name  I  cannot  recall.  He  was  a  famous  cook.  The 
mess  was  composed  entirely  of  Senators  and  Members,  one  of 
the  former  being  Mr.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky.  I  was  delighted 
and  instructed  by  the  free  and  easy  talk  that  prevailed,  a  mix 
ture  of  funny  jokes,  well-told  stories  and  gay  and  grave  dis 
cussions  of  politics  and  law. 

My  stay  at  the  capital  was  brief  as  1  wished  to  go  to  New 
York  and  Boston.  In  New  York  I  received  from  a  relative  a 
letter  of  introduction  to  Benj.  R.  Curtis,  then  an  eminent 
lawyer,  and  latterly  a  more  eminent  justice  of  the  supreme 
court.  When  I  presented  my  letter  I  was  received  very  kindly 
and  after  a  brief  conversation  he  said  he  was  able  to  do  me  a 
favor,  that  he  had  a  ticket  to  a  grand  banquet  to  be  attended 
by  the  leading  men  of  Boston  at  Plymouth  Rock,  on  the  anni 
versary  of  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  and  that  Daniel 
Webster  would  preside.  I  heartily  thanked  him,  and  on  the 
next  day,  promptly  on  time,  I  entered  the  train  at  Boston  for 
Plymouth.  When  I  arrived  at  the  hotel,  which  is  also  a 
station-house  of  the  railway,  I  did  not  know  a  single  person  in 
the  great  assemblage.  In  due  time  we  were  ushered  into  the 
dining  hall  where  the  banquet  was  spread.  There  was  no 
mistaking  Webster.  He  sat  in  the  center  of  a  cross  table  with 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  57 

the  British  minister  on  his  right  and  Jeremiah  Mason  on  his 
left.  At  the  other  end  of  the  room  sat  Abbott  Lawrence  and 
other  distinguished  men.  The  residue  of  the  guests,  mer 
chants,  poets,  and  orators  of  Massachusetts,  filled  every  seat  at 
the  tables.  I  sat  some  way  down  on  the  side  and  introduced 
myself  to  my  neighbors  on  the  right  and  left,  but  my  eye  was 
on  Webster,  from  whom  I  expected  such  lofty  eloquence  as  he 
alone  could  utter. 

Much  to  my  surprise,  when  the  time  came  for  the  oratory 
to  commence,  Mr.  Lawrence  acted  as  toast  master.  We  had 
stories,  songs,  poetry  and  oratory,  generally  good  and  appropri 
ate,  but  not  from  Webster.  And  so  the  evening  waned. 
Webster  had  been  talking  freely  with  those  about  him.  He 
displayed  none  of  the  loftiness  associated  with  his  name.  He 
drank  freely.  That  was  manifest  to  everyone.  His  favorite 
bottle  was  one  labeled  "  brandy."  We  heard  of  it  as  being 
"  more  than  a  hundred  years  old. "  It  did  not  travel  down  to 
us.  Webster  was  plainly  hilarious.  At  this  time  the  conduc 
tor  appeared  at  a  side  door  and  announced  that  in  fifteen 
minutes  the  cars  would  start  for  Boston.  Then  Webster  arose 
—with  difficulty — he  rested  his  hands  firmly  on  the  table  and 
with  an  effort  assumed  an  erect  position.  Every  voice  was 
hushed.  He  said  that  in  fifteen  minutes  we  would  separate, 
nevermore  to  meet  again,  and  then,  with  glowing  force  and 
eloquence,  he  contrasted  the  brevity  and  vanity  of  human  life 
with  the  immortality  of  the  events  they  were  celebrating, 
which  century  after  century  would  be  celebrated  by  your 
children  and  your  children's  children  to  the  latest  generation. 

I  cannot  recall  the  words  of  his  short  but  eloquent  speech, 
but  it  made  an  impress  on  my  mind.  If  his  body  was  affected 
by  the  liquor,  his  head  was  clear  and  his  utterance  perfect. 
I  met  Mr.  Webster  afterwards  on  the  cars  and  in  Washington. 
I  admired  him  for  his  great  intellectual  qualities,  but  I  do  not 
wonder  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  did  not  choose 
him  for  President. 

Soon  after  the  national  Whig  convention  of  1852,  of  which 
I  was  a  member,  I  heard  this  story  told  by  his  secretary.  In  the 
evening,  when  Mr.  Webster  was  at  his  well-known  residence 


58  RECOLLECTIONS 

on  Louisiana  Avenue,  near  Sixth  street,  lie  was  awaiting  the 
ballots  in  the  convention.  When  it  came  by  the  telegraph, 
"Scott  159,  Fillmore  112,  Webster  21,"  he  repeated  it  in  his 
deep  tones  and  said:  "How  will  this  read  in  history?"  He 
did  not  like  either  Scott  or  Fillmore,  and  was  disappointed  in 
the  votes  of  southern  members.  To  be  third  in  such  a  contest 
wounded  his  pride.  He  died  before  the  year  closed.  He  was, 
perhaps,  the  greatest  man  of  intellectual  force  of  his  time,  but 
lie  had  faults  which  the  people  could  not  overlook.  Another 
incident  about  Mr.  Webster,  and  the  house  in  which  he  lived, 
may  not  be  without  interest.  On  New  Year's  day  of  I860,  Mr. 
Corwin,  Mr.  Colfax  and  myself  made  the  usual  calls  together. 
Among  the  many  visits  we  made,  was  one  on  a  gentleman 
then  living  in  that  house.  As  we  entered,  Mr.  Corwin  met 
an  old  well-trained  negro  servant  who  had  been  a  servant  of 
Mr.  Webster  in  this  house.  I  noticed  that  Mr.  Corwin  lost  his 
usual  gayety,  and  as  we  left  the  house  he  turned  to  us,  and, 
with  deep  emotion,  asked  that  we  leave  him  at  his  lodg 
ings;  that  his  long  associations  with  Mr.  Webster,  especially 
his  meetings  with  him  in  that  house  during  their  association 
as  members  of  the  cabinet  of  Fillmore,  unfitted  him  to  enjoy 
the  usual  greetings  of  the  day.  I  felt  that  the  emotion  of 
such  a  man  as  Corwin  was  the  highest  possible  compliment 
to  the  memory  of  Daniel  Webster. 

From  Boston  I  returned  to  New  York.  There,  in  the 
families  of  two  brothers  of  my  mother,  both  then  living,  I 
had  a  glimpse  of  New  York  society.  With  Mr.  Scott,  the  son- 
in-law  of  my  uncle,  James  Hoyt,  I  made  nearly  one  hundred 
of  the  usual  New  Year's  visits,  then  customary  in  New  York. 
This  custom  I  am  told  has  been  abandoned,  but  the  New  York 
of  to-day  is  quite  different  from  the  New  York  of  1847.  It 
still  retained  some  of  the  knickerbocker  customs  of  the  olden 
time.  The  site  of  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  was  then  a  stone- 
yard  where  grave  stones  were  cut.  All  north  of  Twenty-third 
street,  now  the  seat  of  plutocracy,  was  then  sparsely  occupied 
by  poor  houses  and  miserable  shanties,  and  the  site  of  Central 
Park  was  a  rough,  but  picturesque  body  of  woodland,  glens 
and  rocky  hills,  with  a  few  clearings  partly  cultivated.  Even 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  59 

then  the  population  of  New  York  was  about  400,000,  or  more 
than  three-fold  that  of  any  city  in  the  United  States, 
and  twenty-fold  that  of  Chicago.  Now  New  York  contains 
2,000,000  inhabitants,  and  Chicago,  according  to  recent  reports, 
about  1,700,000.  Many  cities  now  exist  containing  over 
100,000  inhabitants,  the  sites  of  which,  in  that  year,  were 
within  the  limits  of  Indian  reservations. 

From  New  York  I  returned  to  Washington.  Many  inci 
dents  recur  to  me  but  they  were  of  persons  now  dead  and 
gone,  the  memory  of  whom  will  not  be  recalled  by  the  present 
generation.  Mr.  Polk  was  then  President.  He  was  a  plain 
man,  of  ordinary  ability  and  more  distinguished  for  the  great 
events  that  happened  during  his  presidency  than  for  anything- 
he  did  himself.  I  attended  one  of  his  receptions.  His  wife 
appeared  to  better  advantage  than  he.  I  then  saw  Mr.  Douglas 
for  the  first  time.  I  think  he  was  still  a  Member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  but  had  attained  a  prominent 
position  and  was  regarded  as  a  rising  man.  I  wished  very 
much  to  see  Henry  Clay,  the  great  favorite  of  the  Whigs  of 
that  day,  but  he  was  not  then  in  public  life. 

There  was  nothing  in  Washington  at  that  time  to  excite 
interest,  except  the  men  and  women  in  public  or  social  life. 
The  city  itself  had  no  attractions  except  the  broad  Potomac 
River  and  the  rim  of  hills  that  surrounded  the  city.  It  then 
contained  about  30,000  inhabitants.  Pennsylvania  avenue  was 
a  broad,  badly  paved,  unattractive  street,  while  all  the  other 
streets  were  unpaved  and  unimproved.  All  that  part  of  the 
city  lying  north  of  K  street  and  west  of  Fourteenth  street, 
now  the  most  fashionable  part  of  the  city,  was  then  a  dreary 
waste  open,  like  all  the  rest  of  the  city,  as  free  pasturage  for 
cows,  pigs,  and  goats.  It  was  a  city  in  name,  but  a  village  in 
fact.  The  contrast  between  Washington  then  and  now  may 
be  referred  to  hereafter. 

Upon  my  return  from  the  east  in  February,  1847,  I  actively 
resumed  the  practice  of  the  law.  I  was  engaged  in  several  im 
portant  trials,  but  notably  one  at  Mount  Vernon.  Ohio,  where 
the  contesting  parties  were  brothers,  the  matter  in  dispute  a 
valuable  farm,  and  the  chief  witness  in  the  case  the  mother  of 


f)0  RECOLLECTIONS 

both  the  plaintiff  and  defendant.  It  was,  as  such  trials  are  apt 
to  be,  vigorously  contested  with  great  bitterness  between  the 
parties.  Columbus  Delano  was  the  chief  counsel  for  the  plain 
tiff,  and  I  was  his  assistant.  I  remember  the  case  more  espe 
cially  because  during  its  progress  I  was  attacked  by  typhoid 
fever.  I  returned  home  after  the  trial,  completely  exhausted, 
and  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1847,  found  myself  in  a  raging  fever, 
which  continued  more  than  two  months  before  I  was  able  to 
rise  from  the  bed,  and  then  I  was  as  helpless  as  a  child.  I  was 
unable  to  walk,  and  was  lifted  from  the  house  into  the  carriage 
to  get  the  fresh  air,  and  continued  under  disability  until 
October,  when  I  was  again  able  to  renew  my  business. 
•  During  my  practice  thus  far,  I  had  been  able  to  accumulate 
in  property  and  money  more  than  ten  thousand  dollars.  I  had, 
in  addition  to  my  practice,  engaged  in  a  profitable  business 
with  Jacob  Emminger,  a  practical  mechanic,  in  the  manufac 
ture  of  doors,  blinds  and  other  building  materials.  We  acquired 
valuable  pine-lands  in  Michigan  and  transported  the  lumber  to 
our  works  at  Mansfield.  We  continued  this  business  until  I 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  March,  1877,  when  I 
sold  out  my  interest  and  also  abandoned  the  practice  of  the  law. 

I  spent  the  winter  of  1847-8  at  Columbus,  where  1  made 
many  acquaintances  who  were  of  great  service  to  me  in  after 
life,  and  had  a  happy  time  also  with  the  young  ladies  I  met 
there.  Columbus  was  then  the  headquarters  of  social  life  for 
Ohio.  It  had  a  population  then  of  about  fifteen  thousand,  with 
few  or  no  manufactures.  It  has  now  a  population  of  more 
than  one  hundred  thousand,  the  increase  being  largely  caused 
by  the  great  development  of  the  numerous  railroads  centering 
there,  and  of  the  coal  and  iron  mines  of  the  Hocking  Valley. 
It  was  also  the  natural  headquarters  of  the  legal  profession, 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio,  then  under  the  old  constitution, 
and  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  holding  their 
sessions  there. 

On  the  first  day  of  August,  1848,  my  grandmother,  Eliza 
beth  Stoddard  Sherman,  died  at  Mansfield  at  the  residence  of 
her  daughter,  Mrs.  Parker.  Her  history  and  characteristics 
have  already  been  referred  to.  She  was  to  our  family  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  61 

connecting  link  between  the  Revolutionary  period  and  our 
times.  She  had  a  vivid  recollection  of  the  burning  of  the  princi 
pal  towns  of  Connecticut  by  the  British  and  Tories,  of  the  trials 
and  poverty  that  followed  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  of  the  early 
political  contests  between  the  Federalists  and  Republicans,  of 
the  events  of  the  War  of  1812,  and  of  her  journey  to  Ohio  in 
1816.  She  maintained  a  masterly  care  of  her  children  and 
grandchildren.  She  was  the  best  type  I  have  known  of  the 
strong-willed,  religious  Puritan  of  the  Connecticut  school,  and 
was  respected,  not  only  by  her  numerous  grandchildren,  but  by 
all  who  knew  her. 

My  brother-in-law,  Thomas  W.  Bartley,  was  District  Attor 
ney  of  the  United  States  during  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Polk,  and,  as  he  expected  a  change  would  be  made  by  the 
incoming  administration  of  Taylor,  he  advised  me  to  become  a 
candidate  for  his  place,  as  that  was  in  the  line  of  my  profes 
sion.  I  told  him  I  doubted  if  my  experience  of  the  bar  would 
justify  me  in  making  such  an  application,  but  he  thought 
differently.  1  wrote  to  Mr.  Ewing  upon  the  subject  and  he 

answered  as  follows : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Dec.  31,  1848. 
John  Sherman,  Esq.,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : —  I  believe  you  would  be  able  to  perform  the  duties  of 
District  Attorney,  but  your  youth  would  be  an  objection  to  your  appoint 
ment,  and  in  competition  with  one  so  long  known,  and  so  highly  estimated, 
as  Mr.  Goddard  is  both  professionally  and  politically,  would  probably  make 
your  prospects  but  little  encouraging.  If  you  conclude  to  withdraw  your 
name,  signify  the  fact  and  the  reason  by  letter  to  Mr.  Goddard  and  it  may 
be  of  use  to  you  hereafter.  I  am,  with  great  regard, 

Yours,  T.  EWING. 

I  complied  with  his  advice,  though  Mr.  Goddard,  I  think, 
declined  and  Mr.  Mason  was  appointed. 

On  the  thirty-first  of  the  same  month  I  was  married  to  Mar 
garet  Cecilia  Stewart,  the  only  child  of  Judge  Stewart,  whom  I 
had  known  since  my  removal  to  Mansfield.  She  had  been  care 
fully  educated  at  the  Female  College  at  Granville,  Ohio,  and  at 
the  Patapsco  Institute,  near  Baltimore,  Maryland.  After  the 
usual  wedding  tour  to  Niagara  Falls,  Montreal  and  Saratoga, 
we  settled  in  Mansfield,  and  I  returned  to  my  profession, 
actively  pursuing  it  until  elected  a  Member  of  Congress. 


62  RECOLLECTIONS 

It  is  not  worth  while  to  follow  my  professional  life  into 
further  detail.  I  shall  not  have  occasion  to  mention  that  subject 
again.  Sufficient  to  say  that  I  was  reasonably  successful  therein. 
During  this  period  Henry  C.  Hedges  studied  law  with  my  brother 
and  myself,  and  when  admitted  to  the  bar  became  my  partner. 
Mr.  Stewart  was  elected  by  the  legislature  a  judge  of  the  Court 
of  Common  Pleas,  and  after  the  adoption  of  the  new  constitu 
tion  of  1851,  he  wras  elected  by  the  people  to  the  same  office. 

I  had  determined  in  the  fall  of  1853  to  abandon  Mansfield 
and  settle  in  Cleveland,  then  rapidly  growing  in  importance  as 
the  leading  city  in  the  northern  part  of  the  state.  I  went  so 
far  as  to  establish  an  office  there  and  place  in  it  two  young 
lawyers,  nominally  my  partners,  but  the  great  political  currents 
of  that  time  soon  diverted  me  from  the  practice  of  the  law 
into  the  political  contests  that  grew  out  of  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise. 

"The  direful  spring  of  woes  unnumbered." 

Before  entering  upon  an  account  of  my  political  life  it 
seems  appropriate  for  me  to  state  my  political  bias  and  posi 
tion.  I  was  by  inheritance  and  association  a  Whig  boy,  with 
out  much  care  for  or  knowledge  of  parties  or  political  principles. 
No  doubt  my  discharge  from  the  engineer  corps  by  a  Democratic 
Board  of  Public  Works  strengthened  this  bias.  I  shouted  for 
Harrison  in  the  campaign  of  1840.  In  1842  I  was  enthusiastic 
for  "Tom  Corwin,  the  wagon-boy,"  the  Whig  candidate  for 
Governor  of  Ohio.  In  that  canvass  Governor  Corwin  addressed 
a  great  meeting  at  Mansfield.  I  heard  his  speech,  and  was  full 
of  enthusiasm.  Mr.  Corwin  was  certainly  the  greatest  popular 
orator  of  his  time.  His  face  was  eloquent,  changeable  at  his 
will.  With  a  look  he  would  cause  a  laugh  or  a  tear.  He  would 
move  his  audience  at  his  pleasure.  1  vividly  remember  the 
impression  he  made  upon  me,  though  I  cannot  recall  anything 
he  said.  At  the  close  of  the  meeting  1  was  requested  by  the 
committee  in  charge  to  take  Mr.  Corwin  in  a  buggy  to  Bucyrus. 
This  1  cheerfully  did.  I  noticed  that  Mr.  Corwin  was  very 
glum  and  silent,  and  to  cheer  him  up  I  spoke  of  his  speech  and 
of  the  meeting.  He  turned  upon  me,  and  with  some  show  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  63 

feeling,  said  that  all  the  people  who  heard  him  would  remember 
only  his  jokes,  and  warned  me  to  keep  out  of  politics  and  at 
tend  to  my  law.  He  told  me  that  he  knew  my  father,  and  was 
present  at  his  death  at  Lebanon,  where  he,  Mr.  Corwin,  lived. 
And  then,  brightening  up,  he  gave  me  an  interesting  account  of 
the  early  settlement  of  Ohio,  and  of  the  bar  and  bench,  and  of 
his  early  life  as  a  wagon  boy  in  Harrison's  army.  His  sudden 
fit  of  gloom  had  passed  away.  I  do  not  recall  any  circum 
stance  that  created  a  deeper  impression  on  my  mind  than  this 
interview  with  Mr.  Corwin.  His  advice  to  keep  out  of  politics 
was  easy  to  follow,  as  no  one  could  then  dream  of  the  possi 
bility  of  a  Whig  being  elected  to  office  in  Bichland  county, 
then  called  "the  Berks  of  Ohio."  Mr.  Corwin  was  defeated  at 
that  election. 

I  took  but  little  part  in  the  campaign  of  1844,  when  Mr. 
Clay  was  a  candidate  for  President,  but  I  then  made  my  first 
political  speech  to  a  popular  audience  and  cast  my  first  vote. 
The  meeting  was  held  at  Plymouth,  and  Honorable  Joseph  M. 
Root,  the  Whig  candidate  for  Congress,  was  to  be  the  orator. 
For  some  reason  Mr.  Root  was  delayed,  and  I  was  pressed  into 
service.  Of  what  I  said  I  have  not  the  remotest  recollection, 
but  my  audience  was  satisfied,  and  I  was  doubly  so,  especially 
when  Mr.  Root  came  in  sight.  After  that  I  made  a  few  neigh 
borhood  speeches  in  support  of  the  Whig  candidate  for  gov 
ernor,  Mr.  Mordecai  Bartley,  a  gentleman  who  for  several  years 
had  lived  in  Mansfield,  but  had  long  since  retired  from  public 
office  after  eight  years'  service  in  the  United  States  House  of 
Representatives.  Mr.  Bartley  received  147,738  votes,  Mr.  Tod, 
Democrat,  146,461  votes  and  Mr.  King,  Third  Party,  8,411  votes; 
so  close  were  parties  divided  in  Ohio  in  1844. 

At  this  time  I  had  but  two  definite  ideas  in  respect  to  the 
public  policy  of  the  United  States.  One  was  a  hearty  belief  in 
the  doctrine  of  protection  to  American  industries,  as  advocated 
by  Mr.  Clay,  and,  second,  a  strong  prejudice  against  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  which  was  more  or  less  committed  to  the  annexa 
tion  of  Texas,  and  the  extension  of  slavery.  I  shared  in  the 
general  regret  at  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Clay  and  the  election  of  Mr. 
Polk.  I  took  some  part  in  the  local  canvasses  in  Ohio  prior  to 


64  RECOLLECTIONS 

1848,  but  this  did  not  in  the  least  commit  me  to  active  political 
life.  I  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  the  national  Whig  con 
vention,  held  in  Philadelphia,  in  1848,  to  nominate  a  presidential 
candidate.  I  accepted  this  the  more  readily  as  it  gave  me  an 
opportunity  to  see  my  future  wife  at  her  school  at  Patapsco, 
and  to  fix  our  engagement  for  marriage  upon  her  return  home. 
The  chief  incident  of  the  convention  was  the  struggle  between 
the  friends  of  General  Scott  and  General  Taylor. 

When  the  convention  was  being  organized,  Colonel  Collyer, 
chairman  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  said  there  was  a  young  gen 
tleman  in  that  convention  who  could  never  hope  to  get  an 
office  unless  that  convention  gave  him  one,  and  nominated  me 
for  secretary  of  the  convention.  Mr.  Defrees  said  there  was  a 
delegate  from  Indiana  in  the  same  condition  and  moved  that 
Schuyler  Colfax  be  made  assistant  secretary.  We  then 
marched  together  to  the  platform  and  commenced  our  political 
life,  in  which  we  were  to  be  closely  associated  for  many  years. 

The  nomination  of  General  Taylor,  cordially  supported  by 
me,  was  not  acceptable  to  all  the  Whigs  of  Ohio.  The  hostility 
to  slavery  had  grown  chiefly  out  of  the  acquisition  of  Texas  as 
a  slave  state.  An  anti-slavery  party  headed  in  Ohio  by  Salmon 
P.  Chase  cast  35,354  votes  for  Van  Buren.  General  Taylor  was 
defeated  in  Ohio  mainly  by  this  defection,  receiving  138,360 
votes.  General  Cass  received  154,775  votes.  General  Cass  re 
ceived  the  vote  of  Ohio,  but  General  Taylor  was  elected  Presi 
dent,  having  received  a  majority  of  the  electoral  vote. 

General  Taylor  proved  a  very  conscientious  and  acceptable 
President.  His  death,  on  the  ninth  day  of  July,  1850,  pre 
ceded  the  passage  of  the  compromise  measures  of  Henry  Clay, 
commonly  known  by  his  name.  They  became  laws  with  the 
approval  of  Millard  Fillmore. 

It  was  my  habit  during  this  period  to  attend  the  annual 
state  conventions  of  the  Whig  party,  not  so  much  to  influence 
nominations  as  to  keep  up  an  acquaintance  with  the  principal 
members  of  my  party.  I  had  not  the  slightest  desire  for  pub 
lic  office  and  never  became  a  candidate  until  1854.  In  the 
state  convention  of  1850  I  heartily  supported  the  nomination 
of  General  Scott  for  President,  at  the  approaching  election  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  65 

1852.  In  this  convention  an  effort  was  made  to  nominate  me 
for  attorney-general  in  opposition  to  Henry  Stanbery.  I 
promptly  declined  to  be  a  candidate,  but  received  a  number  of 
votes  from  personal  friends,  who,  as  they  said,  wanted  to  intro 
duce  some  young  blood  into  the  Whig  party. 

I  then  began  seriously  to  study  the  political  topics  of  the 
day.  I  was  classed  as  a  conservative  Whig,  and  heartily  sup 
ported  the  compromise  measures  of  1850,  not  upon  their 
merits,  but  as  the  best  solution  of  dangerous  sectional  divi 
sions.  Prior  to  this  time  I  do  not  remember  to  have  given  any 
study,  except  through  the  newspapers  of  the  day,  to  the  great 
national  questions  that  divided  the  political  parties. 

In  the  spring  of  1852  I  was  designated  by  the  state  conven 
tion  as  a  delegate  at  large  in  association  with  Honorable  Sam 
uel  F.  Vinton  to  the  national  Whig  convention  of  that  year. 
I  was  an  earnest  advocate  of  General  Scott,  and  rejoiced  in  his 
nomination.  Here,  again,  the  slavery  question  was  obtruded 
into  national  politics.  The  clear  and  specific  indorsement  of 
the  compromise  measures,  though  supported  by  a  great  major 
ity,  divided  the  Whig  party  and  led  to  the  election  of  Franklin 
Pierce.  In  this  canvass  I  took  for  the  first  time  an  active  part. 
I  was  designated  as  an  elector  on  the  Scott  ticket.  I  made 
speeches  in  several  counties  and  cities,  but  was  recalled  at 
Wooster  by  a  telegram  stating  that  my  mother  was  danger 
ously  ill.  Before  I  could  reach  home  she  was  dead.  This  event 
was  wholly  unexpected,  as  she  seemed,  when  I  left  home,  to  be 
in  the  best  of  health.  She  had  accompanied  her  daughter,  Mrs. 
Bartley,  to  Cleveland  to  attend  the  state  fair,  and  there,  no 
doubt,  she  was  attacked  with  the  disease  of  which  she  died.  I 
took  no  further  part  in  the  canvass. 

I  wish  here  to  call  special  attention  to  the  attitude  of  the 
two  great  parties  in  respect  to  the  compromise  measures. 

The  Democratic  national  convention  at  Baltimore  was  held 
on  the  first  of  June,  1852.  The  resolutions  of  that  convention 
in  reference  to  slavery  were  as  follows: 

"  12.  Resolved,  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  constitution  to 
interfere  with,  or  control,  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  states,  and 
that  such  states  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything  appertaining 

S— 5 


66  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  their  own  affairs,  not  prohibited  by  the  constitution;  that  all  efforts  of 
the  Abolitionists  or  others,  made  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with  ques 
tions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto,  are  calculated 
to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dangerous  consequences,  and  that  all  such 
efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people, 
and  endanger  the  stability  and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to 
be  countenanced  by  any  friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

"13.  Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  is  intended 
to  embrace,  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress,  and,  there 
fore,  the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  national  plat 
form,  will  abide  by,  and  adhere  to,  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts  known 
as  the  compromise  measures  settled  by  the  last  Congress,  «  the  act  for  re 
claiming  fugitives  from  service  labor,1  included;  which  act,  being  designed 
to  carry  out  an  express  provision  of  the  constitution,  cannot,  with  fidelity 
thereto,  be  repealed,  nor  so  changed  as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency. 

"  14.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at 
renewing  in  Congress,  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question, 
under  whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be  made" 

The  Whig  convention,  which  met  at  Baltimore  on  the  16th 
of  June,  1852,  declared  as  follows:— 

"  8.  That  the  series  of  acts  of  the  32nd  Congress,  the  act  known  as  The 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  included,  are  received  and  acquiesced  in  by  the  Whig 
party  of  the  United  States  as  a  settlement  in  principle  and  substance  of  the 
dangerous  and  exciting  questions  which  they  embrace,  and  so  far  as  they 
are  concerned,  we  will  maintain  them,  and  insist  upon  their  strict  enforce 
ment,  until  time  and  experience  stall  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  further 
legislation  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of  the  laws  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
abuse  of  their  powers  on  the  other  —  not  impairing  their  present  efficiency; 
and  we  deprecate  all  further  agitation  of  the  question  thus  settled  as  dan 
gerous  to  our  peace,  and  will  discountenance  all  efforts  to  continue  or 
renew  such  agitation  whenever,  wherever  or  however  the  attempt  may  be 
made,  and  we  will  maintain  the  system  as  essential  to  the  nationality  of  the 
Whig  party  and  the  integrity  of  the  Union." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  these  platforms  do  not  essentially 
differ  from  each  other.  Both  declare  in  favor  of  acquiescence  in 
the  compromise  measures  of  1850.  The  Democratic  party 
more  emphatically  denounces  any  renewal  in  Congress,  or  out 
of  it,  of  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  under  whatever 
name,  shape  or  color,  the  attempt  may  be  made.  The  Whig 
platform,  equally  positive  in  its  acquiescence  in  the  settle 
ment  made,  known  as  the  compromise  measures,  declared  its 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  .    67 

purpose  to:  "Maintain  them,  and  to  insist  upon  their  strict 
enforcement  until  time  and  experience  shall  demonstrate  the 
necessity  of  further  legislation  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of 
the  laws." 

It  would  seem  that  under  these  platforms  both  parties  were 
committed  to  acquiescence  in  existing  laws  upon  the  subject  of 
slavery,  and  to  a  resistance  of  all  measures  to  change  or  mod 
ify  them. 

I  took  quite  an  active  part  in  this  canvass  and  wrote  to  Mr. 
Seward,  then  the  great  leader  of  the  Whig  party,  inviting  him 
to  attend  a  mass  meeting  in  Richland  county,  to  which  I 
received  the  following  reply : 

AUBURN,  Sept.  20,  1852. 
JOHN  SHERMAN,  ESQ.,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

DEAR  SIR  : — •  I  have  the  honor  of  receiving  your  letter  urging  me  to 
accept  the  invitation  of  the  Whig  central  committee  to  address  a  mass 
meeting  in  Richland  county,  Ohio,  on  the  second  of  October.  I  appreciate 
fully  the  importance  of  the  canvass  in  which  we  are  engaged,  and  I  have  some 
conception  of  the  responsibilities  of  the  Whigs  of  Ohio.  I  wish,  therefore,  that 
it  was  in  my  power  to  comply  with  the  wishes,  expressed  in  several  quarters, 
by  going  among  them  to  attempt  to  encourage  them  in  their  noble  and 
patriotic  efforts,  but  it  is  impossible.  Public  and  professional  engagements 
have  withdrawn  me  from  my  private  affairs  during  the  past  two  years,  and 
the  few  weeks  of  interval  between  the  last  and  the  next  session  of  Congress 
are  equally  insufficient  for  the  attention  my  business  requires  and  for  the 
relaxation  of  public  labors  which  impaired  health  demands.  I  am,  dear  sir, 
with  great  respect,  your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

The  election  of  1852  resulted  in  the  overwhelming  defeat  of 
General  Scott,  and  the  practical  annihilation  of  the  Whig 
party.  Franklin  Pierce  received  244  electoral  votes,  and  Gen 
eral  Scott  but  42. 

The  triumphant  election  of  Mr.  Pierce,  on  the  platform 
stated,  justified  the  expectation  that  during  his  term  there 
would  be  no  opening  of  the  slavery  controversy  by  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  If  that  party  had  been  content  with  the  com 
promise  of  1850,  and  had  faithfully  observed  the  pledges  in  its 
platform,  there  would  have  been  no  Civil  War.  Conservative 
Whigs,  north  and  south,  would  have  united  with  conservative 
Democrats  in  maintaining  and  enforcing  existing  laws.  The 


(;S  RECOLLECTIONS 

efforts  of  the  opponents  of  slavery  and  of  aggressive  pro- 
slavery  propagandists  would  have  been  alike  ineffective.  The 
irrepressible  conflict  would  have  been  indefinitely  postponed. 
Yet,  as  will  appear  hereafter,  the  leaders  of  the  33rd  Congress 
of  both  parties,  and  mainly  on  sectional  lines,  openly  and  fla 
grantly  violated  the  pledges  of  their  party,  and  renewed  a 
contest  that  was  only  closed  by  the  most  destructive  Civil  War 
of  modern  times,  and  by  the  abolition  of  slavery.  As  this 
legislation  brought  me  into  public  life,  I  wish  to  justify  my 
statement  by  the  public  records,  with  all  charity  to  the  authors 
of  the  measures  who  no  doubt  did  not  anticipate  the  baleful 
events  that  would  spring  from  them,  nor  the  expanded  and 
strengthened  republic  which  was  the  final  result.  "Man  pro 
poses,  but  God  disposes." 

When  the  33rd  Congress  met,  on  the  6th  day  of  December,  1853, 
the  tariff  issue  was  practically  in  abeyance.  The  net  ordinary 
receipts  of  the  government  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30, 
1853,  were  $61,587,031.68.  The  net  ordinary  expenditures  of  the 
government  for  the  same  year,  including  interest  on  the  public 
debt,  were  $47,743,989.09,  leaving  a  surplus  of  revenue  over 
expenditures  of  $13,843,042.59,  of  which  $6,833,072.65  was  ap 
plied  to  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  leaving  in  the  treas 
ury,  unexpended,  about  $7,000,000.00.  The  estimates  for  future 
years  were  equally  favorable  to  the  public  credit.  The  financial 
and  political  condition  of  the  United  States  was  never  more 
prosperous  than  when  this  Congress  met.  The  disturbance  of 
this  condition  can  be  attributed  only  to  the  passage  of  the  act 
to  organize  the  territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas  approved 
by  President  Franklin  Pierce,  May  30,  1854.  The  32nd  section 
of  that  act  contained  this  provision:— 

"That  the  constitution  and  all  laws  of  the  United  States  which  are 
locally  inapplicable,  shall  have  the  same  force  and  effect  within  the  said 
Territory  of  Kansas  as  elsewhere  within  the  United  States,  except  the  eighth 
section  of  the  act  preparatory  to  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union, 
approved  March  sixth,  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty,  which,  being  inconsis 
tent  with  the  principle  of  non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the 
states  and  territories,  as  recognized  by  the  legislation  of  eighteen  hundred 
and  fifty,  commonly  called  the  compromise  measures,  is  hereby  declared 
inoperative  and  void ;  it  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  act  not 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  gg 

to  legislate  slavery  into  any  territory  or  state,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom, 
but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States:  Provided,  That  nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  con 
strued  to  revive  or  put  in  force  any  law  or  regulation  which  may  have 
existed  prior  to  the  act  of  sixth  of  March,  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty, 
either  protecting,  establishing,  prohibiting  or  abolishing  slavery." 

This  act  contained  a  similar  clause  relating  to  Nebraska. 

To  understand  the  effect  of  this  provision  it  is  necessary  to 
review  the  status  of  slavery  in  the  United  States  under  the 
constitution  and  existing  laws. 

The  articles  of  Confederation  make  no  mention  of  slavery 
or  slaves.  During  and  after  the  Revolution  the  general  feel 
ing  was  that  slavery  would  be  gradually  abolished  by  the 
several  states.  In  the  Ordinance  of  1787  for  the  government 
of  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  northwest  of  the  Ohio 
River,  it  was  expressly  provided  that: 

"  There  shall  be  no  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  the  said  terri 
tory,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  parties  shall 
have  been  duly  convicted;  provided,  always,  that  any  person  escaping  into 
the  same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  in  any  of  the 
original  states,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed,  and  conveyed  to 
the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service  as  aforesaid." 

This  provision  applied  to  all  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  that  was  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Continental 
Congress. 

The  constitution  of  the  United  States  did  not  mention 
either  slaves  or  slavery.  Its  two  provisions  relating  to  the 
subject  were  the  following: 

"  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  states  now 
existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress 
prior  to  the  year  one  thousand,  eight  hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty 
may  be  imposed  on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each 
person."  . 

"  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  state,  under  the  laws  thereof, 
escaping  into  another  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 
be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim 
of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due." 


70 


RECOLLECTIONS 


The  first  clause  quoted  was  intended  to  enable  Congress  to 
prohibit  the  introduction  of  slaves  after  the  year  1808,  and  this 
was  promptly  done.  The  second  provision  was  intended  to 
authorize  the  recapture  of  slaves  escaping  from  their  owners 
to  another  state.  It  was  the  general  expectation  of  the 
framers  of  the  constitution  that  under  its  provisions  slavery 
would  be  gradually  abolished  by  the  acts  of  the  several  states 
where  it  was  recognized. 

The  first  great  controversy  that  grew  out  of  slavery  was 
whether  Missouri  should  be  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  slave 
state,  and  whether  slavery  should  exist  in  the  western  terri 
tories. 

The  following  provision  became  part  of  the  law  of  March 
6,  1820,  approved  by  President  James  Monroe,  and  known  as 
the  compromise  measure  of  that  year : 

"  That,  in  all  that  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States  under 
the  name  of  '  Louisiana,'  which  lies  north  of  36  deg.  30  min.  north  latitude, 
not  included  within  the  limits  of  the  state  contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery 
and  involuntary  servitude,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes 
whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  be  and  is  hereby, 
forever  prohibited:  Provided,  always,  That  any  person  escaping  into  the 
same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  in  any  other  state  or 
territory  of  the  United  States,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed,  and 
conveyed  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service,  as  aforesaid." 

This  compromise  measure  fixed  the  boundary  line  between 
free  and  slave  states  in  all  the  territories  then  belonging  to 
the  United  States.  Slavery  was  thus  forever  prohibited  within 
the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  This  happy  solution 
was  regarded  as  something  more  than  a  mere  enactment  of 
Congress.  It  was  a  territorial  division  between  the  two  great 
sections  of  our  country,  acquiesced  in  by  both  without  question 
or  disturbance  for  thirty-four  years.  The  memorable  contro 
versy  that  arose  in  the  31st  Congress  in  1850  in  respect  to  the 
territory  acquired  from  Mexico  did  not  in  the  least  affect  or 
relate  to  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  The  subject- 
matter  of  the  several  bills  originally  embraced  in  Mr.  Clay's 
report  of  the  committee  of  thirteen,  defined  the  northern 
boundary  of  the  State  of  Texas  on  the  line  of  36  deg.  30  min. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  71 

north  latitude,  provided  for  the  addition  of  the  State  of  Cali 
fornia,  for  territorial  governments  for  New  Mexico  and  Utah, 
and  for  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves. 

In  the  resolution  annexing  Texas  to  the  United  States 
there  is  this  express  recognition  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
line: 

"  New  states  of  convenient  size,  not  exceeding  four  in  number,  in  addi 
tion  to  said  State  of  Texas,  and  having  'sufficient  population,  may  hereafter, 
by  the  consent  of  said  state,  be  formed  out  of  the  territory  thereof,  which 
shall  be  entitled  to  admission  under  the  provisions  of  the  Federal  constitu 
tion;  and  such  states  as  may  be  formed  out  of  that  portion  of  said  territory 
lying  south  of  36  deg.  30  min.  north  latitude,  commonly  known  as  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise  line,  shall  be  admitted  into  the  Union  with  or  without 
slavery,  as  the  people  of  each  state  asking  admission  may  desire." 

The  convention  providing  for  the  admission  of  California 
expressly  stipulated  by  a  unanimous  vote  that  slavery  should 
be  forever  prohibited  in  that  state.  The  bill  providing  for  a 
territorial  government  for  New  Mexico,  the  great  body  of  the 
territory  of  which  lay  south  of  the  parallel  of  latitude  36  deg. 
30  min.,  provided,  "That,  when  admitted  as  a  state,  the  said 
territory,  or  any  portion  of  the  same,  shall  be  received  into  the 
Union,  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their  constitution  may 
prescribe  at  the  time  of  their  admission." 

The  act  organizing  the  Territory  of  Utah,  lying  entirely 
north  of  the  37th  degree  of  latitude,  contains  no  provision 
recognizing  the  right  of  the  people  of  that  territory  to  permit 
slavery  within  its  borders.  The  situation  of  the  state  and  its 
population  precluded  the  possibility  of  establishing  slavery 
within  its  borders. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  by  the  compromise  measures  of 
1820  and  1850,  the  existence  or  prohibition  of  slavery  was  fixed 
by  express  laws,  or  by  conditions  which  it  was  fondly  believed 
defined  the  limits  of  slavery,  and  thus  set  at  rest  the  only 
question  that  threatened  the  union  of  the  states.  This  settle 
ment  was  indorsed  and  ratified  by  the  two  great  parties  in 
their  national  platforms  of  1852,  with  the  solemn  pledge  of 
both  parties  that  they  would  resist  the  re-opening  of  these 
questions. 


72  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  Senate  of  the  33rd  Congress  was  composed  of  36  Demo 
crats,  20  Whigs  and  2  Free  Soilers.  The  House  was  composed 
of  159  Democrats,  71  Whigs,  and  4  Free  Soilers,  with  Franklin 
Pierce  as  President  of  the  United  States. 

I  need  not  narrate  the  long  struggle  in  both  Houses  over  the 
bill  to  organize  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  It  was 
a  direct  invitation  for  a  physical  struggle  between  the  north 
and  south  for  the  control  of  -these  territories,  but  it  finally 
passed  on  the  30th  of  May,  1854. 

This  act  repealed  in  express  terms  the  Missouri  Compromise 
of  1820,  and  falsely  stated  the  terms  of  the  compromise 
measures  of  1850,  which,  as  I  have  shown,  had  no  reference 
whatever  to  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  It  re 
opened,  in  the  most  dangerous  form,  the  struggle  between 
freedom  and  slavery  in  the  western  territories,  and  was  the 
congressional  beginning  of  the  contest  which  culminated  in 
the  War  of  the  Rebellion. 

It  is  difficult,  at  this  distance  of  time,  to  describe  the  effect 
of  the  act  of  1854  upon  popular  opinion  in  the  northern  states. 
The  repeal  was  met  in  Ohio  by  an  overwhelming  sentiment  of 
opposition.  All  who  voted  for  the  bill  were  either  refused  a 
nomination  or  were  defeated  by  the  people  at  the  polls. 
Party  lines  were  obliterated.  In  every  congressional 
district  a  fusion  was  formed  of  Democrats,  Whigs  and  Free 
Soilers,  and  candidates  for  Congress  were  nominated  solely 
upon  the  issues  made  by  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill. 

I  had  carefully  observed  the  progress  of  the  bill,  had  read 
the  arguments  for  and  against  it,  and  was  strongly  convinced 
that  it  was  the  duty  of  every  patriotic  citizen  to  oppose  its 
provisions.  The  firm  resolve  was  declared  by  the  state  con 
vention  of  Ohio,  composed  of  men  of  all  parties,  that  the 
institution  of  slavery  should  gain  no  advantage  by  this  act  of 
perfidy.  It  was  denounced  as  a  violation  of  a  plain  specific 
pledge  of  the  public  faith  made  by  acts  of  Congress  in  1820 
and  in  1850.  With  this  feeling  there  ran  current  a  conviction 
that  the  measure  adopted  was  forced  by  southern  domination, 
and  yielded  to  by  ambitious  northern  dough-faces  anxious  to 
obtain  southern  support. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  73 

Unfortunately  the  drift  of  parties  was  on  sectional  lines. 
The  whole  south  had  become  Democratic,  so  that  a  united 
south,  acting  in  concert  with  a  few  members  from  the  north, 
could  control  the  action  of  Congress.  I  believe  that  a  feeling 
did  then  prevail  with  many  in  the  south,  that  they  were  supe 
rior  to  men  of  the  north,  that  one  southern  man  could  whip 
four  Yankees,  that  their  institution  of  slavery  naturally  pro 
duced  among  the  masters,  men  of  superior  courage,  gentlemen 
who  could  command  and  make  others  obey.  Whether  such  a 
feeling  did  exist  or  not,  it  was  apparent  that  the  political  lead 
ers  in  the  south  were,  as  a  rule,  men  of  greater  experience, 
were  longer  retained  in  the  service  of  their  constituents,  and 
held  higher  public  positions  than  their  associates  from  the 
north.  Besides,  they  had  in  slavery  a  bond  of  union  that  did 
not  tolerate  any  difference  of  opinion  when  its  interests  were 
involved.  This  compact  power  needed  the  assistance  only  of  a 
few  scattered  members  from  the  north  to  give  it  absolute  con 
trol.  But  now  the  south  was  to  meet  a  different  class  of 
opponents.  There  had  been  growing  all  over  the  north,  es 
pecially  in  the  minds  of  religious  people,  a  conviction  that 
slavery  was  wrong.  The  literature  of  the  day  promoted  this 
tendency.  The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  aroused 
the  combative  feeling  of  the  north  until  it  became  general 
among  all  parties  and  sects.  Still,  the  north  recognized  the 
legal  existence  of  slavery  in  the  south,  and  did  not  propose  to 
interfere  with  it,  and  was  entirely  content  to  faithfully  observe 
the  obligations  of  the  constitution  and  the  laws,  including 
those  for  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves.  A  smaller,  but  very 
noisy  body  of  men  and  women  denounced  the  constitution  as 
"  a  covenant  with  hell  and  a  contract  with  the  devil."  A  much 
larger  number  of  conservative  voters  formed  themselves 
into  a  party  called  the  Free  Soil  party,  who,  professing  to 
be  restrained  within  constitutional  limits,  yet  favored  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  territories  and  District  of  Colum 
bia.  They  invoked  the  moral  influence  and  aid  of  the 
government  for  the  gradual  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the 
states.  "  Liberty  is  National,  Slavery  is  Sectional,"  was  their 
motto. 


74  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  strong  controlling  feeling  of  the  great  body  of  the 
Whigs  and  of  the  Democrats  of  the  north,  who  opposed  the 
Nebraska  and  Kansas  law  was  that  the  law  was  a  violation  of 
existing  compromises,  designed  to  extend  slavery  over  free  ter 
ritory,  that  it  ought  to  be  repealed,  but,  if  repeal  was  imprac 
ticable,  organized  effort  should  be  made  to  make  both 
territories  free  states.  "  Slavery  shall  gain  no  advantage  over 
freedom  by  violating  compromises,"  was  the  cry  of  a  new 
party,  as  yet  without  a  name. 

It  was  on  this  basis  in  the  summer  of  1854,  I  became  a  can 
didate  for  Congress.  Jacob  Brinkerhoff  and  Thomas  H.  Ford, 
both  residents  of  Bichland  county,  Ohio,  and  gentlemen  of 
experience  and  ability,  were  also  candidates,  but  we  agreed  to 
submit  our  pretensions  to  a  convention  in  that  county,  and  I 
was  selected  by  a  very  large  majority.  A  district  convention 
was  held  at  Shelby,  in  July.  Mr.  James  M.  Root,  for  several 
terms  a  Member  of  Congress,  was  my  chief  competitor,  but  I 
was  nominated,  chiefly  because  I  had  been  less  connected  with 
old  parties  and  would  encounter  less  prejudice  with  the  dis 
cordant  element  of  a  new  party. 

I  made  a  thorough  canvass  through  the  district,  composed 
of  the  counties  of  Huron,  Erie,  Richland  and  Morrow.  I  vis 
ited  and  spoke  in  every  town  and  township  in  the  district. 
William  D.  Lindsley,  a  Member  of  the  33rd  Congress,  was  my 
competitor.  He  was  a  farmer,  of  popular  manners,  but  defect 
ive  education.  When  first  a  candidate  a  letter  of  his  was 
published  in  which  he  spelled  the  word  "  corn  "  "  korne."  The 
Whig  newspapers  ridiculed  him  for  his  faulty  spelling,  but 
Democrats,  who  were  offended  at  this  criticism  said  they  would 
show  the  Whigs  how  to  plant  corn,  and  the  incident  proved  a 
benefit  rather  than  an  injury  to  Lindsley.  He  had  been  elected 
to  Congress  in  1852  against  a  popular  Whig  by  a  majority  of 
754.  He  had  voted  against  the  Nebraska  bill,  but  had  cast  one 
vote  that  opened  the  way  to  the  consideration  of  that  bill, 
which  action  was  made  the  subject  of  criticism.  This  did  not 
enter  as  a  national  element  in  the  canvass.  The  real  issue 
was  whether  the  Democrats  and  Free  Soilers  would  vote 
for  a  WThig.  Among  the  Free  Soilers  I  was  regarded  as  too 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  75 

conservative  on  the  slavery  question.  They  were  not  content 
with  the  repeal  of  the  offensive  provisions  of  the  Nebraska 
act,  but  demanded  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  all  the  terri 
tories  and  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  This  feeling  was  very 
strong  in  the  important  county  of  Huron. 

When  I  spoke  in  North  Fairfield  I  was  interrupted  by  the 
distinct  question  put  to  me  by  the  pastor  of  the  church  in 
which  I  spoke,  and  whose  name  I  do  not  recall,  whether  I  would 
vote  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
I  knew  this  was  a  turning  point,  but  made  up  my  mind  to  be 
frank  and  honest,  whatever  might  be  the  result.  I  answered 
that  I  would  not,  that  the  great  issue  was  the  extension  of 
slavery  over  the  territories.  I  fortified  myself  by  the  opinions 
of  John  Q.  Adams,  but  what  I  said  fell  like  a  wet  blanket  on 
the  audience.  I  understood  that  afterwards,  in  a  church  meet 
ing,  the  preacher  commended  my  frankness  and  advised  his 
people  to  vote  for  me. 

This  canvass,  more  than  any  other,  assumed  a  religious 
tone,  not  on  sectarian,  but  on  moral  grounds.  Our  meetings 
were  frequently  held  in  churches,  and  the  speaker  was  invited 
to  the  pulpit,  with  the  Bible  and  hymn-book  before  him,  and 
frequently  with  an  audience  of  men,  women  and  children, 
arranged  as  for  religious  worship. 

The  probable  course  of  Democrats  opposed  to  the  Nebraska 
bill  was  more  a  matter  of  doubt.  They  were  in  the  main 
content  with  Mr.  Lindsley  and  voted  for  him.  But  out  of  the 
general  confusion  of  parties  there  arose  what  was  known  as 
the  "Know-nothing"  order,  or  American  party,  opposed  to  the 
Catholics,  and  to  free  immigration.  It  was  a  secret  organiza 
tion,  with  signs  and  grips.  There  were  perhaps  one  thousand 
of  them  in  my  district,  composed  about  equally  of  Democrats 
and  Whigs.  They  were  indifferent,  or  neutral,  on  the  political 
issue  of  the  day. 

The  result  of  the  election  in  October  was  against  the 
Democratic  party  in  Ohio.  Every  Democratic  candidate  for 
Congress  was  defeated.  Twenty-one  Members,  all  opposed 
to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  but  differing  in 
opinion  upon  other  questions,  were  elected  to  Congress.  The 


76  RECOLLECTIONS 

composition  of  the  delegation  was  somewhat  peculiar,  as  the 
party  had  no  name,  and  no  defined  principles  except  upon  the 
one  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery.  On  the  day  of  elec 
tion  everyone  was  in  doubt.  Mr.  Kirkwood,  who  supported 
Mr.  Lindsley,  told  me  it  was  the  strangest  election  he  had  ever 
seen,  that  everyone  brought  his  ticket  in  his  vest  pocket,  and 
there  was  no  electioneering  at  the  polls.  He  expressed  his 
opinion,  but  not  with  much  confidence,  that  Mr.  Lindsley  was 
elected.  When  the  votes  were  counted,  it  was  found  that  I 
had  2,823  majority,  having  carried  every  county  in  the  district. 
Bichland  county,  in  which  I  lived,  for  the  first  time  cast  a 
majority  adverse  to  the  Democratic  party,  I  receiving  a 
majority  of  over  300  votes. 

During  the  summer  of  1855,  the  elements  of  opposition  to 
the  administration  of  President  Pierce  organized  as  the  Repub 
lican  party.  County  conventions  were  generally  held  and 
largely  attended.  The  state  convention  met  at  Columbus  on 
the  13th  day  of  July,  1855.  It  was  composed  of  heterogeneous 
elements,  every  shade  of  political  opinion  being  represented. 
Such  antipodes  as  Giddings,  Leiter,  Chase,  Brinkerhoff,  and 
Lew  Campbell  met  in  concert.  The  first  question  that 
troubled  the  convention  was  the  selection  of  a  president.  It 
was  thought  impolitic  to  take  one  who  had  been  offensively 
conspicuous  in  one  of  the  old  parties.  The  result  was  that 
I  was  selected,  much  to  my  surprise,  and,  for  a  time,  much  to 
my  chagrin.  Mr.  Allison,  since  a  distinguished  Member  of  the 
United  States  Senate,  was  elected  secretary  of  the  convention, 
had  never  presided  over  any  assembly  excepting  an  Odd 
Fellows'  lodge.  When  I  assumed  the  chair  I  no  doubt  soon 
exposed  my  inexperience.  A  declaration  of  principles  was 
formulated  as  follows: 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  people  who  constitute  the  supreme  power  in  the 
United  States,   should  guard   with  jealous   care   the   rights   of  the   several 
states,  as  independent  governments.     No  encroachment  upon  their  legislative 
or  judicial  prerogatives  should  be  permitted  from  any  quarter. 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  people  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  mindful  of  the  bless 
ings  conferred  upon  them  by  the  «  Ordinance  of  Freedom,"  whose  anniver 
sary  our  convention  this  day  commemorates,  should  establish  for  their  polit 
ical  guidance  the  following  cardinal  rules: 


THE  STATE  OF  OHIO,  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE. 


f  *         ' 


®©TOB§3©IB  A53I3 

1  nctci'V   ^Jcztity,  tuat.  at 
f  fff 


ITSIS  STATE  ©I?  ©HO®, 
:   dcfc/  cit/ 


ditJu  etectcd  a  .S/te/etcw/tahve/  in/  toe/       s'/Z^^?^^ Jttt-tf-^ »=^fe 

V  /  ^,      &      ~ 


name,  and ' caajed ' Me  (-^iea^  <3/&ic  c/f  (M  <S/Sa&/  o/  C/nt'a 

(7  f  I 

tt/  MtUtub    a //<&</,  at   Mcs  *i3tJi4  ojf 


OF    THE 

{   UNIVERSITY   j 

OF 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  77 

(1).  We  will  resent  the  spread  of  slavery  under  whatever  shape  or  color 
it  may  be  attempted. 

(2).  To  this  end  we  will  labor  incessantly  to  render  inoperative  and  void 
that  portion  of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  which  abolishes  freedom  in  the 
territory  withdrawn  from  the  influence  of  slavery  by  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  of  1820 ;  and  we  will  oppose  by  every  lawful  and  constitutional 
means,  the  extension  of  slavery  in  any  national  territory,  and  the  further 
increase  of  slavery  territory  or  slave  states  in  this  republican  confederacy. 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  recent  acts  of  violence  and  Civil  War  in  Kansas, 
incited   by  the  late  Vice  President   of  the  United   States,   and   tacitly  en 
couraged  by  the  Executive,  command  the  emphatic  condemnation  of  every 
citizen. 

4.  Resolved,  That  a  proper  retrenchment  in  all  public  expenditures,  a 
thoroughly  economical  administration  of  our  state  government,  a    just  and 
equal  basis  of  taxation,  and  single  districts  for  the  election  of  members  of 
the    legislature,  are  reforms  called  for  by  a  wise   state   policy   and  justly 
demanded  by  the  people. 

5.  Resolved,  That    a   state  central  committee,    consisting    of   five,    be 
appointed  by  this  convention,  and  the  said  committee,  in  addition  to  its  usual 
duties,  be  authorized  to  correspond  with  committees  of  other  states  for  the 
purpose  of  agreeing  upon  a  time  and  place  for  holding  a  national  convention 
of  the  Republican  party  for  the  nomination  of  President  and  Vice  President. 

Joshua  R.  Giddings  was  the  solitary  member  of  the  com 
mittee  opposed  to  the  resolutions,  not,  he  said,  because  he 
objected  to  the  resolutions  themselves,  but  he  thought  they 
were  a  little  too  tender.  They  were  not  strong  enough  for  the 
old  guard  and  still  they  were  better  than  none.  If  it  offended 
his  brother  to  eat  meat  he  would  eat  no  more  while  time 
lasted.  He  was  opposed  to  this  milk  for  babes.  He  dis 
agreed  with  his  colleagues,  but  had  had  the  misfortune  to 
disagree  with  people  before.  He  was  used  to  disagreement 
and  hoped  everybody  would  vote  for  the  platform. 

Lewis  D.  Campbell  said  his  friend  from  Ashtabula  wanted 
to  make  an  issue  with  Frank  Pierce.  He  did  not  wish  to  raise 
an  issue  with  the  dead.  He  hoped  everybody  would  vote  for  the 
platform.  He  did  not  consider  the  resolutions  milk  for  babes, 
but  strong  meat. 

The  platform  was  adopted  by  a  unanimous  vote. 

The  real  contention  was  upon  the  nomination  of  governor. 
Salmon  P.  Chase  was  nominated,  but  there  was  difference  of 
opinion  concerning  his  somewhat  varied  political  associations 


78  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  some  criticism  of  them.  In  1845  he  had  projected  what  was 
called  a  liberty  convention.  In  1848  he  had  been  a  member 
of  the  Free  Soil  convention  held  at  Buffalo  and  since  1849  had 
been  a  Senator  of  the  United  States.  Thomas  H.  Ford,  my 
townsman,  was  nominated  as  lieutenant  governor,  as  the 
representative  of  the  Whig  party.  Jacob  Brinkerhoff,  also  of 
Mansfield,  was  nominated  as  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court.  He 
had  been  a  Member  of  Congress  from  1843  to  1847  as  a  Demo 
crat,  but  early  took  decided  ground  against  the  extension  of 
slavery.  He  was  the  reputed  author  of  what  is  known  as  the 
"  Wilmot  Proviso." 

On  the  8th  day  of  August  this  famous  proviso  was  offered 
as  an  amendment  to  a  bill  authorizing  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  employ  $3,000,000  in  negotiations  for  a  peace 
with  Mexico,  by  purchase  of  territory,  by  David  Wilmot,  of 
Pennsylvania,  a  Member  of  the  House.  "  That,  as  an  express 
fundamental  condition  to  the  acquisition  of  any  territory  from 
the  Republic  of  Mexico  by  the  United  States,  neither  slavery 
nor  involuntary  servitude  should  ever  exist  in  any  part  of  said 
territory. "  This  proviso  was  adopted  by  the  House,  but  was 
rejected  by  the  Senate.  It  was  the  basis  of  the  organization 
known  as  the  Free  Soil  party  of  1848,  and  of  the  Republican 
party  in  1856. 

The  other  candidates  on  the  ticket  were  fairly  distributed. 

The  canvass  of  1855  was  conducted  mainly  by  Senator 
Chase  and  Colonel  Ford.  I  participated  in  it  to  some  extent, 
but  was  chiefly  engaged  in  closing  my  business  in  preparation 
for  the  approaching  session  of  Congress.  The  result  of  the 
election  was  as  follows:  Chase,  146,770  votes;  Medill,  131,019; 
Allen  Trimble,  24,276. 

The  election  of  Senator  Chase,  upon  a  distinctly  Republican 
platform,  established  the  fact  that  the  majority  of  the  voters  of 
Ohio  were  Republicans  as  defined  by  the  creed  of  that  party. 

In  the  summer  of  1855  I  made  my  first  trip  to  Iowa,  accom 
panied  by  Amos  Townsend  and  James  Cobean.  At  that  time 
Iowa  was  a  far-off  state,  thinly  populated,  but  being  rapidly 
settled.  We  passed  through  Chicago,  which  at  that  time  con 
tained  a  population  of  about  50,000.  The  line  of  railroad 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  79 

extended  to  the  Mississippi  Eiver.  From  thence  we  traveled  in 
a  stage  to  Des  Moines,  now  the  capital  of  Iowa,  but  then  a 
small  village  with  about  1,000  inhabitants.  The  northern  and 
western  parts  of  the  state  were  mostly  unsold  public  lands,  open 
to  entry.  My  three  brothers,  James,  Lampson  and  Hoyt,  were 
living  in  Des  Moines.  James  was  a  merchant  in  business. 
Lampson  was  the  editor  and  proprietor  of  a  newspaper,  and 
Hoyt  was  actively  engaged  in  the  purchase  and  sale  of  land. 
With  Hoyt  for  guide  we  drove  in  a  carriage  as  far  north  as 
Fort  Dodge,  where  a  new  land  office  had  been  recently  estab 
lished.  The  whole  country  was  an  open  plain  with  here  and 
there  a  cabin,  with  no  fences  and  but  little  timber.  We 
arrived  at  Fort  Dodge  on  Saturday  evening,  intending  to  spend 
some  time  there  in  locating  land.  The  tavern  at  which  we 
stopped  was  an  unfinished  frame  building  with  no  plastering, 
and  sash  without  glass  in  the  windows.  On  the  next  day,  Sun 
day,  Cobean  invited  us  to  join  him  in  drinking  some  choice 
whisky  he  had  brought  with  him.  We  did  so  in  the  dining- 
room.  While  thus  engaged  the  landlady  came  to  us  and  told 
Cobean  that  she  was  not  very  well,  and  would  be  glad  if  he 
would  give  her  some  whisky.  He  handed  her  the  bottle,  and  she 
went  to  the  other  end  of  the  room  and  there  poured  out  nearly 
a  glass  full  and  drank  it.  Cobean  was  so  much  alarmed  lest 
the  woman  should  become  drunk  that  he  insisted  upon  leaving 
the  town  immediately,  and  we  acquiesced  and  left.  After 
wards  we  learned  that  she  became  very  drunk,  and  the  land 
lord  was  very  violent  in  denouncing  us  for  giving  her  whisky, 
but  we  got  outside  the  county  before  the  sun  went  down.  I 
had  frequent  occasion  to  be  in  Fort  Dodge  afterwards,  but 
heard  nothing  more  of  the  landlord  or  his  wife. 

The  road  to  Council  Bluffs  from  Des  Moines  was  over  a 
high  rolling  prairie  with  scarcely  any  inhabitants.  The 
village  of  Omaha,  opposite  Council  Bluffs,  contained  but  a  few 
frame  houses  of  little  value.  The  settlement  of  Iowa  and  Ne 
braska  after  this  period  is  almost  marvelous.  Iowa  now  (1895), 
contains  over  2,000,000  and  Nebraska  over  1,200,000  people. 
The  twelve  states  composing  the  north  central  division  of  the 
United  States  contained  5,403,595  inhabitants  in  1850,  and  now 


80  RECOLLECTIONS 

number  over  24,000,000,  or  more  than  quadruple  the  number  in 
1850,  and  more  than  the  entire  population  of  the  United  States 
in  that  year.  I  have  frequently  visited  these  states  since,  and 
am  not  surprised  at  their  wonderful  growth.  I  believe  there 
is  no  portion  of  the  earth's  surface  of  equal  area  which  is  sus 
ceptible  of  a  larger  population  than  that  portion  of  the  United 
States  lying  north  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  between  the  Alle 
gheny  Mountains  and  the  Missouri  River. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
EARLY  DAYS  IN  CONGRESS. 

My   First    Speech    in    the    House  —  Struggle    for    the    Possession    of    Kansas  — 

Appointed   as  a  Member   of  the   Kansas   Investigating   Committee— The 

Invasion    of   March    30th,    1855  —  Exciting   Scenes   in  the  Second 

District  of  Kansas  — Similar   Violence  in   Other  Territorial 

Districts— Return  and  Report  of  the  Committee— No 

Relief  Afforded  the  People  of  Kansas  —  Men  of 

Distinction  in  the  34th  Congress— Long 

Intimacy  with  Schuyler  Coif  ax. 

IN  1854  the  Whig  party  had  disappeared  from  the  roll  of 
parties  in  the  United  States.  It  was  a  bad  name  for  a 
good  party.  English  in  its  origin,  it  had  no  significance 
in  American  politics.  The  word  "  Democratic,"  as  applied 
to  the  opposing  party,  was  equally  a  misnomer.  The  word 
"  Democracy,"  from  which  it  is  derived,  means  a  government 
of  the  people,  but  the  controlling  power  of  the  Democratic 
party  resided  in  the  southern  states,  where  a  large  portion  of 
the  people  were  slaves,  and  the  ruling  class  were  slaveholders, 
and  the  name  was  not  applicable  to  such  a  people.  The  Repub- 
lican  party  then  represented  the  progressive  tendency  of  the 
age,  the  development  of  the  country,  the  opposition  to  slavery 
and  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  It  was  about  to  engage  in 
a  political  contest  for  the  administration  of  the  government. 
It  was  in  the  minority  in  the  Senate,  and  had  but  a  bare  plu 
rality  in  the  House.  It  had  to  contest  with  an  adverse  Execu 
tive  and  Supreme  Court,  with  a  well-organized  party  in  posses 
sion  of  all  the  patronage  of  the  government,  in  absolute  con 
trol  of  the  slaveholding  states,  and  supported  by  strong  minor 
ities  in  each  of  the  free  states. 

This  was  the  condition  of  parties  when  the  34th  Congress 
met  in  the  old  halls  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives  on  the  3rd  of  December,  1855.  The  Senate  was  composed 
of  43  Democrats  and  17  Republicans.  There  were  four  vacan 
cies.  The  House  was  composed  of  97  Republicans,  82  Demo 
crats,  and  45  classed  as  Third  Party  men,  mostly  as  Americans. 

S.-6  (81) 


82  RECOLLECTIONS 

Eight  Members  were  absent,  and  not  yet  classified.  An  unu 
sual  proportion  of  the  Members  were  new  in  public  life,  the 
result  of  the  revolution  of  parties  caused  by  the  Nebraska  bill. 
The  Senate  was  already  organized  with  Mr.  Bright,  of  Indiana, 
as  president  pro  tempore. 

The  first  duty  of  the  House  was  to  elect  a  speaker,  a  major 
ity  of  the  Members  present  being  necessary  to  a  choice.  The 
balloting  for  speaker  continued  until  February  2,  1856,  when 
Nathaniel  P.  Banks  was  elected  under  the  plurality  rule. 
During  these  two  months  the  House  was  without  a  speaker, 
and  also  without  rules  except  the  general  principles  of  parlia 
mentary  law.  The  clerk  of  the  last  House  of  Representatives 
presided.  Innumerable  speeches  were  made,  some  of  them 
very  long,  but  many  brief  ones  were  made  by  the  new  Mem 
bers  who  took  the  occasion  to  air  their  oratory.  Timothy 
Day,  one  of  my  colleagues,  a  cynical  bachelor  and  proprietor 
of  the  Cincinnati  "Commercial,"  who  sat  by  my  side,  was  con 
stantly  employed  in  writing  for  his  paper.  When  a  new 
voice  was  heard  he  would  put  his  hand  to  his  ear,  listen  awhile 
and  then,  turning  impatiently  to  his  writing,  would  say  to  me: 
''Another  dead  cock  in  the  pit."  This  cynical  suppression  of 
a  new  Member  rather  alarmed  me,  but  on  the  9th  of  January, 
as  appears  from  the  "Globe,"  I  ventured  to  make  a  few  re 
marks.  When  I  sat  down  I  turned  to  Mr.  Day  and  said:  "An 
other  dead  cock  in  the  pit."  He  relieved  me  by  saying:  "Not 
quite  so  bad  as  that."  The  first  speech  I  made  in  the  House 
contained  my  political  creed  at  the  time.  I  here  insert  a  para 
graph  or  two: 

"  I  desire  to  say  a  few  words ;  and  I  would  preface  them  with  the 
remark,  that  I  do  not  intend,  while  I  have  a  seat  in  this  House,  to  occupy 
much  of  its  time  in  speaking.  But  I  wish  to  state  now  why  I  have  voted, 
and  shall  continue  to  vote,  for  Mr.  Banks.  I  care  not  whether  he  is  a  mem 
ber  of  the  American  party  or  not.  I  have  been  informed  that  he  is,  and  I 
believe  that  he  is.  But  I  repeat  I  care  not  to  what  party  he  belongs.  I 
understood  him  to  take  this  position,  —  that  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  was  an  act  of  great  dishonor,  and  that  under  no  circumstances  what 
ever  will  he  —  if  he  have  the  power  —  allow  the  institution  of  human  slavery 
to  derive  any  benefit  from  that  repeal.  That  is  my  position.  I  have  been  a 
Whig,  but  I  will  yield  all  party  preferences,  and  will  act  in  concert  with  men 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  83 

of  all  parties  and  opinions  who  will  steadily  aid  in  preserving  our  western 
territories  for  free  labor;  and  I  say  now,  that  I  never  will  vote  for  a  man  for 
speaker  of  this  house,  unless  he  convinces  me,  by  his  conduct  and  by  his  voice, 
that  he  never  will,  if  he  has  the  power  to  prevent  it,  allow  the  institution  of 
slavery  to  derive  any  advantage  from  repealing  the  compromise  of  1820. 

"I  believe  Mr.  Banks  will  be  true  to  that  principle,  and,  therefore,  I 
vote  for  him  without  regard  to  his  previous  political  associations,  or  to  his 
adherence  to  the  American  party.  I  vote  for  him  simply  because  he  has 
had  the  manliness  to  say  here,  that,  having  the  power,  he  will  resist  the 
encroachments  of  slavery,  even  by  opposing  the  admission  of  any  slave  state 
that  may  be  formed  out  of  the  territory  north  and  west  of  Missouri." 

Notwithstanding  the  promise  I  made  not  to  occupy  much 
of  the  time  of  the  House  in  speaking,  and  the  cynicism  of  my 
friend  Day,  I  did  partake  frequently  in  the  debate  on  the 
organization  of  the  House.  I  became  involved  in  a  contest 
with  Mr.  Dunn,  of  Indiana,  who  had  steadily  refused  to  vote 
for  Mr.  Banks  for  speaker,  to  which  I  deemed  proper  to 
refer.  He  said  he  was  not  to  be  deterred  from  performing  his 
duty,  as  he  understood  it,  by  the  criticisms  of  the  "neophyte" 
from  Ohio.  I  replied  at  considerable  length  and  with  some 
feeling.  In  my  reply  I  repeated  my  position  in  respect  to  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  declaring:  "If  the  repeal 
was  wrong  all  northern  and  southern  men  alike  ought  to  help 
to  reinstate  that  restriction.  Nothing  less  than  that  will  sat 
isfy  the  country;  and  if  it  is  not  done,  as  it  probably  will  not 
be,  we  will  maintain  our  position  of  resisting  the  admission  of 
Kansas  as  a  slave  state,  under  all  possible  circumstances." 

Later  on  in  the  debate  I  declared: 

"I  am  no  Abolitionist  in  the  sense  in  which  the  term  is  used;  I  have 
always  been  a  conservative  Whig.  I  was  willing  to  stand  by  the  compro 
mises  of  1820  and  1850;  but,  when  our  Whig  brethren  of  the  south  allow  this 
administration  to  lead  them  off  from  their  principles,  when  they  abandon  the 
position  which  Henry  Clay  would  have  taken,  forget  his  name  and  achieve 
ments,  and  decline  any  longer  to  carry  his  banner — they  lose  all  their  claims 
on  me.  And  I  say  now,  that  until  this  wrong  is  righted,  until  Kansas  is 
admitted  as  a  free  state,  I  cannot  act  in  party  association  with  them. 
Whenever  that  question  is  settled  rightly  I  will  have  no  disposition  to  dis 
turb  the  harmony  which  ought  to  exist  between  the  north  and  south.  I  do 
not  propose  to  continue  agitation  ;  I  only  appear  here  to  demand  justice,  — 
to  demand  compliance  with  compromises  fully  agreed  upon  and  declared  by 
law.  I  ask  no  more,  and  I  will  submit  to  no  less." 


$4  RECOLLECTIONS 

This  was  a  narrow  platform,  but  it  was  the  one  supported 
by  public  opinion.  I  believed  that  a  majority  of  the  Members 
called  Americans,  especially  those  from  the  south,  were  quite 
willing  that  Kansas  should  be  admitted  as  a  free  state,  but 
local  pride  prevented  such  a  declaration.  It  is  easy  to  perceive 
now  that  if  this  had  been  promptly  done  the  slavery  question 
would  have  been  settled  for  many  years.  But  that  opportunity 
was  permitted  to  pass  unused.  The  people,  both  north  and 
south,  were  thoroughly  aroused.  No  compromise  was  possible. 
The  contest  could  only  be  settled  by  the  force  of  superior  num 
bers.  That  was  the  logic  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  which  was  an 
appeal  to  the  people  of  both  sections,  already  greatly  excited, 
to  struggle  for,  and,  if  necessary,  to  fight  for  the  possession  of 
'a  large  and  beautiful  territory.  It  forced  the  irrepressible 
conflict  in  the  most  dangerous  form. 

On  the  one  side  were  the  border  ruffians  of  Missouri,  here 
after  described,  backed  by  the  general  sentiment  of  the  south, 
and  actively  supported  by  the  administration  and  by  lead 
ing  Democrats  who  had  held  high  positions  in  the  public 
service.  On  the  other  side  were  a  large  number  of  free  state 
men  in  the  western  states,  who  looked  forward  to  the  open 
ing  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas  as  a  new  field  of  enterprise. 
They  were  quite  ready  to  fight  for  their  opinions  against 
slavery.  They  were  supported  by  a  general  feeling  of  resent 
ment  in  the  north,  caused  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise. 

Long  before  the  meeting  of  Congress  the  actual  struggle  for 
the  possession  of  Kansas  commenced.  After  the  passage  of  the 
Kansas  bill  we  had  reports  in  the  newspapers  of  gross  frauds 
at  pretended  elections  of  rival  legislatures,  of  murder  and  other 
crimes,  in  short,  of  actual  civil  war  in  Kansas ;  but  the  accounts 
were  contradictory.  It  was  plainly  the  first  duty  of  Congress 
to  ascertain  the  exact  condition  of  affairs  in  that  territory. 
This  could  not  be  done  until  a  speaker  was  elected. 

On  the  24th  day  of  January,  1856,  President  Pierce  sent  to 
the  House  of  Representatives,  still  unorganized,  a  message 
upon  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Kansas.  A  question  was  made 
whether  a  message  from  the  President  could  be  received  before 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  85 

a  speaker  had  been  elected,  but  it  was  decided  that  the  message 
should  be  read.    The  first  paragraph  is  as  follows : 

"  Circumstances  have  occurred  to  disturb  the  course  of  governmental 
organization  in  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  and  produce  there  a  condition  of 
things  which  renders  it  incumbent  on  me  to  call  your  attention  to  the  sub 
ject,  and  urgently  to  recommend  the  adoption  by  you  of  such  measures  of 
legislation  as  the  grave  exigencies  of  the  case  appear  to  require." 

The  President  then  gave  his  exposition  of  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  that  territory.  This  exposition  was  regarded  as  a 
partisan  one  in  favor  of  the  so-called  pro-slavery  legislative 
assembly,  which  met  the  2nd  day  of  July,  1855.  He  recom 
mended  "that  a  special  appropriation  be  made  to  defray  any 
expense  which  may  become  requisite  in  the  execution  of  the 
laws  or  the  maintenance  of  public  order  in  the  Territory  of 
Kansas." 

This  was  regarded  as  a  threat  of  the  employment  of  the 
army  to  enforce  the  enactments  of  a  usurping  legislature. 
Congress  took  no  action  upon  the  message  until  after  the 
organization  of  the  House.  On  the  14th  of  January,  1856,  a 
motion  was  made  by  Mr.  Houston  that  the  message  of  the 
President,  in  reference  to  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  be  referred 
to  the  committee  of  the  whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union.  This 
motion  was  agreed  to.  No  further  action  was  taken  upon  the 
message,  but  it  remained  in  abeyance.  Congress  was  not  pre 
pared  to  act  without  full  information  of  the  actual  condition  of 
affairs  in  that  territory. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  1856,  the  House  of  Representatives 
adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  offered  by  Mr.  Dunn,  of  Indiana, 
providing  for  the  appointment  of  three  members  of  the  House 
as  a  committee  of  investigation  into  the  causes  of  the  Kansas 
troubles,  and  appropriating  $10,000  for  its  expenses.  This 
committee  was  under  the  resolution  specifically  instructed  to 
inquire  into  the  fraud  and  force  alleged  to  have  been  employed 
in  the  Kansas  elections,  either  under  the  law  organizing  the 
territory  or  any  law  alleged  to  have  taken  effect  since,  and  to 
enquire  into  "  all  violent  and  tumultuous  proceedings." 

On  the  25th  of  March,  1856,  the  speaker  appointed  Lewis 
D.  Campbell,  of  Ohio,  William  A.  Howard,  of  Michigan,  and 


86  RECOLLECTIONS 

Mordecai  Oliver,  of  Missouri,  as  the  special  committee  of  the 
House  under  the  above  resolution.  On  the  same  day  Mr.  Camp 
bell  requested  to  be  excused  from  the  committee  referred  to, 
and  I  was  appointed  by  the  speaker  in  his  place,  leaving  Mr. 
Howard  as  chairman. 

I  accepted  the  position  assigned  me  with  much  diffidence. 
I  knew  it  was  a  laborious  one,  that  it  would  take  me  away 
from  my  duties  in  the  House,  expose  me  to  a  great  deal  of 
fatigue  and  some  danger,  yet  I  felt  that  the  appointment  on  so 
important  a  committee  was  a  high  compliment  when  given  to 
a  new  Member,  and  at  once  made  preparations  for  the  task 
before  me. 

The  committee  organized  at  the  city  of  Washington,  on  the 
27th  of  March,  1856. 

Mrs.  Sherman  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  accompany  me. 
I  tried  to  frighten  her  from  going,  but  this  made  her  more 
resolute,  and  I  consented.  She  remained  with  or  near  us  dur 
ing  our  stay  in  Kansas  and  Missouri,  and  for  a  time  was  accom 
panied  by  Mrs.  Oliver,  a  charming  lady,  to  whom  we  were  much 
indebted  for  kindness  and  civility  where  most  of  her  sex  were 
unfriendly. 

The  investigation  continued  from  our  arrival  at  St.  Louis,  on 
the  12th  day  of  April,  1856,  until  our  arrival  at  Detroit,  on  the 
17th  day  of  June  following,  and  was  conducted  in  all  respects 
like  a  judicial  trial.  The  testimony  taken  filled  an  octavo 
volume  of  1,188  pages. 

Mr.  Howard,  during  our  stay  in  Kansas,  was  not  in  very 
good  health,  but  he  never  relaxed  in  his  labor  until  the  testi 
mony  closed.  He  was  a  man  of  marked  ability,  a  good  lawyer, 
conservative  in  all  his  ideas  and  tendencies,  and  thoroughly 
fair  and  impartial.  At  his  request  I  accompanied  him,  with 
our  excellent  corps  of  assistants,  to  his  home  in  Detroit,  where 
his  health  so  failed  that  he  was  confined  to  his  bed  for  a  week. 
This  threw  upon  me  the  preparation  of  the  report.  The  reso 
lutions,  under  which  we  were  acting,  did  not  require  a  report 
from  the  committee,  but  only  required  a  report  of  all  the 
evidence  collected,  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  we 
felt  that  such  a  report  without  a  summary  of  the  evidence 


is 

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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  87 

and  principal  facts  proven  would  not  be  satisfactory  to  the 
House. 

The  majority  and  minority  reports  contained  109  pages  of 
printed  matter  and  entered  into  full  details  as  to  the  condition 
of  affairs  in  that  territory,  and  of  every  election  held  therein. 
When  the  act  to  organize  the  Territory  of  Kansas  was  passed, 
May  30,  1854,  the  greater  portion  of  the  eastern  border  of  the 
territory  was  included  in  Indian  reservations  not  open  for  set 
tlements,  and  in  no  portion  were  there  more  than  a  few  white 
settlers.  The  Indian  population  of  the  territory  was  rapidly 
decreasing,  while  many  emigrants  from  different  parts  of  the 
country,  were  anxiously  waiting  the  extinction  of  the  Indian 
title,  and  the  establishment  of  a  territorial  government,  to 
seek  new  homes  on  the  fertile  prairies  which  would  be  opened 
to  settlement.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  if  the  free  condition 
of  Kansas  had  been  left  undisturbed  by  Congress,  that  territory 
would  have  had  a  rapid,  peaceful,  and  prosperous  settlement. 
Its  climate,  its  soil,  and  its  easy  access  to  the  older  settlements, 
would  have  made  it  the  favored  course  for  the  tide  of  emigra 
tion  constantly  flowing  to  the  west,  and  in  a  brief  period  it 
would  have  been  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  free  state,  with 
out  sectional  excitement.  If  so  organized,  none  but  the  kindest 
feelings  would  have  existed  between  its  citizens  and  those  of 
the  adjoining  State  of  Missouri.  Their  mutual  interests  and  in 
tercourse,  instead  of  endangering  the  harmony  of  the  Union, 
would  have  strengthened  the  ties  of  national  brotherhood. 

The  testimony  taken  by  the  committee  clearly  showed  that 
before  the  proposition  to  repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise  was 
introduced  into  Congress,  the  people  of  western  Missouri  were 
indifferent  to  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  territory,  and 
neither  asked  nor  desired  its  repeal. 

When,  however,  the  prohibition  was  removed  by  the  action 
of  Congress,  the  aspect  of  affairs  entirely  changed.  The  whole 
country  was  agitated  by  the  reopening  of  a  controversy  which 
conservative  men  in  different  sections  believed  had  been  set 
tled  in  every  state  and  territory  by  some  law  beyond  the 
danger  of  repeal.  The  excitement  which  always  accompanied 
the  discussion  of  the  slavery  question  was  greatly  increased  by 


ss  KEOOLLECT1ONS 

the  hope,  on  the  one  hand,  of  extending  slavery  into  a  region 
from  which  it  had  been  excluded  by  law;  and,  on  the  other,  by 
a  sense  of  wrong  done  by  what  was  regarded  as  a  breach,  of 
public  faith.  This  excitement  was  naturally  transferred  into 
the  border  counties  of  Missouri  and  the  territory,  as  settlers 
favoring  free  or  slave  institutions  moved  into  them. 

Within  a  few  days  after  the  organic  law  passed,  and  as  soon 
as  its  passage  could  be  known  on  the  border,  leading  citizens 
of  Missouri  crossed  into  the  territory,  held  "squatter  meetings/' 
voted  at  elections,  committed  crimes  of  violence,  and  then  re 
turned  to  their  homes.  This  unlawful  interference  was  con 
tinued  in  every  important  stage  in  the  history  of  the  territory; 
every  election  was  controlled,  not  by  the  actual  settlers,  but  by 
the  citizens  of  Missouri;  and,  as  a  consequence,  every  officer  in 
the  territory,  from  constable  to  legislator,  except  those  ap 
pointed  by  the  President,  owed  his  position  to  non-resident 
voters.  None  were  elected  by  the  settlers,  and  no  political 
power  whatever,  however  important,  was  exercised  by  the 
people  of  the  territory. 

In  October,  1854,  the  Governor  of  Kansas,  A.  H.  Reeder,  and 
other  officers  appointed  by  the  President,  arrived  in  the  terri 
tory.  Settlers  from  all  parts  of  the  country  came  in  great 
numbers,  entering  their  claims  and  building  their  cabins.  The 
first  election  was  for  delegate  to  Congress  and  was  held  on  the 
29th  of  November,  1854.  The  governor  divided  the  territory 
into  seventeen  election  districts,  appointed  judges,  and  pre 
scribed  proper  rules  for  the  election.  The  report  of  the  com 
mittee  enters  into  full  details  as  to  this  election  and  all  sub 
sequent  thereto  in  each  district.  The  conduct  of  the  election 
in  the  second  district,  held  at  the  village  of  Douglas,  nearly 
fifty  miles  from  the  Missouri  line,  is  a  fair  specimen  of  all  the 
elections  in  Kansas.  The  report  says: 

"  On  the  second  day  before  the  election  large  companies  of  men  came 
into  the  district  in  wagons  and  on  horseback,  and  declared  that  they  were 
from  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  were  going  to  Douglas  to  vote.  On  the 
morning  of  the  election  they  gathered  around  the  house  where  the  election 
was  to  be  held.  Two  of  the  judges  appointed  by  the  governor  did  not 
appear,  and  other  judges  were  selected  by  the  crowd  ;  all  then  voted.  In 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  89 

order  to  make  a  pretense  of  right  to  vote,  some  persons  of  the  company  kept 
a  pretended  register  of  squatter  claims,  on  which  anyone  could  enter  his 
name,  and  then  assert  he  had  a  claim  in  the  territory.  A  citizen  of  the  dis 
trict,  who  was  himself  a  candidate  for  delegate  to  Congress  was  told  by  one 
of  the  strangers  that  he  would  be  abused,  and  probably  killed,  if  he  chal 
lenged  a  vote.  He  was  seized  by  the  collar,  called  a  damned  Abolitionist, 
and  was  compelled  to  seek  protection  in  the  room  with  the  judges.  About 
the  time  the  polls  were  closed  these  strangers  mounted  their  horses  and  got 
into  their  wagons  and  cried  out,  *  All  aboard  for  Westport.'  A  number  were 
recognized  as  residents  of  Missouri,  and  among  them  was  Samuel  H.  Wood- 
son,  a  leading  lawyer  of  Independence.  Of  those  whose  names  are  on  the 
poll-books,  35  were  resident  settlers  and  226  were  non-residents." 

In  January  and  February,  1855,  the  governor,  A.  H.  Reeder, 
caused  a  census  to  be  taken  of  the  inhabitants  and  qualified 
voters  in  Kansas.  On  the  day  the  census  was  completed  he 
issued  his  proclamation  for  an  election  to  be  held  March  30, 
1855,  for  members  of  the  legislative  assembly  of  the  territory. 
The  proclamation  prescribed  the  boundaries  of  the  districts, 
the  places  for  polls,  the  names  of  judges,  the  apportionment 
of  members,  and  the  qualification  of  voters.  Had  it  been 
observed,  a  just  and  fair  election  would  have  reflected  the 
will  of  the  people  of  Kansas.  Before  the  election,  however, 
false  and  inflammatory  rumors  were  busily  circulated  among 
the  people  of  western  Missouri.  They  grossly  exaggerated  and 
misrepresented  the  number  and  character  of  the  emigration 
then  passing  into  the  territory.  By  the  active  exertions  of 
many  of  the  leading  citizens,  the  passions  and  prejudices  of 
the  people  of  that  state  were  greatly  excited.  Several  resi 
dents  of  Missouri  testified  to  the  character  of  the  reports  cir 
culated  among  and  credited  by  the  people.  These  efforts  were 
successful.  By  an  organized  movement,  which  extended  from 
Andrew  county,  in  the  north,  to  Jasper  county,  in  the  south, 
and  as  far  eastward  as  Boone  and  Cole  counties  (Missouri),  com 
panies  of  men  were  collected  in  irregular  parties  and  sent 
into  every  council  district  in  the  territory,  and  into  every  rep 
resentative  district  but  one.  The  men  were  so  distributed  as 
to  control  the  election  in  every  district.  They  went  to  vote, 
and  with  the  avowed  design  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  state. 
They  were  generally  armed  and  equipped,  carrying  with  them 


90  RECOLLECTIONS 

their  own  provisions   and   tents,   and  so   marched  into  the 
territory. 

As  this  election  was  for  a  legislature,  the  validity  of  which 
was  contested,  the  committee  took  great  pains  to  procure  testi 
mony  as  to  the  election  in  each  election  district.  The  election 
in  the  second  district  is  a  fair  specimen.  In  that  district,  on 
the  morning  of  the  election,  the  judges  appointed  by  the  gov 
ernor  appeared  and  opened  the  polls.  Their  names  were 
Harrison  Burson,  Nathaniel  Ramsay  and  Mr.  Ellison.  The 
Missourians  began  to  arrive  early  in  the  morning,  some  500  or 
600  of  them  in  wagons  and  carriages  and  on  horseback,  and 
under  the  lead  of  Samuel  J.  Jones,  then  postmaster  of  West- 
port,  Missouri,  Claiborne  F.  Jackson  and  a  Mr.  Steeley,  of  Inde 
pendence,  Missouri.  They  were  armed  with  double-barreled 
guns,  rifles,  bowie-knives  and  pistols,  and  had  flags  hoisted. 
They  held  a  sort  of  informal  election  off  at  one  side,  at  first  for 
Governor  of  Kansas  Territory,  and  shortly  afterwards  announced 
Thomas  Johnson,  of  Shawnee  Mission,  elected  governor.  The 
polls  had  been  opened  but  a  short  time  when  Mr.  Jones  marched 
with  the  crowd  up  to  the  window  and  demanded  that  they  be 
allowed  to  vote,  without  swearing  as  to  their  residence.  After 
some  noisy  and  threatening  talk,  Claiborne  F.  Jackson  ad 
dressed  the  crowd,  saying  they  had  come  there  to  vote ;  that 
they  had  a  right  to  vote  if  they  had  been  there  but  five  min 
utes,  and  he  was  not  willing  to  go  home  without  voting ;  this 
was  received  with  cheers.  Jackson  then  called  upon  them 
to  form  into  little  bands  of  fifteen  or  twenty,  which  they  did, 
and  went  to  an  ox-wagon  filled  with  guns,  which  were  dis 
tributed  among  them,  and  proceeded  to  load  some  of  them  on 
the  ground.  In  pursuance  of  Jackson's  request,  they  tied 
white  tape  or  ribbons  in  their  button  holes,  so  as  to  distinguish 
them  from  the  "Abolitionists."  They  again  demanded  that  the 
judges  resign.  Upon  their  refusing  to  do  so  they  smashed  in 
the  window,  sash  and  all,  presented  their  pistols  and  guns,  and 
at  the  same  time  threatened  to  shoot.  Some  one  on  the  outside 
cried  out  not  to  shoot,  as  there  were  pro-slavery  men  in  the 
house  with  the  judges.  They  then  put  a  pry  under  the  corner 
of  the  house,  which  was  built  of  logs,  lifted  it  up  a  few  inches, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  91 

and  let  it  fall  again,  but  desisted  upon  being  again  told  that 
there  were  pro-slavery  men  in  the  house.  During  this  time  the 
crowd  repeatedly  demanded  to  be  allowed  to  vote  without 
being  sworn,  and  Mr.  Ellison,  one  of  the  judges,  expressed  him 
self  willing,  but  the  other  two  judges  refused;  thereupon  a 
body  of  men,  headed  by  Sheriff  Jones,  rushed  into  the  judges' 
room  with  cocked  pistols  and  drawn  bowie-knives  in  their 
hands,  and  approached  Burson  and  Ramsay.  Jones  pulled  out 
his  watch  and  said  he  would  give  them  five  minutes  to  resign 
in,  or  die.  When  the  five  minutes  had  expired  and  the  judges 
had  not  resigned,  Jones  now  said  he  would  give  them  another 
minute  and  no  more.  Ellison  told  his  associates  that  if  they  did 
not  resign  there  would  be  one  hundred  shots  fired  in  the  room 
in  less  than  fifteen  minutes,  and  then  snatching  up  the  ballot- 
box  ran  out  into  the  crowd,  holding  up  the  ballot-box  and 
hurrahing  for  Missouri.  About  that  time  Burson  and  Ramsay 
were  called  out  by  their  friends,  and  not  suffered  to  return.  As 
Mr.  Burson  went  out  he  put  the  ballot  poll-books  in  his  pocket 
and  took  them  with  him,  and  as  he  was  going  out  Jones 
snatched  some  papers  away  from  him,  and  shortly  afterwards 
came  out  himself,  holding  them  up,  crying,  "Hurrah  for 
Missouri ! "  After  he  discovered  they  were  not  the  poll-books 
he  took  a  party  of  men  with  him  and  captured  the  books  from 
a  Mr.  Umberger,  to  whom  Burson  had  given  them.  They  then 
chose  two  new  judges  and  proceeded  with  the  election.  They 
also  threatened  to  kill  the  judges  if  they  did  not  receive  their 
votes,  or  resign.  They  said  no  man  should  vote  who  would 
submit  to  be  sworn  ;  that  they  would  kill  any  man  who  would 
offer  to  do  so.  Some  of  the  citizens  who  were  about  the  win 
dow,  but  had  not  voted  when  the  crowd  of  Missourians  marched 
up,  upon  attempting  to  vote  were  driven  back  by  the  mob, 
or  driven  off.  One  of  them,  Mr.  I.  M.  Mace,  was  asked  if 
he  would  take  the  oath,  and  upon  his  replying  that  he  would 
if  the  judges  required  it,  he  was  dragged  through  the  crowd 
away  from  the  polls,  amid  cries  of  "kill  the  damned  nigger- 
thief,"  "cut  his  throat,"  "tear  his  heart  out,"  etc.  After  they 
got  into  the  outside  of  the  crowd  they  stood  around  him  with 
cocked  revolvers  and  drawn  bowie-knives,  one  man  putting 


92  RECOLLECTIONS 

a  knife  to  his  breast  so  that  it  touched  him,  another  holding  a 
cocked  pistol  to  his  ear,  while  another  struck  at  him  with 
a  club. 

The  Missourians  declared  they  had  a  right  to  vote,  if  they 
had  been  in  the  territory  but  five  minutes.  Some  said  they 
had  been  hired  to  come  there  and  vote,  and  got  a  dollar  a  day, 
"and  by  God  they  would  vote  or  die  there."  They  said  the 
30th  day  of  March  was  an  important  day,  as  Kansas  would  be 
made  a  slave  state  on  that  day.  They  began  to  leave  in  the 
direction  of  Missouri  in  the  afternoon,  after  they  had  voted, 
leaving  some  thirty  or  forty  around  the  house  where  the  elec 
tion  was  held,  to  guard  the  polls  till  after  the  election  was  over. 
The  citizens  of  the  territory  were  not  armed,  except  those  who 
took  part  in  the  mob,  and  a  large  portion  of  them  did  not 
vote.  Three  hundred  and  forty-one  votes  were  polled  there 
that  day,  of  which  but  some  thirty  were  citizens.  A  protest 
against  the  election  was  prepared  and  sent  to  the  governor. 

A  similarly  organized  and  conducted  election  was  held  in 
each  of  the  other  districts  of  the  territory,  va'rying  only  in 
degrees  of  fraud  and  violence.  In  the  fifteenth  district  it  was 
proven  that  several  hundred  Missourians  appeared  and  voted. 
Several  speeches  were  made  at  the  polls,  and  among  those  who 
spoke  was  Major  Oliver,  one  of  our  committee.  He  urged  all 
persons  to  use  no  harsh  words  and  expressed  a  hope  that  noth 
ing  would  be  said  or  done  to  wound  the  feelings  of  the  most 
sensitive  on  the  other  side,  giving  some  reasons,  based  on  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  why  they  should  vote,  but  he  himself 
did  not  vote.  The  whole  number  of  votes  cast  in  that  district 
was  417.  The  number  of  legal  voters  was  about  80.  Of  the 
names  on  the  poll-book  but  62  were  on  the  census  roll.  But  a 
small  portion,  estimated  at  one-fourth  of  the  legal  voters,  voted. 

The  validity  of  the  so  called  pro-slavery  legislature  rested 
upon  this  election.  It  is  hardly  necessary  at  this  late  day 
to  say  that  such  a  legislative  body  could  not  rightly  assume 
or  lawfully  exercise  legislative  functions  over  any  law-abiding 
community.  Their  enactments  were,  by  every  principle  of  law 
and  right,  null  and  void.  The  existence  of  fraud  at  the  elec 
tion  was  admitted  by  every  one,  but  it  was  defended  on  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  93 

ground  that  the  New  England  Emigrant  Aid  Society  had 
imported  a  great  number  of  emigrants  into  Kansas  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  making  that  territory  a  free  state.  This  claim  was 
thoroughly  investigated  and  the  organization  and  history  of 
the  society  examined.  The  only  persons  who  emigrated  into 
the  territory  under  the  auspices  of  this  company  in  1855,  prior 
to  the  election  in  March,  was  a  party  of  169  persons  who  came 
under  the  charge  of  Charles  Eobinson,  and  of  whom  sixty- 
seven  were  women  and  children.  They  came  as  actual 
settlers,  intending  to  make  their  homes  in  the  territory,  and 
for  no  other  purpose.  Some  of  them  returned,  but  most  of 
them  became  settlers.  A  few  voted  at  the  election  in  Law 
rence  but  the  number  was  small.  The  names  of  these  emi 
grants  were  ascertained  and  thirty-seven  of  them  were  found 
upon  the  poll-books.  This  company  of  peaceful  emigrants, 
moving  with  their  household  goods,  was  distorted  into  an 
invading  horde  of  pauper  Abolitionists,  who  were,  with  others 
of  a  similar  character,  to  control  the  domestic  institutions  of 
the  territory,  and  then  overturn  those  of  a  neighboring  state. 
The  invasion  of  March  30  left  both  parties  in  a  state  of 
excitement,  tending  directly  to  produce  violence.  The  suc 
cessful  party  was  lawless  and  reckless,  while  assuming  the 
name  of  the  "Law  and  Order"  party.  The  Free  State  party,  at 
first  surprised  and  confounded,  was  greatly  irritated,  but  soon 
resolved  to  prevent  the  success  of  the  invasion.  In  some 
districts,  protests  were  sent  to  the  governor;  in  others  such 
action  was  prevented  by  threats,  in  others  by  want  of  time, 
and  in  others  by  the  belief  that  a  new  election  would  bring 
a  new  invasion.  About  the  same  time,  all  classes  of  men  com 
menced  carrying  deadly  weapons  about  their  persons.  Under 
these  circumstances,  a  slight  or  accidental  quarrel  produced 
unusual  violence.  Lawless  acts  became  frequent  and  passed 
unpunished.  This  unhappy  condition  of  the  public  mind  was 
further  increased  by  acts  of  violence  in  western  Missouri, 
where,  in  April,  a  newspaper,  called  the  "Parkville  Luminary,'1 
was  destroyed  by  a  mob,  and  numerous  acts  of  violence  and 
homicides  committed.  Some  innocent  persons  were  unlaw 
fully  arrested  and  others  ordered  to  leave  the  territory.  The 


94  •  RECOLLECTIONS 

first  one  notified  to  leave  was  William  Phillips,  a  lawyer  of 
Leavenworth,  and  upon  his  refusal  the  mob  forcibly  seized 
him,  took  him  across  the  river,  carried  him  several  miles  into 
Missouri,  and  then  tarred  and  feathered  him,  shaving  one  side 
of  his  head  and  committing  other  gross  indignities  upon  his 
person.  Judge  Lecompte,  chief  justice  of  the  territory,  Colonel 
L.  N.  Burns,  of  Weston,  Missouri,  and  others,  took  part  in  and 
made  speeches  at  a  bitterly  partisan  meeting,  the  tendency 
of  which  was  to  produce  violence  and  disorder. 

After  the  most  careful  examination  of  the  poll-books  and 
the  testimony  taken,  we  were  convinced  beyond  all  doubt  that 
the  election  of  the  30th  of  March,  1855,  was  utterly  void.  It 
was  the  result  of  an  organized  invasion  from  the  State  of 
Missouri,  a  lawless  seizure  of  the  conduct  of  the  election,  and 
the  open  voting  by  thousands  of  persons  who  neither  resided 
in  nor  pretended  to  be  inhabitants  of  Kansas.  Not  content 
with  voting  they  made  false  returns  of  votes  never  cast,  and 
excluded  legal  voters  because  they  were  "Abolitionists." 

A  more  wanton  and  shameless  overthrow  of  popular  rights 
cannot  be  found  in  history. 

The  so-called  legislative  assembly,  thus  elected,  met  at 
Pawnee,  on  the  2nd  of  July,  1855.  It  attempted  to  make  laws 
for  Kansas,  and  to  that  end  adopted,  in  substance,  the  laws  of 
the  State  of  Missouri  in  gross  as  the  laws  for  the  territory, 
but,  to  retain  its  power,  it  provided  that  every  officer  of  the 
territory,  executive  and  judicial,  was  to  be  appointed  by  the 
legislature,  or  by  some  officer  appointed  by  it. 

The  legality  of  this  legislature  was  denied  by  the  great 
majority  of  the  people  who  never  acquiesced  in  or  obeyed  its 
enactments,  thus  taking  the  only  course  open  to  them  to  secure 
a  lawful  government. 

While  the  alleged  legislative  assembly  was  in  session,  a 
movement  was  instituted  to  form  a  state  government,  and 
apply  for  admission  into  the  Union  as  a  state.  The  first  step 
taken  by  the  people  of  the  territory,  in  consequence  of  the 
invasion  of  March  30,  1855,  was  the  circulation,  for  signature, 
of  a  graphic  and  truthful  memorial  to  Congress.  Every  alle 
gation  in  this  memorial  was  sustained  by  the  testimony.  No 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  95 

further  step  was  taken,  as  it  was  hoped  that  some  action  by 
the  general  government  would  protect  them  in  their  rights. 
When  the  alleged  legislative  assembly  proceeded  to  construct 
the  series  of  enactments  referred  to,  the  settlers  were  of 
opinion  that  submission  to  them  would  result  in  entirely 
depriving  them  of  the  rights  secured  to  them  by  the  organic 
law. 

Their  political  condition  was  freely  discussed  in  the  terri 
tory  during  the  summer  of  1855.  Several  meetings  were  held 
in  reference  to  holding  a  convention  to  form  a  state  govern 
ment,  and  to  apply  for  admission  into  the  Union  as  a  state. 
Public  opinion  gradually  settled  in  favor  of  such  an  applica 
tion  to  the  Congress  to  meet  in  December,  1855.  The  first  gen 
eral  meeting  was  held  in  Lawrence,  on  the  15th  of  August, 
1855.  Other  meetings  were  held  in  various  parts  of  the  terri 
tory,  which  indorsed  the  action  of  the  Lawrence  meeting,  and 
delegates  were  selected  in  compliance  with  its  recommenda 
tion.  An  election  was  called  by  a  proclamation  addressed  to 
the  legal  voters  of  Kansas,  requesting  them  to  meet  at  their 
several  precincts  at  the  time  and  places  named  in  the  procla 
mation,  then  and  there  to  cast  their  ballots  for  members  of  a 
constitutional  convention,  to  meet  at  Topeka,  on  the  fourth 
Tuesday  of  October. 

Elections  were  held  at  the  time  and  places  designated,  and 
the  returns  were  sent  to  the  executive  committee. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  proclaimed  by  the  executive 
committee,  and  the  members  elect  were  required  to  meet  on 
the  23rd  of  October,  1855,  at  Topeka.  In  pursuance  of  this 
proclamation  and  direction  the  constitutional  convention  met 
at  the  time  and  place  appointed,  and  framed  a  state  constitu 
tion.  A  memorial  to  Congress  was  also  prepared,  praying  the 
admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a  state  under  that  con 
stitution.  The  convention  also  provided  that  the  question  of 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  and  other  questions,  be  sub 
mitted  to  the  people,  and  required  the  executive  committee  to 
take  the  necessary  steps  for  that  purpose. 

Accordingly,  an  election  was  held  on  the  15th  day  of  De 
cember,  1855,  in  compliance  with  the  proclamation  issued  by 


96  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  executive  committee  who  then  issued  a  proclamation  recit 
ing  the  results  of  the  election  of  the  15th  of  December,  and  at 
the  same  time  provided  for  an  election,  to  be  held  on  the  15th 
day  of  January,  1856,  for  state  officers  and  members  of  the 
general  assembly  of  the  State  of  Kansas.  The  election  was 
accordingly  held  in  several  election  precincts,  the  returns  of 
which  were  sent  to  the  executive  committee  who  announced 
the  result  by  a  proclamation. 

Thus,  when  we  arrived  in  Kansas,  twro  rival  governments 
were  in  existence,  one  the  result  of  fraud  and  force,  the  other 
confessedly  incomplete,  being  without  executive  power  or 
recognition.  Congress  alone  could  settle  the  controversy  by 
recognizing  one  or  the  other.  Its  action  and  its  failure  to  act 
will  be  stated  further  on. 

A  brief  narrative  of  incidents  while  the  committee  was  in 
Kansas  may  be  of  interest. 

We  arrived  by  steamer  at  a  place  called  Westport  Landing, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Kansas  River.  As  I  remember  the  place 
it  was  a  mere  hamlet,  composed  of  three  dwellings,  a  store,  a 
tavern  and  a  blacksmith  shop.  We  passed  over  the  high 
rolling  prairie,  where  but  a  few  and  scattered  cabins  then 
existed,  but  which  now  is  the  site  of  Kansas  City,  a  beautiful 
city  of  90,000  inhabitants.  About  six  miles  from  the  landing 
we  entered  Westport,  the  headquarters  of  the  Santa  Fe  trade. 
This  important  trade  in  1854  was  conducted  with  "prairie 
schooners/'  wagons  of  great  dimensions  rudely  but  strongly 
built,  each  hauled  by  four  or  six  mules  or  Indian  ponies,  and 
all  driven  by  as  rough  a  set  of  men  of  mixed  color,  tribe  and 
nativity  as  could  be  found  anywhere  in  the  world.  Their 
usual  dress  was  a  broad  brimmed  felt  hat,  a  flannel  shirt, 
home-spun  trousers,  without  suspenders,  and  heavy  cowhide 
boots  outside  of  their  trousers,  with  a  knife  or  pistols,  or  both, 
in  their  belts  or  boots.  They  were  properly  classed  as  border 
ruffians,  and  as  a  rule  were  whisky  soaked. 

The  contrast  of  this  region  between  then  and  now  is  a 
marked  evidence  of  the  wonderful  change  that  has  been  made 
within  a  single  generation.  I  have  several  times  visited  Kan 
sas  City  and  its  environs  since  1856.  I  have  noted  the  change 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  97 

at  each  visit!  The  rolling  prairie  has  been  checkered  with 
streets  and  avenues,  and  the  squares  and  suburbs  are  dotted 
all  over  with  residences,  stores  and  workshops.  The  landing, 
once  a  single  pier,  now  extends  miles  along  the  Missouri  River. 
The  border  ruffians  have  disappeared  with  the  Indians  and 
"greasers,"  and  have  been  replaced  by  an  active,  intelligent 
and  prosperous  community. 

Mrs.  Sherman  and  myself  started  in  advance  for  Lawrence 
in  an  open  buggy  drawn  by  one  horse,  and  were  told  to  follow 
the  trail,  and  this  we  had  no  difficulty  in  doing.  We  passed 
through  one  or  more  Indian  reservations,  over  as  beautiful  a 
country  as  the  sun  shines  upon,  but  without  house  or  habita 
tion,  except  Indian  huts.  We  arrived  at  Lawrence,  a  town 
less  than  two  years  old,  and  were  cordially  received.  The 
people  there  were  fearing  a  raid  by  the  "  border  ruffians,"  but 
this  was  fortunately  postponed  until  our  departure  for  Leaven- 
worth. 

The  committee  proceeded  immediately  to  take  testimony. 
Governor  Reeder  acted  in  behalf  of  the  Free  State  side,  and 
General  Whitfield  in  behalf  of  the  pro-slavery  side,  this  being 
the  conceded  line  of  demarcation  between  the  opposing  fac 
tions.  The  town  was  in  embryo,  nothing  finished,  and  my 
wife  and  I  were  glad  to  have  a  cot  in  a  room  in  the  unfinished 
and  unoccupied  "Free  State  Hotel,'7  soon  after  burned  to  the 
ground  by  Jones,  the  marshal  of  Kansas,  or  his  deputies.  There 
was  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  witnesses  or  testimony,  but,  as  a 
rule,  the  witnesses  on  one  side  would  only  testify  in  Lawrence, 
and  those  on  the  other  in  Lecompton  or  Leavenworth.  They 
were  like  soldiers  in  hostile  armies,  careful  to  keep  outside  of 
the  enemy's  camp. 

Dr.  Robinson,  afterwards  Governor  Robinson,  was  then  by 
far  the  ablest  and  bravest  leader  of  the  Free  State  cause.  His 
history  of  the  Kansas  conflict  is  the  most  interesting  yet  pub 
lished.  When  the  committee  visited  Lecompton  to  take  testi 
mony,  it  was  a  surprise  to  us  that  he  not  only  offered,  but 
insisted  upon  going  to  that  place,  the  headquarters  and  capital 
of  the  pro-slavery  party.  It  was  then  scarcely  a  hamlet,  and 
its  existence  depended  entirely  upon  the  success  of  that  party. 

8.— 7 


98  RECOLLECTIONS 

Dr.  Robinson  and  I  rode  together  into  the  place.  It  was  easy 
to  see  that  he  was  not  a  welcome  visitor.  Everyone  but  the 
committee  carried  arms.  Several  murders  and  affrays  had  re 
cently  occurred,  in  regard  to  which  we  had  taken  evidence. 
Here  we  had  access  to  the  poll-books  of  the  contested  elections, 
and  met  on  friendly  terms  with  the  officers  of  the  territory, 
the  chief  of  whom  were  Judge  Lecompte,  chief  justice  of  the 
territory,  after  whom  the  town  had  been  named,  and  Jones, 
the  marshal  of  the  United  States.  Governor  Shannon  was,  1 
think,  also  there  for  a  time.  The  quarters  for  lodging  were 
even  more  limited  here  than  in  Lawrence.  I  slept  in  a  cot 
side  by  side  with  the  one  occupied  by  Judge  Lecompte,  who, 
though  a  terror  to  the  Free  State  men,  seemed  to  me  to  be  a 
good  humored  gentleman,  more  violent  in  his  words  than  in 
his  acts.  We  had  no  unpleasant  incident  while  there,  though 
such  had  been  prophesied  at  Lawrence. 

From  Lecompton  the  committee  went  to  Topeka,  then 
quite  a  small  village,  now  a  city  of  33,000  inhabitants.  It  was 
already  ambitious  to  become  the  Free  State  capital  of  Kansas, 
by  reason  of  its  central  position.  There  was  then  no  settle 
ment  of  any  importance  west  of  Topeka.  Some  testimony 
was  taken,  but  we  soon  returned  to  Lawrence,  and  from  thence 
went  to  Leavenworth.  A  large  part  of  the  distance  between 
these  places  was  an  Indian  reservation.  Mrs.  Sherman  and  I 
rode  over  it  in  a  buggy,  and  found  no  white  man's  habitation 
on  the  way.  Its  great  value  and  fertility  was  easily  perceived, 
and  it  is  now  well  settled  by  an  active  and  prosperous  popula 
tion  of  white  men.  On  the  road  we  met  an  Indian  seated  near 
his  wigwam,  with  a  gun  in  his  hand,  and  for  a  moment  I  feared 
that  he  might  use  it.  He  uttered  some  Indian  gibberish,  which 
we  construed  as  an  invitation  to  enter  his  hut.  We  tied  our 
horse,  entered,  and  found  no  one  there  but  an  old  squaw.  I 
gave  the  Indian  some  silver  which  he  greedily  took,  but  indi 
cated  by  his  motions  that  he  wanted  a  drink  of  whisky,  but 
this  I  was  not  able  to  give  him. 

Leavenworth  was  a  new  town  near  Fort  Leavenworth,  the 
then  western  military  post  of  the  army  of  the  United  States. 
We  placed  ourselves  in  communication  with  Colonel  Sumner, 


MR.   SHERMAN   AT  THE  AGE  OF  THIRTY-FIVE. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  99 

then  in  command,  but  we  had  no  occasion  to  summon  his  official 
aid,  though  authorized  by  the  resolutions  under  which  we  were 
acting  to  call  for  such  assistance  from  any  military  force 
which  was  at  the  time  convenient  to  us.  However,  our  meet 
ings  there  were  more  disturbed  than  at  any  other  place.  The 
trouble  commenced  at  Lawrence  shortly  after  our  arrival  at 
Leavenworth.  A  company  of  about  700  armed  men,  the  great 
body  of  whom  were  not  citizens  of  the  territory,  were  marched 
into  the  town  of  Lawrence  under  Marshal  Donaldson  and 
Sheriff  Jones,  officers  claiming  to  act  under  the  law,  and  they 
then  bombarded  and  burned  to  the  ground  a  valuable  hotel 
and  one  private  house,  and  destroyed  two  printing  presses  and 
material.  The  posse,  being  released  by  the  officers,  proceeded 
to  sack,  pillage  and  rob  houses,  stores,  trunks,  even  taking  the 
clothing  of  women  and  children.  The  people  of  Leavenworth 
were  much  alarmed,  as  threats  were  made  to  clean  out  the 
"Black  Republican  Committee"  at  Leavenworth.  No  attempt 
of  that  kind  was  made.  Later  on,  Dr.  Robinson  was  arrested 
on  a  steamboat  on  the  way  with  his  wife  to  St.  Louis.  We 
had  confided  to  him  a  copy  of  the  testimony  taken,  to  be  deliv 
ered  to  Mr.  Banks,  speaker  of  the  House.  We  believe  that  a 
knowledge  of  that  fact  caused  the  arrest,  but,  fortunately,  Mrs. 
Robinson,  who  had  the  testimony  safely  secured  in  her  cloth 
ing,  was  allowed  to  proceed  to  Washington.  Dr.  Robinson  was 
taken  back  to  Leavenworth  and  placed  in  prison,  where  I 
called  upon  him,  but  was  rudely  threatened,  and  was  only 
allowed  to  speak  to  him  in  the  presence  of  the  jailor. 

We  were  frequently  threatened  through  anonymous  letters. 
On  one  occasion,  upon  going  in  the  morning  to  the  committee 
room,  I  found  tacked  on  the  door  a  notice  to  the  "  Black  Re 
publican  Committee  "  to  leave  Kansas  "  upon  penalty  of  death.-" 
I  cut  it  from  the  door  and  called  upon  a  bystander  to  testify  to 
the  contents  and  the  place  from  which  it  was  taken. 

On  one  Sunday  morning,  while  sitting  in  my  lodging,  a  very 
rough  looking  man  entered,  and  I  indicated  to  Mr.  W.  Blair 
Lord,  our  stenographer,  to  take  down  what  he  said.  With 
many  oaths  and  imprecations  he  told  us  that  he  had  been 
robbed  by  ruffians  of  his  horses  and  wagon  a  few  miles  from 


1(K)  RECOLLECTIONS 

Leavenworth;  that  be  had  offered  to  fight  them,  but  they  were 
cowards ;  that  he  was  born  in  Richland  county,  Ohio,  near 
Mansfield,  and  he  wanted  me  to  help  him  get  his  traps.  I 
knew  his  family  as  famous  fighters.  I  asked  him  if  he  would 
swear  to  his  story.  He  said  he  would,  and  Mr.  Lord  read  it  to 
him,  oaths  and  all,  from  his  stenographic  notes.  He  stared  at 
Lord  and  demanded  "Where  in  hell  did  you  get  that?"  lie 
was  handed  the  stenographic  notes  and,  after  looking  at  them, 
he  exclaimed:  "Snakes,  by  God;  but  it  is  all  true!"  Whether 
he  got  his  outfit  and  traps  I  never  knew. 

The  evidence  at  Leavenworth  being  closed,  the  committee 
returned  to  Westport,  Missouri.  While  we  were  there  we  saw 
an  armed  and  organized  body  of  residents  of  Missouri  march 
across  the  line  into  Kansas  to  retaliate,  as  we  were  told,  the 
murder  of  five  pro-slavery  men  at  Osawatamie.  While  they 
were  marching  into  Westport  from  the  east,  Governor  Shan 
non,  in  obedience  to  the  summons  of  the  committee,  came  into 
Westport  from  the  territory,  and  in  his  presence  they  filed  off 
in  regular  array  into  the  territory.  It  was  difficult  to  ascer 
tain  the  precise  causes  of  these  murders,  but  it  was  shown  that 
they  were  in  retaliation  for  those  of  certain  Free  State  men, 
one  of  whom  was  the  son  of  John  Brown,  later  the  famous 
leader  of  the  attack  on  the  fort  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  who  had 
acted  for  the  committee  in  summoning  witnesses  to  Lawrence. 
The  testimony  in  respect  to  these  murders  was  vague,  and  the 
murderers  were  not  identified.  Two  years  afterwards  I  met 
John  Brown  in  Chicago,  and  asked  him  about  the  murder  of 
the  pro-slavery  men  at  Osawatamie;  he  replied  with  spirit  that 
they  were  not  murdered,  but  that  they  had  been  arrested,  tried 
by  a  jury,  convicted  and  executed.  The  arrest,  trial  and  exe 
cution  must  have  been  done  during  one  night.  He  did  not  dis 
close  the  names  of  the  executioners,  but  his  cool  statement 
was  a  striking  picture  of  the  scenes  then  enacted  in  Kansas  by 
both  sides ;  both  appealed  to  the  law  of  force  and  crime,  and 
crime  was  justified  by  crime. 

The  evidence  taken  at  Westport  closed  the  investiga 
tion  and  Mr.  Howard  and  I  returned  to  Detroit,  as  already 
stated. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  101 

The  report  was  approved  by  Mr.  Howard,  and  presented  by 
him  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  July  1,  1856,  as  a  ques 
tion  of  privilege.  The  reception  of  it  gave  rise  to  much  de 
bate,  but  in  the  end  I  was  permitted  on  the  same  day  to  read 
it.  The  minority  report  of  Mr.  Oliver  was  presented  July  11  of 
that  year.  No  action  was  taken  on  the  reports,  but  they  were 
widely  published. 

On  July  31,  1856,  I  made  a  speech  on  the  Kansas  contested 
election  between  General  Whitfield  and  Governor  Eeeder,  dur 
ing  which  I  was  drawn  into  a  discussion  with  Alexander  H. 
Stephens,  of  Georgia,  and  Mr.  Oliver,  of  Missouri,  in  which  the 
general  questions  involved  in  the  Kansas  controversy  were 
fully  debated.  I  closed  with  this  language : 

"  The  worst  evil  that  could  befall  our  country  is  civil  war,  but  the  out 
rages  in  Kansas  cannot  be  continued  much  longer  without  producing  it.  To 
our  southern  brethren  I  especially  appeal.  In  the  name  of  southern  rights, 
crimes  have  been  committed,  and  are  being  committed,  which  I  know  you 
cannot  and  do  not  approve.  These  have  excited  a  feeling  in  the  northern 
states  that  is  deepening  and  strengthening  daily.  It  may  produce  acts  of 
retaliation.  You  are  in  a  minority  and,  from  the  nature  of  your  institutions, 
your  relative  power  is  yearly  decreasing.  In  excusing  this  invasion  from 
Missouri  —  in  attempting  to  hold  on  to  an  advantage  obtained  by  force  and 
fraud  —  you  are  setting  an  example  which,  in  its  ultimate  consequences,  may 
trample  your  rights  under  foot.  Until  these  wrongs  are  righted,  you  must 
expect  northern  men  to  unite  to  redress  them.  It  may  not  be  this  year, 
but,  as  sure  as  there  is  a  God  in  heaven,  such  a  union  will  be  effected  ;  and 
you  will  gain  nothing  by  sustaining  northern  agitators  in  violating  the  com 
promise  of  your  fathers." 

On  July  28,  1856,  I  offered,  as  an  amendment  to  the  army 
appropriation  bill,  the  following  proviso : 

"Provided,  nevertheless,  That  no  part  of  a  military  force  of  the  United 
States  herein  provided  for,  shall  be  employed  in  aid  of  the  enforcement  of 
the  enactments  of  the  alleged  legislative  assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas, 
recently  assembled  at  Shawnee  Mission,  until  Congress  shall  have  enacted 
either  that  it  was  or  was  not  a  valid  legislative  assembly,  chosen  in  con 
formity  with  the  organic  law,  by  the  people  of  said  territory.  And  Provided, 
That  until  Congress  shall  have  passed  on  the  validity  of  the  said  legislative 
assembly  of  Kansas,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  President  to  use  the  military 
force  in  said  territory  to  preserve  the  peace,  suppress  insurrection,  repel 


102  RECOLLECTIONS 

invasion,  and  protect  persons  and  property  therein,  and  upon  the  national 
highways  in  the  State  of  Missouri,  from  unlawful  seizures  and  searches.  And 
be  it  further  provided,  That  the  President  is  required  to  disarm  the  present 
organized  militia  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas  and  recall  all  the  United  States 
arms  therein  distributed,  and  to  prevent  armed  men  from  going  into  said 
territory  to  disturb  the  public  peace,  or  aid  in  the  enforcement  or  resistance 
of  real  or  pretended  laws." 

After  long  debate,  this  was  agreed  to  by  a  vote  of  80  yeas  to 
47  nays.  The  deliberate  purpose  of  a  majority  of  the  House 
was  to  prevent  any  further  support  of  the  Lecompton  terri 
torial  legislature.  This  amendment,  however,  was  disagreed 
to  by  the  Senate  and  referred  to  a  committee  of  conference. 
On  the  18th  of  August,  the  last  day  of  the  session,  the  disagree 
ment  continued  and  the  conference  report  was  taken  up  for 
action.  A  motion  was  made  that  the  House  insist  upon  its 
amendments  and  agree  to  another  committee  of  conference. 
This  was  defeated,  but  no  definite  action  was  taken,  as  a  ma 
jority  of  the  House  was  opposed  to  a  further  conference,  and 
so  the  army  bill  failed. 

On  the  same  day  the  President,  by  proclamation,  convened 
the  two  Houses  in  extra  session  to  meet  on  the  21st  day  of 
August,  three  days  later.  The  President,  in  his  message,  urged 
Congress  to  recede  from  the  Kansas  proviso  to  the  army  bill. 
The  Republicans  of  the  House  were  determined  to  insist  upon 
that  proviso,  and,  by  repeated  votes,  refused  to  withdraw  it  or 
to  reconsider  it,  but,  after  a  session  of  nine  days,  the  House 
finally  yielded,  but  only  after  the  Senate  had  agreed  to  an 
amendment,  which  contained  the  substance  of  the  proviso 
offered  by  me,  as  follows: 

"Provided,  That  no  part  of  the  military  force  of  the  United  States,  for 
the  support  of  which  appropriations  are  made  by  this  act,  shall  be  employed 
in  aid  of  the  enforcement  of  any  enactment  heretofore  passed  by  the  bodies 
claiming  to  be  the  territorial  legislature  of  Kansas." 

This  amendment  was  agreed  to  and  thus,  in  the  final  strug 
gle,  while  no  effective  measures  to  relieve  the  people  of  Kansas 
from  the  tyranny  imposed  upon  them  were  adopted,  the  decla 
ration  was  made  that  the  military  force  of  the  United  States 
should  not  be  used  to  aid  in  the  enforcement  of  any  enactment 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  103 

theretofore  passed  by  bodies  claiming  to  be  the  territorial 
legislature  of  Kansas. 

Thus  it  appears  that  during  this  long  and  wearisome  session 
(for  in  fact  the  two  were  but  one),  I  was  almost  exclusively 
occupied  in  a  futile  effort  to  restore  the  prohibition  of  slavery 
in  Kansas,  according  to  the  Missouri  Compromise,  but  the 
struggle  made  was  fruitful  in  good.  It  strengthened  the  Free 
State  sentiment  in  Kansas,  it  aroused  public  sentiment  in  the 
north,  and  drove  the  south  to  adopt  new  and  strange  theories 
which  led  to  divisions  in  the  Democratic  party  and  its  disrup 
tion  and  overthrow  in  1860.  The  compromise  made  was  un 
derstood  to  be  the  work  of  Mr.  Seward,  and,  though  not  satis 
factory  to  the  Republicans  of  the  House,  it  was  at  least  a 
drawn  battle,  and,  like  Bunker  Hill  to  Yorktown,  was  the  pre 
lude  to  the  Revolution  that  ended  at  Appomattox. 

Among  the  many  who  attained  distinction  in  the  34th  Con 
gress  I  can  only  refer  to  a  few,  the  chief  of  whom  was  Nathan 
iel  P.  Banks,  who,  after  a  long  struggle,  was  elected  speaker.  He 
was  born  in  Waltham,  Massachusetts,  January  30, 1816.  He  had 
risen  into  prominence  without  any  aid  or  advantage  of  early 
education  or  training.  He  was  the  son  of  an  overseer  in  a 
cotton  factory  in  Waltham,  where  he  was  for  a  time  employed. 
He  improved  his  leisure  hours  by  the  study  of  history,  political 
economy  and  the  science  of  government.  He  learned  the  trade 
of  a  machinist.  He  early  acquired  the  habit  of  speaking  well 
on  various  subjects,  and  was  elected  as  a  Democratic  member 
of  the  legislature  from  his  native  town.  In  1852  he  was 
elected  to  Congress,  running  upon  the  ticket  with  General 
Pierce,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President.  He  took  a 
decided  stand  against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
He  was  a  man  of  striking  presence,  with  a  fine  voice  and  en 
gaging  manners.  He  filled  the  difficult  position  of  speaker 
with  great  credit,  and  is  still  remembered  by  his  associates  as 
perhaps  the  best  fitted  for  the  special  duties  of  speaker  of  the 
House  of  any  Member  since  the  time  of  Henry  Clay.  He  was 
afterward  elected  Governor  of  Massachusetts  and  continued  in 
that  position  for  several  years.  When  the  war  broke  out  he 
was  appointed  major-general  of  volunteers,  but  his  service  in 


RECOLLECTIONS 

the  army  was  not  marked.  After  the  war  was  over  he  was 
re-elected  to  Congress,  but  seemed  to  have  lost  his  power  and 
influence.  In  later  years  his  memory  was  impaired  and  he 
"lagged  superfluous  upon  the  stage."  He  died  September  1, 


Lewis  D.  Campbell,  of  Ohio,  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1848 
as  a  Whig,  and  re-elected  to  each  successive  Congress  down  to 
1856,  when  his  seat  was  contested  and  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  decided  against  him.  He  and  Banks  were  the  leading 
candidates  for  the  speakership  of  the  34th  Congress,  but  the 
majority  of  the  anti-Nebraska  Members  voted  for  Banks,  and 
upon  his  election  Campbell  was  made  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  of  ways  and  means,  and  had  substantial  control  of  the 
business  of  that  Congress.  He  never  was  in  hearty  sympathy 
with  the  Republican  party.  He  was  subsequently  elected  to 
the  42nd  Congress  in  1870  as  a  Democrat,  but  had  lost,  in  a 
great  measure,  his  influence.  He  served  for  a  time  as  colonel 
of  a  regiment  in  the  war.  He  was  a  man  of  marked  ability  but 
was  too  erratic  to  be  a  successful  leader  in  any  cause  or  party. 

In  1850,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-seven,  Galusha  A.  Grow 
was  elected  a  Representative  in  Congress  from  Pennsylvania. 
He  was  an  active  and  very  useful  Member.  He  took  strong 
ground  against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  in 
1859  was  a  competitor  with  me  for  the  position  of  speaker,  but 
withdrew  in  my  favor  after  the  first  ballot.  In  the  following 
Congress  he  was  chosen  speaker  and  rendered  very  valuable 
service  as  such.  After  a  continuous  service  in  Congress  for 
fourteen  years,  he  retired  from  active  political  life  and  engaged 
in  important  business  enterprises,  but  always  took  an  interest 
in  political  affairs.  He  was  elected  by  an  overwhelming  ma 
jority  as  a  Member  of  the  53rd  Congress  at  large  from  his 
state. 

Schuyler  Coif  ax  was  a  conspicuous  Member  of  Congress 
from  1855  until  he  was  nominated  for  the  office  of  Vice  Presi 
dent,  in  1868,  on  the  ticket  with  General  Grant.  During  this 
long  period  he  represented  one  district,  and  served  for  six  years 
as  speaker.  He  was  a  very  industrious,  active  Member.  As 
we  were  of  about  the  same  age,  and  our  lives  ran  in  parallel 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  105 

lines,  we  were  often  thrown  together.  We  and  our  families  in 
Washington  messed  together  in  a  household  for  several  years, 
and  our  intercourse  was  always  friendly  and  intimate.  When 
he  became  Vice  President  he  remarked  to  me  that  I  was  first 
to  enter  the  Senate,  but  he  was  first  to  become  Vice  President. 
After  his  service  as  Vice  President,  he  retired  from  public  life 
and  delivered  lectures  upon  many  topics. 

Many  other  Members  of  that  Congress,  equally  worthy  of 
note,  have  passed  away  from  the  scenes  of  life,  and  some  few 
survive.  I  would  gladly  recall  their  memory  if  my  space  would 
allow. 


CHAPTER  V. 
BIRTH  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

The  Name  Formally  Adopted  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  in  1854  — Nomination  of  John 
C.    Fremont    at    Philadelphia  —  Democratic    Convention    Nominates    James 
Buchanan— Effect  of  the  Latter's  Election  on  the  North  — My  Views 
Concerning  President  Pierce   and  His   Administration — French 
Spoliation  Claims— First  Year  of  Buchanan's  Administra 
tion— Dred  Scott  Case  Decision  by  the  Supreme  Court— 
The  Slavery  Question  Once  More  an    Issue   in 
Congress  —  Douglas'    Opposition    to    the 
Lecompton  Scheme— Turning  Point 
of   the    Slavery    Controversy. 

DURING  the  first  session  of  the  34th  Congress,  the  oppo 
nents  of  slavery  were  without  a  party  name  or  or 
ganization.  They  agreed  only  in  the  one  demand, 
that  slavery  should  not  be  established  in  Kansas. 
On  other  questions  they  voted  on  old  party  lines.  The  Mem 
bers  elected  in  1854  in  the  northern  states  were  Democrats, 
Whigs  or  Free  Soilers.  Many  of  the  Democrats  still  supported 
the  administration  of  President  Pierce,  and  acquiesced  in  the 
doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  in  the  territories.  A  few  of 
the  Whigs,  of  conservative  leanings,  acted  with  the  Americans, 
or  "Know-Nothings,"  of  the  south.  A  strong  popular  move 
ment  was  initiated  in  some  of  the  western  states  as  early  as 
1854  in  favor  of  a  new  party.  This  was  especially  the  case  in 
Wisconsin  and  Michigan.  On  the  6th  of  July,  1854,  a  popular 
convention  was  held  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  composed  of  hun 
dreds  of  men  of  all  parties,  who  denounced  slavery  as  a  great 
moral,  social  and  political  evil,  and  resolved  that,  postponing 
and  suspending  all  differences  with  regard  to  political  economy 
or  administrative  policy,  they  would  act  cordially  and  faith 
fully  in  unison  to  oppose  the  extension  of  slavery,  and  be 
known  as  Republicans  until  the  contest  was  terminated.  This 
name  was  assumed  in  other  states  of  the  north. 

The  state   convention  held  in  Ohio  on  July  13,  1855,  for 
mally  declared  itself  a  convention  of  the  Republican  party. 

(106) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  107 

The  long  struggle  in  Kansas,  the  elections  in  1855,  and  the. con 
test  for  the  speakership  of  the  House,  added  strength  to  this 
movement,  and  the  name  " Republican"  was  formally  given  to 
the  new  party  by  the  national  convention  held  at  Philadelphia, 
Jane  17,  1856,  as  the  best  expression  of  its  views  and  prin 
ciples. 

It  appeared  for  the  time  that  the  new  party  would  carry  the 
country  in  a  blaze  of  enthusiasm.  And,  looking  over  the  past, 
1  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  this  would  have  been  the 
result  but  for  the  faulty  nomination  of  Colonel  John  C.  Fre 
mont  as  the  Republican  candidate  for  President,  and  the 
sagacious  nomination  of  James  Buchanan  as  the  Democratic 
candidate.  The  Republican  party,  still  composed  of  uncertain 
elements,  sought  only  for  a  candidate  that  was  available.  Se- 
ward  or  Chase  was  the  natural  candidate.  They  were  fully 
identified  with  the  principles  and  purposes  of  their  party. 
They  were  men  of  marked  ability,  strong  in  their  respective 
states,  each  elected  governor  of  his  state  and  sure  of  its  sup 
port,  but  Chase  was  opposed  on  account  of  his  advanced  opin 
ions  on  the  slavery  question,  and  Seward  was  actively  opposed 
by  the  so-called  American  party,  for  his  open  hostility  to  its 
principles  and  policy.  All  these  sought  for  a  new  man,  and 
public  opinion  gradually,  but  strongly,  turned  to  John  C.  Fre 
mont.  He  had  no  experience  in  public  life,  but  he  attracted 
attention  by  his  bold  explorations  in  the  west  and,  especially, 
by  his  marching  to  California,  and  occupation  of  this  Mexican 
territory.  A  strong  effort  was  made  to  secure  the  nomination 
of  Justice  McLean  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  He 
had  been  long  in  public  life,  had  been  a  cabinet  officer  in  two 
administrations,  had  been  appointed  to  the  supreme  bench  by 
Jackson,  had  held  this  position  for  twenty-six  years,  and  was 
a  man  of  spotless  integrity.  His  nomination  was  strongly 
urged  by  conservative  Republicans  in  all  the  northern  states, 
and  by  the  delegates  from  Pennsylvania,  especially  by  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  who  asserted  that  the  nomination  of  Fremont 
would  not  only  lose  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  Republi 
cans,  but  that  the  party  would  be  defeated  at  the  presidential 
election.  But  the  current  of  opinion  in  the  west,  in  New 


108  RECOLLECTIONS 

England  and  New  York,  was  too  strong  in  favor  of  Fremont, 
and  he  was  nominated. 

The  Democratic  national  convention  met  at  Cincinnati, 
June  2,  1856,  for  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  President 
and  Vice  President.  Popular  feeling  was  then  strongly  aroused 
against  that  party  by  the  assault  of  Brooks  on  Sumner,  the 
removal  of  Beeder,  the  appointment  of  Shannon,  the  crimes  in 
Kansas,  and  the  recent  sacking  of  Lawrence.  A  large  propor 
tion  of  northern  Democrats,  who  still  adhered  to  their  party, 
were  restless  under  the  violence  of  their  southern  associates. 
It  was  this  feeling,  no  doubt  recognized  by  both  northern  and 
southern  Democrats,  that  prevented  the  nomination  of  either 
Pierce  or  Douglas.  Buchanan  was  regarded  as  a  conservative 
man  of  great  experience,  who,  being  absent  from  the  country 
during  the  entire  period  of  the  Kansas  contest,  would,  it  was 
believed,  and  as  his  supporters  affirmed,  pursue  a  quieting  policy 
that  would  arrest  and  prevent  further  outrages  and  would 
secure  fair  elections  in  that  territory.  He  was  popular  in 
Pennsylvania,  had  served  for  many  years  in  each  House  of 
Congress,  had  creditably  represented  the  United  States  as  min 
ister  to  Eussia  and  Great  Britain,  had  been  Secretary  of  State 
and  the  head  of  the  cabinet  of  President  Polk.  He  was  unan 
imously  supported  by  the  delegation  from  Pennsylvania,  then 
a  doubtful  state,  and,  after  many  ballots  and  the  defeat  of 
Pierce,  was  nominated  with  the  acquiescence  of  Douglas.  This 
nomination  greatly  strengthened  the  Democratic  party.  It 
held  in  that  party  the  protection  Democrats,  and  a  large  pro 
portion  of  those  who  in  1854  voted  for  anti-Nebraska  Members 
of  Congress.  The  appointment  of  Colonel  Geary  of  Pennsyl 
vania  as  Governor  of  Kansas,  in  the  place  of  Governor  Shannon, 
and  his  firm  and  impartial  administration,  greatly  aided  the 
Democratic  party.  It  was  regarded  as  evidence  of  a  change  of 
policy  in  Kansas,  made  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Buchanan. 

The  American  party  met  at  the  city  of  Philadelphia  soon 
after  the  election  of  Banks  as  speaker,  and  nominated  Millard 
Fillmore  for  President  and  Donelson  for  Vice  President.  This 
movement  did  not  at  first  excite  much  attention,  as  it  was 
known  that  in  the  north  it  would  draw  equally  from  the  two 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


109 


great  parties,  and  in  the  south  could  only  affect  injuriously  the 
Democratic  party.  Its  platform  of  principles  was  condemned 
by  both  the  Kepublican  and  Democratic  conventions. 

Mr.  Fillmore  took  strong  ground  against  what  he  called  a 
sectional  ticket  presenting  both  candidates  from  the  free 
states,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  one  part  of  the  Union 
ruling  over  the  whole  United  States. 

The  nomination  of  Fremont,  however,  greatly  strengthened 
the  movement  in  favor  of  Fillmore.  There  was  a  large  ele 
ment  of  the  old  Whig  party  in  the  north,  which,  though 
friendly  to  Republican  principles  and  willing  to  support 
Seward  or  McLean,  yet  would  not  vote  for  Fremont,  who  had 
none  of  the  qualities  that  commanded  their  respect.  Such 
men  as  Ewing,  Everett,  Winthrop  and  Hilliard,  conspicuous 
leaders  and  eminent  statesmen,  announced  their  purpose  to 
vote  for  Fillmore.  Mr.  Choate,  the  eminent  lawyer  and  states 
man  of  Massachusetts,  declared  his  purpose  to  vote  for  Bu 
chanan,  upon  the  plausible  ground  that,  as  the  choice  was 
between  Buchanan  and  Fremont,  he  was  compelled,  by  a  sense 
of  duty,  to  vote  for  Buchanan. 

At  the  same  time  leading  Democrats  in  the  south  declared 
that  if  Fremont  was  elected  the  Union  could  not  and  ought 
not  to  be  preserved.  The  Whigs  of  the  south,  with  scarce  an 
exception,  were  committed  to  the  support  of  Fillmore  and 
Donelson,  and  joined  in  an  outcry  of  danger  to  the  Union. 

As  the  canvass  progressed  this  feeling  increased,  and  before 
its  close  it  became  apparent  that  some  of  the  older  and  more 
populous  Republican  states  would  be  lost  by  the  Republican 
party.  I  shared  in  this  feeling  of  distrust  of  Fremont,  but 
gave  him  my  support. 

I  was  nominated  without  any  opposition  for  re-election 
to  Congress  by  a  convention  held  at  Shelby  on  12th  day  of 
August,  1856,  and  was  elected  in  October  by  a  majority  of 
2,861. 

I  took  an  active  part  in  the  canvass  after  the  adjournment 
of  Congress,  mainly  in  southern  Ohio,  where  it  was  apparent 
that  the  nomination  of  Buchanan  was  popular.  In  Pennsyl 
vania,  especially  in  Philadelphia,  the  cry  was  for  "Buck,  Breck 


RECOLLECTIONS 

and  free  Kansas."  John  G.  Forney,  the  chairman  of  the  Demo 
cratic  state  committee,  promised  that  if  Buchanan  was  elected 
there  would  be  no  interference  with  the  efforts  of  the  people 
of  Kansas  to  make  that  territory  a  free  state.  The  result  of 
the  canvass  was  that  Buchanan  carried  the  states  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  New  Jersey,  Indiana,  Illinois  and  California  at  the 
November  election  and  was  elected. 

In  reviewing  the  past  it  is  apparent  that  the  election  of 
Buchanan  was  necessary  to  convince  the  people  of  the  north 
that  no  successful  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  could 
be  made  except  by  a  party  distinctly  pledged  to  that  policy. 
Mr.  Buchanan  encountered  difficulties  which  no  human  wisdom 
could  overcome.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  desire  he  was 
compelled,  by  the  prevailing  sentiment  in  his  party,  to  adopt 
measures  that  made  a  conflict  between  the  sections  unavoid 
able.  The  election  of  Fremont  would  probably  have  precipi 
tated  this  conflict  before  the  north  was  ripe  for  it.  His  conduct 
during  the  early  period  of  the  war  proves  that  he  would  have 
been  unequal  to  such  an  emergency.  His  defeat  was  the  post 
ponement  of  the  irrepressible  conflict  until  it  became  apparent 
to  all  that  our  country  must  be  all  free  or  all  slave  territory. 
This  was  the  lesson  taught  by  the  administration  of  Buchanan, 
and  Lincoln  was  best  fitted  to  carry  it  into  execution. 

Pierce  was  still  President,  but  after  his  defeat  for  the  nomi 
nation  he  changed  his  policy  materially.  Events  were  allowed 
to  develop  in  Kansas  with  a  growing  tendency  in  favor  of  the 
Free  State  party.  Judge  Lecompte  was  removed  from  an 
office  the  duties  of  which  he  was  totally  unfit  to  perform.  A 
large  number  of  emigrants  from  many  of  the  northern  states 
were  preparing  to  move  in  the  spring  to  Kansas.  Governor 
Geary  of  that  territory,  who  had  taken  a  decided  stand  in  favor 
of  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men,  was  met  by  opposition 
from  the  pro-slavery  faction.  His  life  was  threatened  and 
strong  demands  were  made  for  his  removal.  He  became  satis 
fied  that  he  would  not  be  sustained  by  the  administration,  and 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1857,  resigned  his  position. 

Immediately  upon  the  assembling  of  Congress  in  December, 
1856,  and  before  the  usual  message  had  been  sent  to  the  President, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

notifying  him  that  the  House  of  Representatives  was  pre 
pared  to  enter  upon  the  duties  of  the  session,  a  contest  sprang 
up  over  the  question  of  administering  the  oath  of  office  to  Mr. 
Whitfield  as  a  delegate  from  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  and  a 
struggle  resulted  which  continued  until  the  9th  of  December, 
when  the  oath  of  office  was  administered  to  him  and  he  took 
his  seat. 

President  Pierce  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  De 
cember  2,  1856,  his  last  message.  He  commenced  it  with  a 
careful  review  of  the  Kansas  question  and  this  led  to  a  debate 
which  continued  during  the  entire  session.  On  the  8th  of 
December  I  undertook  to  answer  as  much  of  the  message  as 
related  to  the  slavery  question.  He  had,  in  the  message,  de 
fended  the  repeal  of  the  restriction  of  slavery  contained  in  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  asserting  that  this  compromise  was  un 
constitutional  and  abortive,  but  I  showed  that  it  had  been 
recognized  as  in  full  force  by  every  administration  since  and  in 
cluding  that  of  Monroe,  that  it  did  not  extend  to  the  territory 
acquired  from  Mexico,  and  that  it  was  consistent  with  the  com 
promise  acts  of  1850.  He  asserted  that  the  purpose  was  not 
only  to  exclude  slavery  from  Kansas,  but  also  from  places 
where  it  then  existed.  I  showed  this  to  be  inaccurate  by  the 
express  denial  of  such  a  purpose  in  every  platform  of  the 
Republican  party.  I  then  declared  that  "  If  I  had  my  voice,  I 
would  not  have  one  single  political  Abolitionist  in  the  north 
ern  states.  I  am  opposed  to  any  interference  by  the  northern 
people  with  slavery  in  the  slave  states;  I  act  with  the  Repub 
lican  party,  with  hundreds  of  thousands  of  others,  simply 
because  the  Republican  party  resists  the  extension,  but  does 
not  seek  the  abolition,  of  slavery." 

My  speech,  as  reported,  expresses,  as  I  believe,  the  limit  and 
extent  of  the  aims  of  the  Republican  party  at  that  time.  The 
only  regret  I  feel  is  that  the  tone  and  temper  of  my  remarks 
were  not  such  as  should  be  addressed  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  by  a  Member  of  Congress. 

What  I  say  of  myself  can  be  truthfully  said  of  many  other 
Members.  The  feeling  against  the  President  was  embittered 
by  the  firm  stand  taken  by  him  in  support  of  a  policy  which 


RECOLLECTIONS 

we  regarded  as  unpatriotic,  and  dangerous  in  the  highest  degree 
to  the  public  peace  and  the  national  Union.  In  his  last  mes 
sage  he  defended  or  excused  the  lawless  efforts  made  by  resi 
dents  of  Missouri  to  establish  slavery  in  Kansas.  He  made  no 
effort  to  prevent  the  invasion  of  Kansas  or  the  crimes  com 
mitted  against  its  citizens.  He  appointed  many  governors  for 
this  territory,  and  in  every  instance  where  they  sought  to  pro 
tect  the  rights  of  its  people,  he  either  removed  them  or  denied 
them  his  support.  This  was  the  case  with  lieeder  and  Shannon. 
Even  Governor  Geary,  whom  he  praised  in  his  message,  and 
whom  Buchanan  had  lauded  during  the  canvass,  was  aban 
doned  by  both,  and  compelled  to  resign  because  he  sought  to 
protect  all  citizens  alike. 

President  Pierce  was  properly,  according  to  usage,  a  candi 
date  for  re-election  when  the  convention  met  to  nominate  his 
successor,  but  he  was  defeated  by  Buchanan.  Mr.  Douglas, 
the  chief  instrument  in  the  passage  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  met  a 
like  fate.  Buchanan  was  saved  only  by  the  popular  cry  of 
"Buchanan,  Breckenridge  and  Free  Kansas,"  and  the  confident 
belief,  founded  upon  his  declaration,  that  his  election  would 
secure  freedom  to  Kansas. 

The  political  excitement  existing  during  the  whole  of  Presi 
dent  Pierce's  term  entered  into  social  life  in  Washington. 
The  President  was  not  brought  into  contact  with  those  who 
differed  with  him  in  opinion.  His  family  afflictions  were,  no 
doubt,  the  partial  cause  of  this.  The  sincere  friendship  that 
often  exists  between  political  adversaries  in  public  life  were 
not  possible  during  this  period.  Social  lines  were  drawn  on 
sectional  lines,  and  in  the  north  party  lines  became  hostile 
lines.  Such  causes,  no  doubt,  led  to  unjust  criticism  of  the 
President,  and,  in  turn,  caused  him  to  regard  his  political 
adversaries  as  enemies  to  their  country  and  disturbers  of  the 
public  peace.  I  scarcely  remember  seeing  him  during  this 
Congress,  and  was  strongly  prejudiced  against  him.  A  more 
careful  study  of  the  motives  and  conduct  of  public  men  during 
this  period  has  changed  my  opinion  of  many  of  them,  and, 
especially,  of  President  Pierce.  That  he  was  a  genial,  social 
and  agreeable  companion  is  affirmed  by  all  who  were  familiar 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  113 

with  him.  That  his  opinions  were  honestly  entertained,  and 
firmly  supported,  is  shown  by  his  adherence  to  them  without 
change  or  shadow  of  turning.  In  this  respect  he  compares 
favorably  with  many  leading  men  of  his  party,  who  stifled 
their  opinions  to  meet  the  currents  of  the  day.  He  had  been 
a  general  of  distinction  in  the  Mexican  War  and  a  Member  of 
both  the  Senate  and  House  of  Kepresentatives.  He  was  a 
leading  lawyer  in  his  state.  His  messages  to  Congress,  consid 
ered  in  a  literary  view,  were  able  state  papers,  clearly  and 
strongly  expressed.  It  was  his  great  misfortune  to  have  to 
deal  with  a  controversy  that  he  did  not  commence,  but  he  did 
not  shrink  from  the  responsibility.  He  believed  in  the  policy 
of  non-intervention  in  the  territories,  and  so  did  not  prevent 
the  "border  ruffians"  of  Missouri  crossing  the  line  and  voting 
at  every  election  in  Kansas,  setting  up  a  bogus  legislature, 
adopting  the  laws  of  Missouri  as  the  laws  of  Kansas,  and  estab 
lishing  negro  slavery  in  that  territory.  Fortunately  a  more 
numerous,  courageous  and  intelligent  population  reversed  all 
this,  and  led,  not  only  to  the  exclusion  of  slavery  in  Kansas, 
but  also  to  its  abolition  in  the  United  States. 

With  the  kindly  biography  of  President  Pierce,  written  by 
his  friend,  Nathaniel  Hawthorne,  before  me,  I  can  appreciate 
his  ability,  integrity  and  agreeable  social  qualities,  and  only 
regret  that  he  was  President  of  the  United  States  at  a  time 
when  the  sagacity  of  a  Jefferson,  the  determined  courage  of  a 
Jackson,  or  the  shrewdness  and  wisdom  of  a  Lincoln,  were 
needed  to  meet  the  difficulties  and  dangers  which  he  had  to 
encounter. 

There  is  but  one  more  personal  incident  of  the  34th  Con 
gress  I  care  to  mention.  Mr.  Banks  designated  me  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  committee  on  foreign  affairs.  Mr.  Alexander  C.  M. 
Pennington,  as  chairman  of  that  committee,  handed  me  the 
voluminous  papers  in  reference  to  the  French  Spoliation 
Claims.  They  covered  an  interesting  period  of  American  his 
tory,  embracing  all  that  between  1793  and  1801,  in  which  were 
involved  important  negotiations  both  in  England  and  France, 
and  outrages  committed  upon  our,  then,  infant  government  by 
the  governments  of  France  and  Great  Britain.  I  had  all  the 


S.-8 


RECOLLECTIONS 

feeling  of  natural  indignation  against  those  great  powers  who 
sought  to  draw  the  United  States  into  their  controversies,  and 
practice  upon  us  enormities  and  outrages  that  we  would  not 
submit  to  for  a  moment  in  our  day.  Yet,  after  a  full  and  care 
ful  examination  of  all  the  papers  in  the  case,  I  became  thor 
oughly  satisfied  that  these  claimants,  whatever  might  be  said 
as  to  their  claims  against  the  French  government,  had  abso 
lutely  no  foundation  for  a  claim  against  the  United  States. 

I  wrote  an  adverse  report,  but  it  was  suppressed  in  the 
committee.  Bills  for  the  payment  of  these  claims  were  pre 
sented  from  time  to  time.  In  1870  Senator  Sumner  reported 
favorably  to  the  Senate  a  bill  for  the  purpose  from  the  com 
mittee  on  foreign  relations.  It  was  opposed  by  Senator  Thur- 
man  and  myself  and  again  laid  aside.  On  the  14th  of  Decem 
ber,  1882,  the  bill  was  again  pressed,  the  debate  which  ensued 
clearly  showing  that  the  United  States  pressed  these  claims 
against  France  to  the  verge  of  war. 

The  whole  case  is  this:  certain  depredations  were  com 
mitted  by  the  French  government  and  by  the  citizens  of 
France,  upon  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  previous  to  the 
beginning  of  the  present  century.  The  government  of  the 
United  States  did  all  it  could  to  secure  payment  and  compen 
sation  to  its  citizens  for  these  depredations.  The  French  gov 
ernment  denied  the  validity  of  the  claims,  holding,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  had  vio 
lated  the  treaties  made  with  it  under  circumstances  of  sacred 
obligation,  that  its  citizens  therefore  were  justified  in  doing 
what  they  had  done  in  seizing  upon  American  vessels,  and  tak 
ing  from  them  goods  called  contraband  of  war,  and  in  commit 
ting  these  depredations.  It  uniformly  justified  and  main 
tained  the  action  of  its  cruisers  in  doing  these  things.  In 
other  words,  our  claims  were  repudiated  by  France,  their  pay 
ment  being  refused,  and,  as  we  could  not  force  their  payment, 
we  simply  abandoned  them.  Recently  they  have  been  re 
ferred  to  the  court  of  claims,  without  regard  to  lapse  of  time, 
and  large  sums  of  money  are  now  being  paid  by  the  United 
States  for  the  depredations  committed  by  the  French  nearly 
one  hundred  years  ago,  to  descendants,  three  generations 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  115 

removed,  of  merchants  and  ship  owners,  who,  with  all  their 
losses,  enjoyed  the  most  profitable  commerce  in  the  history  of 
our  mercantile  marine.  Their  payment  is,  perhaps,  the  most 
striking  evidence  of  the  improvidence  of  Congress  in  dealing 
with  antiquated  claims  against  the  government. 

The  first  year  of  Buchanan's  administration,  1857,  will 
always  be  noted  as  one  of  great  political  excitement,  of  sudden 
changes  and  unexpected  results.  At  its  beginning  the  Demo 
cratic  party  was  in  complete  possession  of  all  branches  of  the 
government.  The  House  of  Representatives,  elected  in  the  fall 
of  1856,  had  a  strong  Democratic  majority.  The  Senate  was 
composed  of  37  Democrats,  20  Republicans  and  4  Americans. 
The  Supreme  Court  was  composed  of  5  Democrats  from  the 
slave  states,  and  2  Democrats  and  2  Whigs  from  the  free  states. 
The  cabinet  of  Buchanan  had  four  members  from  the  southern 
states  and  three  from  the  northern.  The  south  had  full  con 
trol  of  all  departments  of  the  government,  with  the  President 
in  hearty  sympathy  with  the  policy  of  that  section.  The  con 
dition  of  Kansas  alone  caused  it  trouble.  The  firm  and  impar 
tial  course  of  Governor  Geary  had  imparted  confidence  and 
strength  to  the  Free  State  citizens  of  that  territory,  who  were 
now  in  an  unquestioned  majority  through  the  large  emigration 
from  the  north  during  the  spring  of  1857.  The  doctrine  of 
popular  sovereignty  could  not,  therefore,  be  relied  upon  to 
establish  slavery  in  Kansas,  and  it  was  abandoned.  New  theo 
ries  had  to  be  improvised  and  new  agencies  called  into  action. 

I  wras  present  when  the  oath  of  office  was  administered  to 
Mr.  Buchanan,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1857.  With  my  strong 
sympathy  for  the  Free  State  people  of  Kansas,  I  hoped  and 
believed  that  he  would  give  some  assurance  that  the  pledges 
made  for  him  in  the  canvass  would  be  carried  out,  but  the 
statement  in  his  inaugural  address,  that  the  difference  of  opin 
ion  in  respect  to  the  power  of  the  people  of  a  territory  to 
decide  the  question  of  slavery  for  themselves  would  be  speedily 
and  finally  settled,  as  a  judicial  question,  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  in  a  case  then  pending  before  it,  naturally, 
excited  suspicion  and  distrust.  It  was  regarded  as  a  change  of 
position,  a  new  device  in  the  interest  of  slavery.  In  two  days 


RECOLLECTIONS 

after  the  inauguration,  Chief  Justice  Taney  delivered  the  opin 
ion  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  as  to  the 
status  of  negroes  in  the  United  States.  He  said: 

44  They  had,  for  more  than  a  century  before,  been  regarded  as  beings  of 
an  inferior  order,  and  altogether  unfit  to  associate  with  the  white  race,  either 
in  social  or  political  relations  ;  and  so  far  inferior  that  they  had  no  rights 
which  the  white  man  was  bound  to  respect,  and  that  the  negro  might  justly 
and  lawfully  be  reduced  to  slavery  for  his  benefit." 

He  said  negroes  "were  not  intended  to  be  included 
in  the  word  'citizens'  in  the  constitution,  and  therefore  can 
claim  none  of  the  rights  and  privileges  which  that  instrument 
provides  for  and  secures  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States;" 
and  announced  as  the  opinion  of  the  court  that  the  Missouri 
Compromise  act  was  not  warranted  by  the  constitution  and 
was  therefore  void. 

These  declarations  were  in  no  sense  necessary  to  the  deci 
sion  of  the  case  before  the  court,  as  it  was  held  that  Dred  Scott 
was  a  resident  of  Missouri  and  subject  as  a  slave  to  the  laws  of 
that  state. 

Justices  McLean  and  Curtis  dissented  from  the  decision  of 
the  court,  and  in  elaborate  opinions  refuted,  as  I  think,  every 
position  of  the  Chief  Justice. 

Thus  the  Kansas  question  became  a  political  question  in  the 
Supreme  Court.  At  once  the  south  rejected  the  doctrine  of 
popular  sovereignty,  and  demanded,  as  a  constitutional  right, 
that  slaves  moved  into  a  territory  must  be  protected  like  other 
property,  whether  the  people  of  the  territory  wish  it  or  not. 
This  was  the  first  time  in  our  history  when  this  great  tribunal 
entered  into  the  political  arena.  Its  action  encouraged  the 
south,  but  produced  a  strong  feeling  of  resentment  in  the 
north,  and  widened  the  breach  between  the  two  great  sections 
of  the  country. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  early  in  his  administration,  found  it  neces 
sary  to  appoint  a  Governor  of  Kansas.  He  selected  Robert  J. 
Walker,  of  Mississippi,  who  had  held  high  positions  in  the 
national  government,  having  been  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
and  Senator  of  the  United  States.  He  appointed  Fred.  P. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  117 

Stanton,  of  Tennessee,  as  secretary  of  the  territory.  Mr. 
Stanton  had  long  been  a  Member  of  high  standing  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Both  were  southern  men  and  both  wished 
to  see  Kansas  a  slave  state,  but  both  were  honorable  men  who 
would  not  seek  to  gain  their  ends  by  dishonest  means.  After 
a  careful  estimate,  made  by  them,  it  was  believed  that  there 
were,  in  the  territory,  9,000  Free  State  Democrats,  8,000  Repub 
licans,  6,000  pro-slavery  Democrats,  and  500  pro-slavery  Amer 
icans.  A  strong  effort  was  made  by  Governor  Walker  to  in 
duce  these  elements  to  join  in  a  movement  for  a  convention  to 
frame  a  constitution,  with  a  view  to  admit  Kansas  as  a  state 
in  the  Union.  The  Free  State  men,  while  anxious  for  such  a 
result,  were  not  willing  to  trust  their  adversaries  with  the  con 
duct  of  such  an  election,  without  some  safeguards  against  the 
repetition  of  the  frauds  and  violence  of  previous  elections. 
The  result  was  that  only  2,200  persons  took  part  in  choosing 
delegates  to  what  became  the  notorious  Lecompton  convention. 
Both  before  and  after  this  so-called  election  Governor  Wal 
ker  promised  that  the  constitution,  when  adopted,  should  be 
submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  and  he  added  his  assurance 
that  the  President  of  the  United  States  would  insist  upon  this 
condition.  On  the  12th  of  July  Mr.  Buchanan  wrote  to  Gover 
nor  Walker: 

"On  the  question  of  submitting  the  constitution  to  the  bond, fide  resident 
settlers  of  Kansas,  I  am  willing  to  stand  or  fall.  In  sustaining  such  a  prin 
ciple  we  cannot  fail.  It  is  the  principle  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  the 
principle  of  popular  sovereignty,  and  the  principle  at  the  foundation  of  all 
popular  government.  The  more  it  is  discussed,  the  stronger  it  will  become. 
Should  the  convention  of  Kansas  adopt  this  principle,  all  will  be  settled 
harmoniously." 

This  promise  was  soon  after  violated,  and  the  President 
declared  in  an  open  letter: 

"  At  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act  slavery  existed, 
and  still  exists,  in  Kansas,  under  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 
This  point  has  at  last  been  finally  decided  by  the  highest  tribunal  known  to 
our  laws.  How  it  could  ever  have  been  seriously  doubted  is  a  mystery." 

It  was  known  that  the  delegates  elected  would  adopt  a  pro- 
slavery  constitution  and  ask  for  admission  to  the  Union.  It 


118 


RECOLLECTIONS 


was  equally  well  known  that  no  such  constitution  would  be 
adopted  by  the  people  of  Kansas.  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  President,  pressed  by  his  cabinet,  yielded  to  the  demands 
of  the  south,  violated  his  pledges,  and  supported  the  conven 
tion  in  the  extreme  measures  adopted  by  it. 

In  the  meantime  the  Free  State  party  in  Kansas,  composed 
of  nearly  equal  proportions  of  Republicans  and  Democrats, 
was  persuaded  by  Governor  Walker  to  take  part  in  the  regular 
election  for  the  territorial  legislature.  The  result  was,  the 
Free  State  party  elected  nine  of  the  thirteen  councilmen,  and 
twenty-four  of  the  thirty-nine  representatives.  This  should 
have  settled  the  Kansas  controversy,  and  it  would  have  done 
so  on  the  principle  of  popular  sovereignty,  but  a  broader 
constituency  in  the  south  demanded  that  the  doctrine  of  the 
Dred  Scott  case  should  be  applied  to  and  enforced,  not  only  in 
Kansas,  but  in  all  the  states.  Henceforth  the  Lecompton  con 
stitution  must  be  considered,  not  as  a  local  question,  but  as  a 
national  one.  The  imperative  issue,  as  pithily  stated  by  Lin 
coln,  was,  all  slave  or  all  free  states.  The  battle  was  to  com 
mence  in  Kansas,  but  was  to  become  national  in  its  scope. 

The  constitutional  convention  met  on  the  19th  of  October, 
1857,  within  two  weeks  after  the  election  of  the  legislature, 
but  in  its  action  little  interest  was  taken,  a  quorum  being  pre 
served  with  difficulty.  It  adopted  a  pro-slavery  constitution, 
which,  it  was  well  known,  if  submitted  to  the  people,  would  be 
rejected  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  and  if  not  submitted 
would  be  resisted,  if  necessary,  by  open  force.  The  President, 
Governor  Walker,  and  all  parties,  had  promised  that  the  con 
stitution,  when  framed,  would  be  submitted  to  a  popular  vote. 
How  not  to  do  it,  and  yet  appear  to  do  it,  was  a  problem 
worthy  of  a  gang  of  swindlers,  and  yet  the  feeling  was  so 
strong  in  administration  circles,  that  the  plan  devised  as  below 
given  was  cordially  approved  by  the  cabinet  and  acquiesced  in 
by  the  President. 

The  constitution  adopted  by  the  convention  provided:  "The 
right  of  property  is  before  and  higher  than  any  constitutional 
sanction,  and  the  right  of  the  owner  of  a  slave  to  such  slave 
and  its  increase  is  the  same  and  as  inviolable  as  the  right  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  119 

.the  owner  of  any  property  whatever."  Another  provision  of 
the  constitution  was  that  it  could  not  be  amended  until  after 
the  year  1864,  and  even  then  no  alteration  should  "be  made  to 
affect  the  rights  of  property  in  the  ownership  of  slaves." 

The  election  was  to  be  held  on  December  21,  1857.  The 
people  might  vote  for  the  "constitution  with  slavery"  or  the 
"constitution  with  no  slavery."  In  either  event,  by  the  ex 
press  terms  of  the  constitution,  slavery  was  established  for  a 
time  in  Kansas  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Dred  Scott  case  was  to 
be  embodied  in  our  laws.  No  opportunity  was  offered  to  the 
people  to  vote  against  the  constitution. 

It  is  difficult  to  characterize  in  proper  terms  the  infamy  of 
these  proceedings.  The  Free  State  party  would  take  no  part 
in  the  proposed  election  on  December  21,  and  it  resulted,  for 
the  constitution  with  slavery,  6,226  votes,  of  which  2,720  were 
proven  to  be  fraudulent ;  for  the  constitution  without  slavery, 
589.  Governor  Walker  promptly  denounced  the  outrage.  He 
said:  "I  consider  such  a  submission  of  the  question  a  vile 
fraud,  a  base  counterfeit,  and  a  wretched  device  to  prevent  the 
people  voting  even  on  the  slavery  question."  "  I  will  not  sup 
port  it,"  he  continued,  "but  I  will  denounce  it,  no  matter 
whether  the  administration  sustains  it  or  not." 

Mr.  Buchanan  supported  the  scheme  after  the  constitution 
had  been  adopted  by  the  convention.  The  elections  in  the  fall 
preceding  were  favorable  to  the  Democrats,  and  Mr.  Buchanan 
was  naturally  encouraged  to  hope  that  his  party  had  regained 
popular  ascendancy,  but  the  Lecompton  juggle  created  a  pro 
found  impression  in  the  north,  and  divided  the  Democratic 
party  to  a  greater  extent  than  did  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill, 
especially  in  the  northwest  and  in  Ohio,  where  the  feeling  of 
resentment  was  almost  universal.  Mr.  Douglas,  the  great 
leader  for  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  took  imme 
diate  ground  against  the  pro-slavery  plan,  and  protested  to 
the  President  against  it.  An  open  breach  occurred  between 
them. 

When  Congress  assembled,  the  Lecompton  scheme  became 
the  supreme  subject  for  debate.  Mr.  Douglas  assumed  at  once 
the  leadership  of  the  opposition  to  that  measure.  He  said:  "Up 


1:>0  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  the  time  of  meeting  of  the  convention,  in  October  last,  the 
pretense  was  kept  up,  the  profession  was  openly  made,  and  be 
lieved  by  me,  and  I  thought  believed  by  them,  that  the  conven 
tion  intended  to  submit  a  constitution  to  the  people,  and  not  to 
attempt  to  put  a  government  into  operation  without  such  a  sub 
mission."  But  instead  of  that,  "All  men  must  vote  for  the 
constitution,  whether  they  like  it  or  not,  in  order  to  be  permit 
ted  to  vote  for  or  against  slavery."  Again  he  said:  "I  have  asked 
a  very  large  number  of  the  gentlemen  who  framed  the  constitu 
tion,  quite  a  number  of  delegates,  and  still  a  larger  number 
of  persons  who  are  their  friends,  and  I  have  received  the 
same  answer  from  every  one  of  them.  .  .  .  They  say  if  they 
allowed  a  negative  vote  the  constitution  would  have  been 
voted  down  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  and  hence  the  fel 
lows  shall  not  be  allowed  to  vote  at  all."  He  denounced  it  as 
"a  trick,  a  fraud  upon  the  rights  of  the  people." 

Governor  Walker  declared:  "I  state  it  as  a  fact,  based  on  a 
long  and  intimate  association  with  the  people  of  Kansas,  that 
an  overwhelming  majority  of  that  people  are  opposed"  to  the 
Lecompton  constitution,  "and  my  letters  state  that  but  one  out 
of  twenty  of  the  press  of  Kansas  sustains  it.  ...  Any  at 
tempt  by  Congress  to  force  this  constitution  upon  the  people  of 
Kansas  will  be  an  effort  to  substitute  the  will  of  a  small  minor 
ity  for  that  of  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  people." 

On  the  28th  of  January,  1858,  during  the  debate  on  the 
Lecompton  constitution,  I  made  an  elaborate  speech,  entering 
fully  into  the  history  of  that  constitution  and  the  events  that 
preceded  it,  and  closed  as  follows  : 

"  In  conclusion,  allow  me  to  impress  the  south  with  two  important 
warnings  she  has  received  in  her  struggle  for  Kansas.  One  is,  that  though 
her  able  and  disciplined  leaders  on  this  floor,  aided  by  executive  patronage, 
may  give  her  the  power  to  overthrow  legislative  compacts,  yet,  while  the 
sturdy  integrity  of  the  northern  masses  stands  in  her  way,  she  can  gain  no 
practical  advantage  by  her  well-laid  schemes.  The  other  is,  that  while  she 
may  indulge  with  impunity  the  spirit  of  fillibusterism,  or  lawless  and  violent 
adventure,  upon  a  feeble  and  distracted  people  in  Mexico  and  Central 
America,  she  must  not  come  in  contact  with  that  cool,  determined  courage 
and  resolution  which  forms  the  striking  characteristic  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race.  In  such  a  contest,  her  hasty  and  impetuous  violence  may  succeed  for 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  121 

a  time,  but  the  victory  will  be  short-lived  and  transient,  and  leave  nothing 
but  bitterness  behind.  Let  us  not  war  with  each  other  ;  but,  with  the  grasp 
of  fellowship  and  friendship,  regarding  to  the  full  each  other's  rights,  and 
kind  to  each  other's  faults,  let  us  go  hand  in  hand  in  securing  to  every  por 
tion  of  our  people  their  constitutional  rights." 

I  may  as  well  here  briefly  follow  the  progress  and  end  of 
the  Kansas  controversy.  Mr.  Stanton,  the  acting  governor  in 
the  absence  of  Governor  Walker,  convened  an  extra  session  of 
the  territorial  legislature,  in  which  the  Free  State  men  had  a 
majority.  The  legislature  provided  for  an  election  to  be  held 
January  4,  1858,  at  which  a  fair  vote  might  be  taken  on  the 
constitution.  At  this  election  the  vote  stood :  For  the  con 
stitution  with  slavery,  138 ;  for  the  constitution  without  slav 
ery,  24 ;  against  the  constitution,  10,226. 

Notwithstanding  this  .decisive  evidence  of  the  opposition  to 
the  Lecompton  constitution  by  the  people  of  Kansas,  Mr.  Bu 
chanan  sent  a  copy  of  it  to  Congress,  and,  recommending  the 
admission  of  Kansas  under  that  organic  act,  said : 

"  It  has  been  solemnly  adjudged,  by  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  known 
to  our  laws,  that  slavery  exists  in  Kansas  by  virtue  of  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States.  Kansas  is  therefore  at  this  moment  as  much  a  slave  state  as 
Georgia  or  South  Carolina." 

During  the  controversy  Gen.  Denver,  a  conservative  Demo 
crat,  a  native  of  Virginia,  long  a  resident  of  Ohio  and  a  repre 
sentative  from  California  in  the  34th  Congress,  was  appointed 
Governor  of  Kansas.  His  predecessors,  four  of  his  own  party, 
Eeeder,  Shannon,  Walker  and  Stanton,  had  been  either  re 
moved  or  compelled  to  resign,  every  one  refusing  to  execute 
the  extreme  pro-slavery  policy  of  the  President.  His  efforts  to 
secure  justice  to  the  citizens  of  Kansas  would  in  all  probabil 
ity  have  led  to  his  removal,  but  the  march  of  events  withdrew 
the  question  involved  from  the  people  of  Kansas  to  the  halls 
of  Congress.  The  policy  of  the  administration  was  driving  a 
wedge  into  the  Democratic  party.  The  bill  for  the  admission 
of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  constitution  passed  the  Senate 
by  a  vote  of  33  yeas  to  25  nays,  four  northern  Democrats  and 
two  southern  Americans  voting  with  the  Republicans  against  it. 


122  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  composed  of  128  Demo 
crats,  92  Republicans  and  14  Americans,  the  bill  was  defeated 
by  the  adoption  of  an  amendment  which  provided  that  the 
Lecompton  constitution  should  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the 
people  of  Kansas,  but  this  amendment  was  disagreed  to  by  the 
Senate,  and  the  disagreement  was  referred  to  a  committee  of 
conference.  The  result  was  the  adoption  of  a  substitute, 
known  as  the  English  bill.  This  bill,  though  faulty,  and  parti 
san,  provided  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Lecomp 
ton  constitution,  but  provided  also  for  a  submission  of  the 
English  bill  to  a  vote  of  the  people  of  Kansas.  On  the  2nd  of 
August  a  vote  was  taken  in  Kansas,  and  11,300,  out  of  a  total 
vote  of  13,088,  were  cast  against  the  English  proposition.  Thus 
the  Lecompton  constitution  and  the  English  bill  were  defeated, 
the  exclusion  of  slavery  made  absolute,  and  the  State  of  Kan 
sas  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  free  state,  under  a  constitu 
tion  approved  by  the  people,  but  not  until  January  29,  1861. 

This  memorable  result  was  the  turning  point  of  the  slavery 
controversy.  The  people  of  the  south  hastened  preparations 
for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  and  a  civil  war.  The  Confed 
erate  congress,  meeting  four  days  later,  on  February  9,  elected 
Jefferson  Davis  as  its  president,  he  having  resigned  as  United 
States  Senator,  January  21,  1861,  eight  days  before  Kansas 
was  admitted  to  the  Union. 

I  have  given  much  space  to  this  Kansas  controversy,  for 
I  wish  to  impress  upon  the  readers  of  this  volume  that  the  war 
was  not  caused  by  agitation  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  but  by 
aggressive  measures  for  the  extension  of  slavery  over  free 
territory.  A  large  and  influential  class  of  southern  men  were 
born  politicians,  and  were  mainly  slaveholders.  They  had, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  government,  a  large  influence,  and 
held  more  public  offices  of  chief  importance  than  their  north 
ern  associates.  They  were  constantly  complaining  of  opinions 
expressed  by  a  comparatively  few  Abolitionists  against  slavery, 
while  the  great  body  of  the  north  were  either  indifferent  to  or 
sympathized  with  them  in  their  opposition  to  the  Abolitionists. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  FINANCIAL  PANIC  OF  1857. 

Its  Effect  on  the  State  Banks— My  Maiden  Speech  in  Congress  on  National  Finances— 
Appointed  a  Member  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  —  Investigation  of  the 
Navy  Department  and  Its  Results  —  Trip  to  Europe  with  Mrs.  Sherman  — 
We  Visit  Bracklinn's  Bridge,  Made  Famous  by  Sir  Walter  Scott  — 
Ireland  and  the  Irish  —  I  Pay  a  Visit  to  Parliament  and 
Obtain  Ready  Admission  —  Notable  Places  in   Paris 
Viewed  with  Senator  Sumner  —  The  Battle 
field  of  Magenta  —  Return  Home. 

IN  the  summer  of  1857  there  occurred  one  of  those  period 
ical  revulsions  which  seem  to  come  after  a  term  of  appar 
ent  prosperity.     On  the   24th  of  August  the  Ohio   Life 
Insurance  &  Trust  Company  failed.     That  single  event,  in 
itself  unimportant,  indicated  an  unhealthy  condition  of  trade, 
caused  by  reckless  speculation,  high  prices,  the  construction  of 
railroads  in  advance  of  their  need,  a  great  increase  of  imports, 
and  the  excessive  development  of  cities  and  towns.    All  credits 
were  expanded.     The  immediate  results  of  the  panic  were  the 
suspension  of  credits,  the  diminution  of  imports,  the  failure  of 
banks,  and  the  general  or  partial  suspension  or  lessening  of  all 
industries.     The   revenues    of  the   government  were  greatly 
diminished. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  1857,  the  balance  in  the  treasury  was 
$17,710,000.  On  the  1st  of  July,  1858,  the  balance  was  reduced 
to  $6,398,000,  and  during  the  year  preceding,  the  United  States 
borrowed  $10,000,000.  On  the  1st  of  July,  1859,  the  surplus 
was  reduced  to  $4,320,000,  and  during  the  year  preceding  the 
United  States  borrowed  $20,774,000.  This  sudden  change  in 
the  financial  condition  of  the  treasury  was  an  indication  of  a 
like  or  greater  change  in  the  condition  of  every  person  engaged 
in  productive  industries. 

The  panic  especially  affected  the  state  banks.  These  banks 
were  authorized  by  the  laws  of  the  several  states  to  issue  notes 

(123) 


124  RECOLLECTIONS 

as  money  payable  on  demand,  with  no  common  system  or 
methods  of  redemption,  and  varying  in  value  according  to  the 
solvency  of  the  banks  issuing  them.  The  banks  in  a  few  of 
the  states  maintained  their  notes  at  par,  or  at  a  small  discount, 
but  the  great  body  of  the  notes  could  circulate  only  in  the 
states  where  issued,  and  then  only  because  their  people  could 
get  no  other  money  in  exchange  for  their  products.  The 
necessities  created  by  the  Civil  War  compelled  the  United 
States  to  borrow  large  sums,  and  to  aid  in  this  a  national  cur 
rency  was  provided,  concerning  which  a  statement  of  the 
measures  adopted  will  be  made  hereafter.  It  is  sufficient  here 
to  state  that  the  national  currency  adopted  proved  one  of  the 
most  beneficial  results  of  the  war. 

The  financial  stringency  of  1857  led  to  a  careful  scrutiny  of 
appropriations  for  the  support  of  the  government. 

On  the  27th  of  May,  1858,  I  expressed  my  views  in  respect 
to  the  expenditures  of  the  United  States.  This  speech  was  the 
first  effort  I  made  in  Congress  to  deal  with  the  finances  of  the 
national  government.  In  the  previous  Congresses  I  had  de 
voted  my  time  to  the  struggle  in  Kansas.  At  the  meeting  of 
the  35th  Congress,  I  naturally  turned  to  the  condition  of  our 
finances,  then  the  paramount  subject  of  interest  in  the  coun 
try,  and,  especially  in  Ohio,  devoting  most  of  my  time  to  a 
careful  study  thereof.  The  speech  referred  to  on  national 
finances  was  the  result  of  much  labor,  and  I  believe  it  will 
bear  favorable  scrutiny  even  at  this  late  day.  It  certainly 
attracted  the  attention  of  my  colleagues,  and  no  doubt  led  to 
my  transfer,  at  the  next  Congress,  to  the  committee  of  ways 
and  means. 

In  this  speech  I  stated  fully  the  increase  of  expenditures 
and  the  diminution  of  the  revenues,  and  the  then  condition  of 
the  treasury.  I  quote  as  follows: 

"  And  yet,  sir,  for  this  alarming  condition  of  the  public  finances,  the  ad 
ministration  has  no  measures  of  relief  except  loan  bills  and  paper  money  in 
the  form  of  treasury  notes.  No  provision  is  made  for  their  payment ;  no 
measure  of  retrenchment  and  reform  ;  but  these  accumulated  difficulties  are 
thrust  upon  the  future,  with  the  improvidence  of  a  young  spendthrift. 
While  the  secretary  is  waiting  to  foresee  contingencies,  we  are  prevented 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  125 

by  a  party  majority  from  instituting  reform.  If  we  indicate  even  the  com 
mencement  of  retrenchment,  or  point  out  abuses,  on  this  side  of  the  House, 
we  are  at  once  assailed  by  members  of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means." 

I  cited  the  abuses  and  usurpations  of  the  executive  depart 
ments  in  diverting  specific  appropriations  to  purposes  not  au 
thorized  bylaw.  I  said:  "The  theory  of  our  government  is, 
that  a  specific  sum  shall  be  appropriated  by  a  law  originating 
in  this  House,  for  a  specific  purpose,  and  within  a  given  fiscal 
year.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  executive  to  use  that  sum,  and  no 
more,  especially  for  that  purpose,  and  no  other,  and  within  the 
time  fixed." 

I  pointed  out  cases  where  the  departments  assumed  the 
power  to  transfer  appropriations  made  for  one  purpose,  to  other 
purposes  in  the  same  department.  Another  abuse  by  the  exec 
utive  departments  was  the  habit  of  making  contracts  in  ad 
vance  of  appropriations,  thus,  without  law,  compelling  Con 
gress  to  sanction  them  or  violate  the  public  faith.  All  these 
evils  have  since  been  remedied  by  restrictive  legislation.  The 
habit  of  the  Senate  to  load  down  appropriation  bills  with  amend 
ments  already  refused  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
then  insist  that,  if  not  agreed  to,  the  bill  would  fail,  was  more 
frequent  then  than  now,  but  under  the  practice  now  estab 
lished  an  amendment  finally  disagreed  to  by  either  House  is 
abandoned. 

An  illustration  of  the  former  practice  in  the  Senate  oc 
curred  in  the  36th  Congress,  when  I  was  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  on  ways  and  means.  An  appropriation  bill  was  loaded 
down  with  amendments,  among  them  an  appropriation  of 
$500,000  each  for  the  construction  of  public  buildings  in 
Charleston  and  New  Orleans.  The  amendments  were  dis 
agreed  to  and  referred  to  a  committee  of  conference,  of  which 
Senator  Toombs  was  a  member.  His  first  expression  in  the 
committee  was  that  the  House  must  agree  to  the  items  for 
Charleston  and  New  Orleans  or  the  bill  would  fail.  I  promptly 
answered  that  I  would  report  what  he  said  to  the  House, 
and  the  bill  would  fail  He  said  nothing  further,  the  confer 
ence  agreed,  and  the  bill  passed  without  any  mention  of 
Charleston  or  New  Orleans.  Even  now  the  abuse  I  refer  to 


RECOLLECTIONS 

sometimes  occurs,  but  the  general  rule  and  practice  is  to  ex 
clude  any  item  of  an  appropriation  bill  not  freely  agreed  to 
by  both  Houses. 

It  was  generally  agreed  that  the  views  expressed  by  me  on 
the  27th  of  May  were  sound  in  principle,  but  the  strong  parti 
san  feeling  that  ran  through  the  speech  weakened  its  effect.  I 
insert  the  last  two  paragraphs: 

"  But,  sir,  I  have  no  hope,  while  this  House  is  constituted  as  it  is  now, 
of  instituting  any  radical  reform.  I  believe  that  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  should  be  in  opposition  to  the  President.  We  know  the  intimate 
relations  made  by  party  ties  and  party  feelings.  We  know  that  with  a 
party  House,  a  House  a  majority  of  whose  Members  are  friends  of  the  Presi 
dent,  it  is  impossible  to  bring  about  a  reform.  It  is  only  by  a  firm,  able, 
and  determined  opposition  —  not  yielding  to  every  friendly  request,  not 
yielding  to  every  urgent  demand,  not  yielding  to  every  appeal  —  that  we 
can  expect  to  reform  the  abuse  in  the  administration  of  the  government. 

"At  the  beginning  of  this  session,  I  did  hope  that  a  majority  of  this 
House  would  compose  such  an  opposition  ;  and  while  on  the  one  hand  it 
crushed  the  unholy  attempt  to  impose  an  odious  constitution  —  by  force,  or 
with  threats  or  bribes  —  upon  a  free  people,  it  would  be  prepared  to  check 
the  reckless  extravagance  of  the  administration  in  the  disbursement  of  the 
public  funds.  But  the  power  of  party  ties  and  the  executive  influence  were 
too  potent.  We  can  only  look  now  to  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the 
people,  whose  potent  will  can  overthrow  Presidents,  Senators,  and  majorities. 
I  have  an  abiding  hope  that  the  next  House  of  Representatives  will  do  what 
this  should  have  done,  and  become,  like  its  great  prototype,  the  guardian  of 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people." 

At  the  beginning  of  the  35th  Congress  I  was  appointed  by 
Speaker  Orr  a  member  of  the  committee  on  naval  affairs,  with 
Mr.  Bocock  as  chairman.  Among  the  subjects  referred  to  that 
committee  was  the  capture,  by  Commodore  Paulding  of  the 
United  States  navy,  of  William  Walker,  engaged  in  an  armed 
foray  against  Nicaragua.  It  was  fully  considered,  and  on  the 
3rd  of  February,  1858,  the  majority  of  the  committee,  through 
Mr.  Bocock,  made  a  full  report,  accompanied  by  the  following 
resolutions: 

"Resolved,  That  the  act  of  Hiram  Paulding,  a  captain  of  the  United 
States  navy,  in  arresting  General  William  Walker,  was  not  authorized  by 
the  instructions  which  had  been  given  him  from  the  navy  department. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  127 

"Resolved,  That  while  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  said 
Paulding  acted  from  any  improper  motives  or  intention,  yet  we  regard  the 
act  in  question  as  a  grave  error,  and  deserving,  for  the  reason  already  given, 
the  disapproval  of  the  American  Congress." 

By  direction  of  the  minority  of  the  committee  I  submitted 
a  minority  report  as  a  substitute,  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  Commodore  Hiram  Paulding,  in  arresting  William 
Walker  and  his  associates,  and  returning  them  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States,  acted  within  the  spirit  of  his  orders,  and  deserves  the  appro 
bation  of  his  country." 

It  appeared,  from  the  documents  submitted,  that  in  Septem 
ber,  1857,  Walker  was  fitting  out,  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States,  a  military  expedition  against  the  Republic  of 
Nicaragua,  that  on  the  18th  of  September,  Lewis  Cass,  Secre 
tary  of  State,  issued  a  circular  letter,  warning  all  persons 
against  setting  on  foot  such  expeditions,  and  urging  all  officers 
of  the  United  States  to  enforce  the  provisions  of  law  cited  by 
him,  to  prevent  such  expeditions  "so  manifestly  prejudicial 
to  the  national  character  and  so  injurious  to  the  national 
interests." 

A  copy  of  this  circular  was  transmitted  to  Commodore 
Paulding,  for  his  guidance,  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and 
he  was  required  to  regard  the  instructions  contained  in  it  as  ad 
dressed  to  himself.  Commodore  Chatard  was  suspended  for  fail 
ing  to  arrest  Walker  within  the  port  of  San  Juan.  Commodore 
Paulding  arrived  at  San  Juan  on  the  6th  day  of  December. 
Walker  and  his  men  were  in  sight  on  shore,  at  Punta  Arenas, 
opposite  San  Juan.  This  point,  though  within  the  limits  of 
Nicaragua,  has  been  successively  claimed  and  occupied  by 
Costa  Rica,  Nicaragua  and  the  so-called  Mosquito  Kingdom, 
under  British  protection.  It  was  an  almost  deserted  point,  to 
which  a  British  subject  had  set  up  a  doubtful  title,  founded 
upon  a  purchase  from  a  pilot  of  the  port  of  San  Juan.  Its 
occupants  were  engaged  as  a  military  force,  and  were  then 
waging  war  against  the  existing  government  of  Nicaragua — a 
government  with  which  ours  was  at  peace,  and  one  so  weak 
that  it  was  inhuman  to  fight  it.  Although  freshly  landed  from 
our  shores,  in  violation  of  our  laws,  and  controlling  no  spot 


RECOLLECTIONS 

except  that  they  occupied— receiving,  so  far  as  we  knew,  no 
accessions  or  aid  from  the  natives  of  the  country,  they  issued 
orders  and  manifestoes  headed: 

"HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  NICARAGUA, 

PUNTA  ARENAS,  December  2,  1857." 

Their  leader  signed  these  orders: 

"  WILLIAM  WALKER, 

CoMMANDER-lN-ClIIEF,  ARMY    OF    NICARAGUA." 

There  was  no  doubt  that  the  expedition  was  the  very  one 
denounced  by  the  Secretary  of  State  in  the  circular,  and  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  his  orders,  for  Walker  and  his 
men  sought  no  disguise. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Commodore  Paulding  arrested 
Walker  and  his  men,  and  returned  them  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States.  This  brief  and  imperfect  sketch  of  the 
voluminous  majority  and  minority  reports  of  the  committee 
will  convey  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  excitement  created  by  this 
arrest.  An  attempt  was  made  to  censure  Commodore  Pauld 
ing,  but  it  utterly  failed.  The  purpose  of  Walker  was  to  seize 
Nicaragua,  adopt  slavery  and  convert  the  Central  American 
states  into  slaveholding  communities,  and  thus  strengthen 
slavery  in  the  United  States.  It  was  the  counterpart  of  the 
movements  in  Kansas,  and  was  supported  by  powerful  influ 
ence  in  the  southern  states. 

Another  investigation  of  great  importance  was  ordered  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  upon  the  following  resolutions 
introduced  by  me  on  the  18th  of  January,  1859 : 

"  WHEREAS,  I).  B.  Allen,  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  New  York,  specifically 
charges  that  certain  officers  in  the  navy  department,  in  awarding  contracts 
for  the  construction  of  vessels  of  war  of  the  tlnited  States,  have  been  guilty 
of  partiality,  and  of  violation  of  law  and  their  public  duty:  and  whereas, 
grave  charges  have  been  made  that  money  appropriated  for  navy  yards  and 
for  the  repair  of  vessels  of  the  United  States,  has  been  expended  for  partisan 
purposes,  and  not  for  the  purposes  prescribed  by  law:  Therefore, 

"  Itesolved,  That  a  committee  of  five  members  be  appointed  to  examine, 
1.  Into  the  specifications  and  bids  for,  and  the  terms  of,  the  contracts  for  the 
work  and  labor  done,  or  materials  furnished  for  the  vessels  of  the  United 
States,  constructed,  or  in  process  of  construction  or  repair,  by  the  United 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  129 

States,  since  the  4th  day  of  March,  1857,  and  the  mode  and  manner  of  award 
ing  said  contracts,  and  the  inducements  and  recommendations  influencing 
said  awards.  2.  Into  the  mode  and  manner,  and  the  purpose,  in  which  the 
money  appropriated  for  the  navy  and  dock  yards,  and  for  the  repair  and 
increase  of  vessels,  has  been  expended.  That  said  committee  have  power 
to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  have  leave  to  report  by  bill  or  other- 


This  investigation  occupied  most  of  the  remaining  session 
of  that  Congress.  The  committee  of  five  was  composed  of 
Messrs.  Sherman,  Bocock,  Eitchie,  Groesbeck  and  Ready,  three 
Democrats  and  two  Eepublicans,  of  which  I  was  chairman. 
The  committee  took  a  mass  of  testimony,  disclosing  abuses  and 
frauds  of  a  startling  character,  covering  over  1,000  printed 
pages.  The  majority  of  the  committee,  Messrs.  Bocock,  Groes 
beck  and  Ready,  submitted  a  report  condemning  the  glaring 
abuses  proven,  and,  while  reporting  the  inefficiency  and  incom- 
petency  of  subordinate  officers  and  employes,  yet  declared  that 
nothing  had  been  proven  which  impeached  the  personal  or 
official  integrity  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  They  proposed 
the  following  resolutions : 

"  1.  Resolved,  That  the  testimony  taken  in  this  investigation  proves  the 
existence  of  glaring  abuses  in  the  Brooklyn  navy  yard,  and  such  as  require 
the  interposition  of  legislative  reform  ;  but  it  is  due  to  justice  to  declare 
that  these  abuses  have  been  slowly  and  gradually  growing  up  during  a  long 
course  of  years,  and  that  no  particular  administration  should  bear  the  entire 
blame  therefor. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  it  is  disclosed,  by  the  testimony  in  this  case,  that  the 
agency  for  the  purchase  of  anthracite  coal  for  the  use  of  the  navy  has  been, 
for  some  time  past,  in  the  hands  of  a  person  wholly  inefficient  and  grossly 
incompetent,  and  that  reform  is  needed  in  the  regulations  which  exist  on 
that  subject ;  but  there  is  no  proof  which  traces  any  knowledge  of  such 
inefficiency  and  incompetency  to  the  responsible  authorities  in  Washington, 
nor  any  which  shows  that  the  need  of  reform  grows  especially  out  of  any  act 
of  theirs  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  expressly  proven  that  the  supply  of  coal 
for  the  naval  service  has  been  purchased  during  this  administration  upon 
terms  relatively  as  favorable  as  ever  heretofore. 

"  3.  Resolved,  That  while  we  could  never  sanction  or  approve  any 
arrangement,  on  the  part  of  an  officer  of  the  government,  which,  under  -pre 
tense  of  making  contracts  for  supplies,  was  designed  to  confer  especial  and 
exclusive  favor  on  individuals,  yet,  in  the  contract  entered  into  in  Septem 
ber,  1858,  between  the  navy  department  and  W.  C.  N.  Swift,  for  the  supply 


J30  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  live  oak  to  said  department,  it  is  clearly  proven  by  the  testimony  that,  if 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  did  contemplate  any  favor  to  said  Swift,  he  did  not 
design  to  bestow  it  to  the  detriment  of  the  government,  but  that  in  all  he 
did  in  this  matter  he  kept  always  in  view  the  good  of  the  public  and  the 
interests  of  the  service. 

"  4.  Resolved,  That  in  the  letting  of  the  contracts  for  the  construction  of 
the  steam  machinery  for  the  vessels  of  the  navy  during  the  present  admin 
istration,  nothing  has  been  shown  which  calls  for  the  interposition  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  ;  but  it  is  manifest  that  the  present  head  of 
the  navy  department  has  displayed  a  very  laudable  zeal  to  secure  the 
greatest  amount  of  speed  and  efficiency  attainable  for  said  vessels. 

"  5.  Resolved,  That  nothing  has  been  proven  in  this  investigation  which 
impeaches,  in  any  way,  the  personal  or  official  integrity  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy." 

The  minority  report  was  made  by  Ritchie  and  myself  on 
the  24th  of  February,  1859,  in  which  wre  recommended  the 
following  resolutions : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  has,  with  the  sanction  of  the 
President,  abused  his  discretionary  power  in  the  selection  of  a  coal  agent 
and  in  the  purchase  of  fuel  for  the  government. 

"Resolved,  That  the  contract  made  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  under 
date  of  September  23,  1858,  with  W.  C.  N.  Swift,  for  the  delivery  of  live 
oak  timber,  was  made  in  violation  of  law,  and  in  a  manner  unusual,  improper, 
and  injurious  to  the  public  service. 

"Resolved,  That  the  distribution,  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  of  the 
patronage  in  the  navy  yard  among  Members  of  Congress  was  destructive  of 
discipline,  corrupting  in  its  influence,  and  highly  injurious  to  the  public 
service. 

"Resolved,  That  the  President  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  by  receiving 
and  considering  the  party  relations  of  bidders  for  contracts  with  the  United 
States,  and  the  effect  of  awarding  contracts  upon  pending  elections,  have  set 
an  example  dangerous  to  the  public  safety  and  deserving  the  reproof  of  this 
House. 

"Resolved,  That  the  appointment,  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  of 
Daniel  B.  Martin,  chief  engineer,  as  a  member  of  the  board  of  engineers,  to 
report  upon  proposals  for  constructing  machinery  for  the  United  States,  the 
said  Martin  at  the  same  time  being  pecuniarily  interested  in  some  of  said 
proposals,  is  hereby  censured  by  this  House." 

No  action  was  taken  on  these  reports  during  that  ses 
sion,  which  terminated  on  the  4th  of  March  ;  but  in  the 
succeeding  Congress  the  resolutions  of  the  minority  were 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  131 

reported  favorably  from  the  committee  on  the  expenditures 
of  the  navy  department,  and,  after  debate,  were  adopted,  a 
separate  yea  and  nay  vote  being  taken  on  each  resolution, 
and  the  vote  generally  being  119  in  favor  of  the  resolution 
and  60  against,  a  large  number  of  Democrats  voting  for  each 
resolution. 

This  investigation,  and  the  action  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  upon  it,  led  to  radical  reforms  in  the  purchase  of 
supplies  in  the  navy  department,  and  stamped  with  deserved 
censure  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  his  subordinates,  who 
participated  in  his  action. 

In  the  spring  of  1859,  Mrs.  Sherman  and  I  started  on  my 
first  trip  to  Europe,  on  the  steamer  "  Vanderbilt,"  without  any 
definite  route  or  plan.  Fortunately,  we  formed  on  shipboard 
some  pleasant  acquaintances,  among  others  Judge  Harris  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York,  afterwards  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  and  his  wife.  Each  had  children  by  a  former 
marriage,  who  had  arrived  at  or  near  manhood  or  womanhood, 
and  all  were  pleasant  traveling  companions.  Mr.  Platt  and  his 
wife,  of  New  York,  a  young  married  couple,  were  of  the  party. 
We  were  fortunate  in  the  weather  and  the  sea.  I  had  often  en 
countered  the  waves  of  Lake  Erie,  but  the  ocean  was  to  me  the 
great  unknown,  and  I  imagined  that  from  its  magnitude,  its 
waves  would  be  in  proportion  to  its  size,  but,  instead,  the  waves 
of  the  Atlantic  were  a  gentle  cradle  compared  with  the  short  and 
chopping  movement  of  the  lake.  Since  then  I  have  crossed 
the  ocean  many  times,  but  never  was  sea  sick.  We  thought 
the  voyage  of  eleven  days  a  brief  one,  but  now  it  is  reduced  to 
six  or  seven  days,  on  vessels  much  greater  and  stronger.  We 
landed  safely  at  Southampton  late  in  the  evening.  Many  of 
the  passengers  left  immediately  for  London,  but  our  party, 
with  others,  went  to  the  hotel.  We  seemed  to  overcrowd  the 
capacity  of  the  place.  One  of  our  passengers,  a  young  gentle 
man  from  Baltimore,  said  to  me  he  would  drive  out  those  Eng 
lishmen,  who  were  quietly  enjoying  themselves  in  the  waiting 
room.  He  had  been  a  quiet  gentlemanly  passenger,  but  he 
changed  his  tone  and  manner,  was  boisterous  in  his  talk  and 
rather  rude.  One  by  one  the  Englishmen  departed,  slamming 


132  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  door  after  them,  casting  a  sour  look  at  their  persecutor, 
but  he  was  not  disturbed  until  "  the  coast  was  clear,"  and  then 
quieting  down  in  his  usual  manner  he  said  he  knew  these 
Englishmen,  and  thought  he  would  give  them  a  chance  to 

abuse  the  d d  Americans.    After  long  waiting  we  had  a 

good  supper. 

On  the  next  day,  or  the  day  following,  we  visited  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  and  what  is  misnamed  the  "  New  Forest " — which  is  very 
old  instead  of  new,  and  is  an  open  park  instead  of  a  forest — in 
the  neighborhood.  Like  most  travelers  we  soon  went  to  Lon 
don.  This  great  city  impressed  me  more  by  the  association  of 
great  men  and  women  who  had  lived  and  died  in  it  than  by  the 
grandeur  of  its  buildings  and  public  works.  Every  street  and 
many  houses  in  it  recalled  the  names  of  persons  whose  writ 
ings  I  had  read,  and  of  others  whose  deeds  made  them  im 
mortal.  As  Parliament  was  not  in  session  we  shortened  our 
visit  in  London  until  our  return.  My  trip  to  Scotland  was  es 
pecially  interesting.  Mrs.  Sherman,  a  daughter  of  Judge 
Stewart,  was  in  face  and  affinities  a  thorough  Scotch  woman, 
though  her  ancestors  for  several  generations  were  born  in 
America.  She  was  familiar  with  Scottish  history,  and  with 
the  geography  of  Scotland.  Our  visit  to  Edinburgh  and  its 
environs  was  to  her  like  a  return  to  familiar  scenes.  In  our 
slow  progress  towards  the  lakes  we  stopped  at  Callender  over 
Sunday.  After  looking  into  the  well-filled  church  we  started 
for  Bracklinn  bridge,  made  famous  in  Scott's  "Lady  of  the 
Lake."  "  Bracklinn's  thundering  wave  "  is  a  beautiful  cascade 
made  at  a  place  called  the  Bridge  of  Bracklinn,  by  a  mountain 
stream  called  the  Keltie,  about  a  mile  from  the  village  of  Cal 
lender,  in  Menteith.  Above  a  chasm  where  the  brook  precipi 
tates  itself  from  a  height  of  at  least  50  feet,  there  is  thrown, 
for  the  convenience  of  the  neighborhood,  a  rustic  foot  bridge, 
of  about  three  feet  in  breadth,  and  without  ledges,  which  is 
scarcely  to  be  crossed  by  a  stranger  without  awe  and  apprehen 
sion.  We  were  told  it  was  but  a  short  walk,  a  mile  or  two,  but 
we  soon  found  that  Scottish  miles  were  very  long.  On  the  way 
we  encountered  an  old  woman,  dressed  in  Scotch  plaid,  of  whom 
we  inquired  the  way  to  Bracklinn  bridge.  She  pointed  out  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  133 

way,  and  in  return  asked  us  where  we  lived.  We  told  her 
the  United  States.  She  replied,  in  language  we  could  hardly 
understand,  "Ah,  ye  maun  come  a  lang  way  to  spay  it."  She 
then  told  us  where  to  leave  the  road  and  how  to  find  the 
bridge.  There  was  nothing  remarkable  at  the  bridge,  nothing 
to  justify  "But  wild  as  Bracklinn's  thundering  roar,"  but  the 
genius  of  Sir  Walter  invested  it  with  his  glamour. 

"  It  had  much  of  glamour  might 
To  make  a  lady  seem  a  knight." 

The  lakes  of  Scotland  we  would  call  bays.  The  waters  of 
the  ocean  fill  the  deep  depressions  between  high  hills.  A  boat 
ride  over  these  interlocked  waters  was  pleasing,  but  the  views 
did  not  impress  me  like  the  lakes  in  Switzerland  in  the  midst 
of  high  mountains,  nor  did  they  compare  with  the  grandeur  of 
the  Yellowstone  Lake,  6,000  feet  above  the  sea,  with  surround 
ing  mountains  rising  to  the  height  of  12,000  feet,  and  cov 
ered  with  snow.  We  were  much  pleased  with  Scotland 
and  its  people  until  we  arrived  at  Glasgow.  Here  we  walked 
about  the  city.  It  seemed  to  be  crowded  with  discontented, 
unhappy  people,  with  sad  faces  and  poorly  clad.  We  were 
told  not  to  go  into  certain  portions  of  the  city,  as  we  might  be 
insulted. 

We  soon  left  Glasgow  for  Belfast  and  visited  different  parts 
of  Ireland,  and  especially  the  city  of  Cork,  and  Lake  Killarney. 
The  southern  part  of  Ireland  was  very  beautiful,  the  herbage 
was  fresh  and  green,  and  the  land  productive.  The  great  draw 
back  was  the  crowds  of  beggars,  who  would  surround  us  where- 
ever  we  went,  soliciting  alms,  but  they  were  generally  good 
humored.  I  saw  little  of  the  disposition  to  fight  attributed  to 
them.  At  a  subsequent  visit  I  saw  much  more  of  Ireland  and 
the  Irish  people,  but  on  this,  my  first  visit,  I  left  with  a  very 
kindly  impression  of  the  country  and  the  people.  We  have 
more  people  of  Irish  descent  in  the  United  States  than  now 
live  in  Ireland,  and  they  have  done  their  full  part  in  our  de 
velopment,  not  only  as  laborers,  but  in  all  the  walks  and  pro 
fessions  of  life.  They  are  heartily  welcomed  in  our  midst.  If 
all  the  discontented  people  of  Ireland  would  migrate  to  the 


134  RECOLLECTIONS 

United  States,  we  would  welcome  them  if  they  would  leave 
their  Irish  vs.  English  politics  behind  them.  We  have  enough 
possible  points  of  controversy  on  this  continent  with  Great 
Britain,  without  importing  from  that  country  old  controversies 
that  have  been  the  occasion  of  wars  and  rumors  of  war  for 
centuries. 

We  made  but  a  short  stay  in  Dublin  and  crossed  the  chan 
nel  to  Caernarvon.  Here  we  took  the  old  tally-ho  coach. 
Despite  all  that  is  said  about  railroads  and  steamboats,  I  believe 
in  the  old-fashioned  stage  coach,  and  especially  in  the  one  in 
which  we  crossed  the  hills  of  Wales,  in  full  view  of  Mount 
Snowdon.  We  remained  over  Sunday  in  a  village  on  the  way, 
inquired  for  the  church,  and  were  shown  to  a  very  pretty 
church  building  near  by.  When  we  entered  we  found  perhaps 
ten  or  fifteen  persons,  mostly  women.  The  pastor,  with  an 
assistant,  soon  entered,  and  services  commenced.  The  pastor 
read  his  part,  and  the  assistant  led,  and  practically  made,  the 
responses.  The  singing  was  led  by  the  assistant  and  shared  in 
by  the  few  women  present.  The  sermon  was  short  and  life 
less,  and  the  entire  service — though  read  from  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer,  as  fine  a  model  of  impressive  English  as  ex 
ists—was  spiritless.  When  we  left  the  church  we  met  lines  of 
well-dressed,  but  plain,  proper  men,  women  and  children  in 
Sunday  garb.  I  inquired  where  these  people  came  from,  and 
was  informed  they  were  Methodists  on  the  way  home  from 
their  meeting  house.  This  settled  the  question  with  me.  The 
church  I  attended  was  the  "  established  church,"  supported  by 
taxes  on  all  the  people,  and  the  Methodist  meeting  was  the 
church  of  the  people,  supported  by  their  voluntary  contribu 
tions.  How  such  a  policy  could  have  been  sustained  so  long 
was  beyond  my  comprehension.  Our  policy  of  respect  and 
toleration  for  all  religious  sects,  but  taxes  for  none,  is  a  better 
one. 

Our  party,  still  consisting  of  Judge  Harris  and  family,  Mr. 
Platt  and  wife,  and  Mrs.  Sherman  and  myself,  visited  several  of 
the  central  counties  and  towns  of  England,  chiefly  the  towns 
of  Warwick,  Stratford,  Kenilworth  and  Leamington.  This  is 
well  trodden  ground  for  tourists,  and  I  need  not  repeat  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  135 

many  descriptions  of  interesting  places  and  the  historic  names 
and  events  attached  to  them. 

When  we  returned  to  London,  I  visited  the  courts  of  law, 
Westminster  Abbey,  and  the  new  Parliament  House.  I  had 
no  difficulty  in  gaining  free  access  to  the  gallery  of  the  House 
of  Commons  by  stating  that  I  was  a  Member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  Though  I  had  letters  of  introduction  to  mem 
bers  of  Parliament  I  did  not  present  them.  Judge  Harris  was 
greatly  interested  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Courts  of  London, 
while  I  wandered  through  every  part  of  the  great  city.  We 
attended,  by  invitation,  a  dinner  given  by  the  Goldsmith's 
Guild,  and  accepted  some  invitations,  among  them  that  of  Mr. 
Morgan,  the  leading  American  banker  in  London. 

Our  congenial  party  then  separated  with  mutual  regret, 
Judge  Harris  going  to  the  Rhine  and  Mrs.  Sherman  and  I 
to  Paris.  Here  we  remained  some  time.  Senator  Simmer, 
not  yet  recovered  from  the  blows  of  Brooks,  had  been 
some  time  in  Paris  and  accompanied  us  to  many  of  the 
noted  places  in  that  city — among  them  I  remember  the  grave 
of  Lafayette. 

Our  visit  was  during  the  Franco-Italian- Austrian  War.  I 
was  anxious  to  reach  the  seat  of  war.  On  the  way  we  made 
hurried  visits  to  Geneva,  and  Lake  Leman.  After  traversing 
this  lake  we  took  the  coach  over  the  Alps,  on  the  road  to  Milan, 
stopping  several  times  on  the  way.  We  passed  over  the  battle 
field  at  Magenta  but  a  few  days  after  the  battle  was  fought. 
We  saw  there  the  signs  of  destructive  war.  The  killed  had 
been  buried  and  the  wounded  were  in  hospitals,  but  the 
smell  of  dead  horses  poisoned  the  air,  and  the  marks  of  the 
battle  were  on  almost  every  house.  We  pushed  on  to  Milan 
and  were  comfortably  quartered.  The  city  was  full  of  sol 
diers  on  the  way  to  the  army  to  the  eastward.  It  was  then 
known  that  a  battle  was  about  to  be  fought  at  Solferino.  I 
was  very  anxious  to  witness  a  battle.  General  Crittenden,  of 
the  United  States  army,  was  attached  as  an  aid  to  the 
French  army,  and  I  sought  the  same  facility,  but  the  authori 
ties  would  not  permit  it.  I  was  assured  that  my  horse  would 
be  taken  from  me,  especially  as  I  could  not  speak  French, 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

and  that  I  would  be  treated  as  a  spy  unless  I  was  formally 
attached  to  a  particular  command.  I  therefore  gave  up  my 
centemplated  trip  and  awaited  the  battle,  which  occurred  in 
a  day  or  two.  I  then  returned  to  Switzerland  by  the  Simp- 
Ion  Pass  and  visited  Berne,  Luzerne,  and  Neuchatel.  From 
thence  I  returned  to  London  and  soon  after  embarked  on  the 
"Vanderbilt"  for  home. 


CHAPTEK  VII. 

EXCITING  SCENES  IN  CONGRESS. 

I  am  Elected  for  the  Third  Term  —  Invasion  of  Virginia  by  John  Brown  —  His  Trial 

and  Execution— Spirited  Contest  for  the  Speakership— Discussion  Over  Helper's 

"Impending  Crisis  "  — Angry  Controversies  and.  Threats  of  Violence  in 

the  House  — Within  Three  Votes  of  Election  as  Speaker— My  Reply 

to  Clark's  Attack  —  Withdrawal  of  my  Name  and  Election  of 

Mr.  Peimington  —  Made  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of 

Ways  and  Means  —  President  Buchanan  Objects 

to  Being  "  Investigated  " — Adoption  of  the 

Morrill  Tariff  Act  — Views  Upon  the 

Tariff  Question— My  Colleagues. 

ON  the  29th  of  July,  1858,  I  received  the  congressional 
nomination  for  my  third  term  without  opposition, 
and,  in  October  following,  was  elected  as  a  Member 
of  the  36th  Congress,  by  a  majority  of  2,331  over  S.  J. 
Patrick,  Democrat. 

The  memorable  campaign  in  Illinois  in  that  year  excited 
profound  interest  throughout  the  United  States,  the  debate  be 
tween  Douglas  and  Lincoln  attracting  universal  attention.  The 
result  was  favorable  to  Douglas,  and  the  legislature  re-elected 
him  Senator,  but  Mr.  Lincoln  attained  such  distinction  and 
prominence  as  to  place  him  at  once  in  the  position  of  a  formid 
able  candidate  for  the  presidency  in  1860.  This  debate  made 
it  clear  that  the  struggle  between  free  and  slave  institutions 
was  to  be  continued  and  to  become  the  controlling  issue  of  the 
future. 

The  murder  of  Broderick  by  Terry,  in  California,  on  the  13th 
of  September,  1859,  under  color  of  a  duel,  excited  profound  in 
terest  and  made  that  state  Eepublican.  The  election  of  a  gov 
ernor  in  Ohio,  in  the  fall  of  that  year,  preceded  by  a  debate  of 
much  interest  between  William  Dennison,  the  Republican  can 
didate,  and  Judge  Ranney,  the  Democratic  candidate,  added 
greatly  to  the  political  excitement  then  existing,  and  ended  in 

(137) 


1 38  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  election  of  Mr.  Dennison.  A  few  days  after  this  election— 
on  the  17th  of  October — the  invasion  of  the  State  of  Virginia 
by  John  Brown  startled  the  country,  and,  more  than  all  other 
causes,  aroused  the  southern  people  to  a  state  of  great  excite 
ment,  amounting  to  frenzy.  Brown,  with  a  few  followers  of 
no  distinction,  captured  the  United  States  arsenal  at  Harper's 
Ferry,  took  possession  of  the  bridge  which  crosses  the  Potomac, 
fortifying  it  with  cannon,  stopped  trains,  cut  telegraph  wires, 
killed  several  men,  and  seized  many  prominent  citizens,  hold 
ing  them  as  hostages.  Wild  reports  were  circulated  of  a  rise 
of  the  negroes  in  the  neighborhood,  the  uprising  accompanied 
by  all  the  horrors  of  a  servile  war,  and  a  general  alarm  pre 
vailed  throughout  the  State  of  Virginia  and  the  south.  The 
insurrection  was,  however,  speedily  suppressed,  mainly  by  the 
state  militia,  and  the  few  insurgents  not  killed  were  captured 
by  United  States  marines  under  Colonel  Kobert  E.  Lee,  soon 
afterwards  to  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  rebel  forces  in  the 
Civil  War. 

Brown  was  tried  for  murder  and  executed.  This  foolish 
and  criminal  invasion  was  the  work  of  a  fanatic  who  all  his 
lifetime  had  been  a  violent  opposer  of  slavery,  and  who  while 
in  Kansas  had  participated  more  or  less  in  the  Osawatamie 
murders.  His  son  was  killed  by  the  " border  ruffians"  near  his 
home  in  Kansas,  for  which  a  fearful  revenge  was  taken  upon 
the  murderers.  Brown,  having  always  been  an  Abolitionist, 
and  being  crazed  by  these  events,  believed  it  his  duty  to  wage 
a  relentless  war  against  slavery,  and,  with  the  courage  but 
shortsightedness  of  a  fanatic,  and  with  the  hope  of  the  as 
sistance  of  the  slaves  of  the  south  undertook  this  wild  scheme 
to  secure  their  freedom. 

Under  such  exciting  conditions  Congress  convened  on  the 
5th  day  of  December,  1859,  divided  politically  into  109  Repub 
licans,  101  Democrats  and  27  Americans.  No  party  having  a 
majority,  it  was  feared  by  some  that  the  scenes  of  1855,  when 
Banks  was  elected  speaker  only  after  a  long  struggle,  would  be 
repeated.  That  contest  was  ended  by  the  adoption  of  the  plu 
rality  rule,  but  in  this  case  a  majority  could  not  agree  upon 
such  a  rule,  and  the  only  possible  way  of  electing  a  speaker 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  139 

was  by  a  fusing  of  Members  until  a  majority  voted  for  one 
person. 

It  was  well  understood  that  the  Eepublican  vote  would  be 
divided  between  Galusha  A.  Grow  and  myself,  and  it  was  agreed 
between  us  that  whichever  received  a  majority  of  the  Republi 
can  vote  should  be  considered  as  the  nominee  of  that  party. 
On  the  first  vote  for  speaker,  Thomas  S.  Bocock,  of  Virginia, 
the  Democratic  candidate,  received  86  votes,  I  received  66, 
Galusha  A.  Grow  43,  and  21  scattering.  Mr.  Grow  then  with 
drew  his  name.  On  the  same  day  John  B.  Clark,  of  Missouri, 
offered  this  resolution: 

"  WHEREAS  certain  Members  of  this  House,  now  in  nomination  for 
speaker,  did  indorse  and  recommend  the  book  hereinafter  mentioned, 

"Resolved,  That  the  doctrine  and  sentiments  of  a  certain  book,  called 
'The  Impending  Crisis  of  the  South  —  How  to  meet  it,'  purporting  to  have 
been  written  by  one  Hinton  R.  Helper,  are  insurrectionary  and  hostile  to  the 
domestic  peace  and  tranquility  of  the  country,  and  that  no  Member  of  this 
House  who  has  indorsed  and  recommended  it,  or  the  compend  from  it,  is  fit 
to  be  speaker  of  this  House." 

In  the  absence  of  rules,  Mr.  Clark  was  allowed  to  speak 
without  limit  and  he  continued  that  day  and  the  next,  reading 
and  speaking  about  the  Helper  book.  John  A.  Gilmer,  of  North 
Carolina,  offered  as  a  substitute  for  the  resolution  of  Mr.  Clark 
a  long  preamble  closing  with  this  resolution: 

"Therefore  resolved,  That,  fully  indorsing  these  national  sentiments,  it 
is  the  duty  of  every  good  citizen  of  this  Union  to  resist  all  attempts  at 
renewing,  in  Congress  or  out  of  it,  the  slavery  agitation,  under  whatever 
shape  and  color  the  attempt  may  be  made." 

A  motion  was  made  to  lay  both  resolutions  on  the  table, 
and  was  lost  by  a  tie  vote  of  116  yeas  and  116  nays.  In  the 
absence  of  rules  a  general  debate  followed,  in  which  southern 
Members  threatened  that  their  constituents  would  go  out  of 
the  Union.  The  excitement  over  the  proposition  to  compile  a 
political  pamphlet,  by  F.  P.  Blair,  an  eminent  Democrat  and 
slaveholder,  from  a  book  called  "  The  Impending  Crisis,"  writ 
ten  and  printed  by  a  southern  man,  seemed  so  ludicrous  that 
we  regarded  it  as  manufactured  frenzy.  After  John  S.  Mill- 
son,  of  Virginia,  a  conservative  Democrat,  who  was  opposed  to 


140 


RECOLLECTIONS 


the  introduction  of  the  Clark  resolution,  had  exhibited  unusual 
feeling,  I  said: 

"  I  have  until  this  moment  regarded  this  debate  with  indifference,  because 
I  presumed  it  was  indulged  in  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  an  organiza 
tion.  But  the  manner  of  the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  my  respect  for  his 
long  experience  in  this  House,  my  respect  for  his  character,  and  the  serious 
impression  which  this  matter  seems  to  have  made  upon  his  mind,  induce  me 
to  say  a  few  words.  I  ask  that  the  letter  which  I  send  up  may  be  read." 

The  following  letter  was  thereupon  read  from  the  clerk's 
desk: 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  December  6,  1859. 

DEAR  SIR:  —  I  perceive  that  a  debate  has  arisen  in  Congress  in  which 
Mr.  Helper's  book,  the  '  Impending  Crisis,'  is  brought  up  as  an  exponent  of 
Republican  principles.  As  the  names  of  many  leading  Republicans  are 
presented  as  recommending  a  compendium  of  the  volume,  it  is  proper  that  I 
should  explain  how  those  names  were  obtained  in  advance  of  the  publica 
tion.  Mr.  Helper  brought  his  book  to  me  at  Silver  Spring  to  examine  and 
recommend,  if  I  thought  well  of  it,  as  a  work  to  be  encouraged  by  Repub 
licans.  I  had  never  seen  it  before.  After  its  perusal,  I  either  wrote  to  Mr. 
Helper,  or  told  him  that  it  was  objectionable  in  many  particulars,  to  which  I 
adverted  ;  and  he  promised  me,  in  writing,  that  he  would  obviate  the  objec 
tions  by  omitting  entirely  or  altering  the  matter  objected  to.  I  understand 
that  it  was  in  consequence  of  his  assurance  to  me  that  the  obnoxious  matter 
in  the  original  publication  would  be  expurgated,  that  Members  of  Congress 
and  other  influential  men  among  the  Republicans  were  induced  to  give  their 
countenance  to  the  circulation  of  the  edition  so  to  be  expurgated 

F<  P* 


HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

bilver  bprmg. 

I  then  continued: 

"  I  do  not  recollect  signing  the  paper  referred  to  ;  but  I  presume,  from 
my  name  appearing  in  the  printed  list,  that  I  did  sign  it.  I  therefore  make 
no  excuse  of  that  kind.  I  never  read  Mr.  Helper's  book,  or  the  compendium 
founded  upon  it.  I  have  never  seen  a  copy  of  either.  And  here,  Mr. 
clerk,  I  might  leave  the  matter  ;  but  as  many  harsh  things  have  been  said 
about  me,  I  desire  to  say  that  since  I  have  been  a  Member  of  this  House,  I 
have  always  endeavored  to  cultivate  the  courtesies  and  kind  relations  that 
are  due  from  one  gentleman  to  another.  I  never  addressed  to  any  Member 
such  language  as  I  have  heard  to-day.  I  never  desire  such  language  to  be 
addressed  to  me,  if  I  can  avoid  it.  I  appeal  to  my  public  record,  during  a 
period  of  four  years,  in  this  body  ;  and  I  say  now  that  there  is  not  a  single 
question  agitating  the  public  mind,  not  a  single  topic  on  which  there  can  be 
sectional  jealousy  or  sectional  controversy,  unless  gentlemen  on  the  other 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  141 

side  of  the  House  thrust  such  subjects  upon  us.  I  repeat,  not  a  single  ques 
tion.  We  have  pursued  a  course  of  studied  silence.  It  is  our  intention  to 
organize  the  House  quietly,  decently,  in  order,  without  vituperations ;  and 
we  trust  to  show  to  Members  on  all  sides  of  the  House  that  the  party  with 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  act  can  administer  this  House  and  administer  this 
government  without  trespassing  on  the  rights  of  any." 

Soon  after,  in  answer  to  an  inquiry  from  Shelton  F.  Leake, 
of  Virginia,  I  said: 

"  Allow  me  to  say,  once  for  all,  and  I  have  said  it  five  times  on  this  floor, 
that  I  am  opposed  to  any  interference  whatever  of  the  people  of  the  free 
states,  with  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  in  the  slave  states." 

This  was  followed  by  a  heated  debate,  the  manifest  purpose 
of  which  was  to  excite  sectional  animosity,  and  to  compel 
southern  Americans  to  cooperate  with  the  Democratic  Mem 
bers  in  the  election  of  a  Democrat  for  speaker.  The  second 
ballot,  taken  on  the  close  of  the  session  of  December  8,  ex 
hibited  no  material  change  except  that  the  Republican  vote 
concentrated  on  me.  I  received  107  votes,  Mr.  Bocock  88,  Mr. 
Gilmer  22,  and  14  scattering. 

The  debate  continued  and  was  participated  in  by  my  col 
league,  S.  S.  Cox,  who  asked  me  about  the  fugitive  slave  law.  I 
declined,  as  I  had  before,  to  answer  any  interrogatories  and 
said:  "I  will  state  to  him,  and  to  gentlemen  on  the  other  side 
of  the  House,  that  I  stand  upon  my  public  record.  I  do  not 
expect  the  support  of  gentlemen  on  that  side  of  the  House, 
who  have,  for  the  last  four  years,  been  engaged  in  a  series  of 
measures — none  of  which  I  approve.  I  have  no  answers  to 
give  to  them." 

The  third  ballot  produced  no  material  change.  I  received 
110,  Bocock  88,  Gilmer  20,  and  13  scattering. 

In  the  meantime,  the  invasion  of  Harper's  Ferry  was  de 
bated  in  the  Senate  at  great  length  and  with  extreme  violence, 
producing  in  both  Houses  intense  irritation  and  excitement. 
Keitt,  of  South  Carolina,  charged  upon  the  Republicans  the  re 
sponsibility  of  Helper's  book  and  John  Brown's  foray,  exclaim 
ing:  "The  south  here  asks  nothing  but  its  rights.  ...  1 
would  have  no  more;  but,  as  God  is  my  judge,  as  one  of  its 


1 49  RECOLLECTIONS 

Representatives,  I  would  shatter  this  republic  from  turret  to 
foundation-stone  before  I  would  take  one  tittle  less."  Lamar, 
of  Mississippi,  declared  that  the  Republicans  were  not  ''guilt 
less  of  the  blood  of  John  Brown  and  his  co-conspirators,  and 
the  innocent  men,  the  victims  of  his  ruthless  vengeance." 
Pry  or,  of  Virginia,  said  Helper's  book  riots  "in  rebellion,  trea 
son,  and  insurrection,  and  is  precisely  in  the  spirit  of  the  act 
which  startled  us  a  few  weeks  since  at  Harper's  Ferry."  Craw 
ford,  of  Georgia,  declared:  "We  will  never  submit  to  the 
inauguration  of  a  black  Republican  President." 

The  Republicans  generally  remained  silent  and  demanded  a 
vote. 

Mr.  Corwin,  then  a  Representative  from  Ohio,  elected  after  a 
long  absence  from  public  life,  endeavored  to  quiet  the  storm. 
Frequent  threats  of  violence  were  uttered.  Angry  controver 
sies  sprang  up  between  Members,  and  personal  collisions  were 
repeatedly  threatened  by  Members,  armed  and  ready  for  con 
flict.  No  such  scenes  had  ever  before  occurred  in  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States.  It  appeared  many  times  that  the  threat 
ened  war  would  commence  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives.  The  House  remained  in  session  the  week  between 
Christmas  and  New  Year's  Day.  During  this  excitement  my 
vote  steadily  increased  until  on  the  4th  day  of  January,  1860, 
on  the  25th  ballot,  I  came  within  three  votes  of  election;  the 
whole  number  of  votes  cast  being  207;  necessary  to  a  choice 
104,  of  which  I  received  101.  John  A.  McClernand,  of  Illinois, 
received  33,  Gilmer  14,  Clement  L.  Vallandigham,  of  Ohio,  12, 
and  the  remainder  were  scattering. 

At  this  time  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  an  Ameri 
can,  said  to  me,  and  to  others,  that  whenever  his  vote  would 
elect  me  it  should  be  cast  for  me.  J.  Morrison  Harris,  also  an 
American  from  the  same  state,  was  understood  to  occupy  the 
same  position.  Garnett  B.  A  drain,  of  New  Jersey,  an  anti- 
Lecompton  Democrat,  who  had  been  elected  by  Republicans,  it 
was  hoped  would  do  the  same.  Horace  F.  Clark,  of  New  York, 
also  an  anti-Lecompton  Democrat  who  had  been  elected  by  Re 
publicans,  could  at  any  moment  have  settled  the  controversy 
in  my  favor.  It  was  well  known  that  I  stood  ready  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  143 

withdraw  whenever  the  requisite  number  of  votes  could  be 
concentrated  upon  any  Republican  Member.  The  deadlock 
continued. 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1860,  Mr.  Clark,  who  had  intro 
duced  the  Helper  resolution,  said: 

"  I  wish  to  make  a  personal  explanation  with  regard  to  my  personal  feel 
ings  in  the  matter  of  this  resolution.  I  never  read  the  letter  of  which  the 
gentleman  from  Georgia  speaks,  and  do  not  take  to  myself  articles  that 
appear  in  newspapers,  unless  they  make  imputations  against  my  moral 
integrity.  That  resolution  was  introduced  by  me,  as  I  have  frequently 
remarked,  with  no  personal  ill-feeling  towards  Mr.  Sherman,  the  Repub 
lican  candidate  for  speaker,  apart  from  what  I  considered  to  be  an  improper 
act  of  his  —  namely,  the  recommendation  of  that  book.  So  far  as  that  affects 
his  political  or  social  character,  he  must  of  course  bear  it." 

I  replied  as  follows: 

"  The  gentleman  from  Missouri,  for  the  first  time,  I  believe,  has 
announced  that  it  was  his  purpose,  in  introducing  this  resolution,  to  give 
gentlemen  an  opportunity  to  explain  their  relations  to  the  Helper  book.  I 
ask  him  now  whether  he  is  willing  to  withdraw  the  resolution  for  the  pur 
pose  he  has  indicated,  temporarily,  or  for  any  time?  " 

Mr.  Clark  said : 

"  I  wTill  endeavor  to  answer  the  gentleman.  I  avowed  my  purpose 
frankly  at  the  time  I  introduced  the  resolution,  in  the  remarks  with  which 
I  accompanied  its  introduction.  The  gentleman  from  Ohio  propounds  the 
question  more  directly  whether  I  am  willing  to  withdraw  the  resolution  for 
the  purpose  which  I  avow?  Sir,  at  the  very  instant  it  was  offered,  I  gave 
the  gentleman  that  opportunity  and  I  have  given  it  to  him  since.  I  say  to 
the  gentleman  that  he  has  had  two  opportunities  to  make  that  explanation  ; 
but  he  has  failed  to  relieve  himself  of  the  responsibility  he  took  when  he 
signed  that  book  and  recommended  its  circulation." 

To  this  I  replied  at  some  length,  stating  that  the  resolution 
offered  by  Mr.  Clark  was  a  menace,  offered  at  an  improper  time, 
in  an  improper  manner,  and  cutting  off  what  he  said  he  wished 
to  give — an  opportunity  for  explanation.  I  stated  that  I  de 
clined  to  make  the  explanation  demanded  until  the  resolution 
should  be,  at  least  temporarily,  withdrawn.  I  had  never  ex 
amined  the  book,  and  had  only  signed,  at  the  request  of  a 
friend,  a  recommendation  for  the  circulation  of  a  pamphlet 
based  upon  it. 


144  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  do  not  insert  here  my  remarks  on  this  occasion,  though 
they  would  illustrate  the  feeling  in  Congress  during  that  time. 
1  closed  as  follows  : 

"  If  I  shall  ever  reach  the  speaker's  chair,  it  will  be  with  untrarameled 
hands  and  with  an  honest  purpose  to  discharge  every  duty  in  the  spirit 
which  the  oath  of  office  enjoins  ;  and  to  organize  the  House  with  reference 
to  the  rights  and  interests  of  every  section,  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
whole  Union,  and  the  efficient  discharge  of  all  the  business  of  the  govern 
ment.  And  whenever  friends  who  have  so  gallantly  and  liberally  sustained 
me  thus  far  believe  that  my  name  in  any  way  presents  an  obstacle  to  suc 
cess,  it  is  my  sincere  wish  that  they  should  adopt  some  other.  Whenever 
any  one  of  my  political  friends  can  combine  a  greater  number  of  votes  than 
I  have  been  honored  with,  or  sufficient  to  elect  him  by  a  majority  or 
plurality  rule,  I  will  not  stand  in  this  position  one  hour ;  I  will  retire  from 
the  field,  and  yield  to  any  other  gentleman  with  whom  I  act,  the  barren 
honors  of  the  speaker's  chair ;  and  I  promise  my  friends  a  grateful  recogni 
tion  of  the  unsolicited  honor  conferred  upon  me,  and  a  zealous  and  earnest 
cooperation." 

Pending  the  vote  on  the  39th  ballot  and  before  it  was 
announced,  Robert  Mallory,  of  Kentucky,  an  American,  ap 
pealed  to  the  Democrats  to  vote  for  William  N.  H.  Smith,  of 
North  Carolina,  also  an  American,  which  would  elect  him. 
The  Democrats  thereupon  changed  their  votes  to  Mr.  Smith, 
making  many  speeches  in  explanation  of  their  action.  Per 
ceiving  that  this  would  elect  Mr.  Smith  I  arose  and  for  the 
first  time  cast  my  ballot  for  speaker,  voting  for  Mr.  Corwin. 
Three  other  Members  who  had  voted  for  Mr.  Smith  changed 
their  votes,  which  defeated  the  election  on  that  ballot. 

After  this  vote  I  conferred  with  Davis  and  George  Briggs, 
of  New  York,  Americans,  and  Adrain.  I  had  the  positive 
assurance  of  these  three  gentlemen  that  if  I  would  withdraw 
they  would  vote  for  William  Pennington,  of  New  Jersey,  and 
thus  secure  a  Republican  organization  of  the  House.  I  re 
ferred  this  proposition  to  my  Republican  associates,  and  a 
majority  of  them  were  opposed  to  any  change.  Francis  E. 
Spinner,  of  New  York,  said  he  never  would  change  his  vote 
from  me,  and  Thaddeus  Stevens  said  he  never  would  do  so 
until  the  crack  of  doom.  When  afterwards  reminded  of  this 
Mr.  Stevens  said  he  thought  he  "heard  it  cracking." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  145 

I  felt  the  responsibility,  but  on  the  30th  of  January,  1860,  I 
determined  to  withdraw.  In  doing  so  I  made  an  explanation 
of  my  action  which  is  printed  in  the  "Congressional  Globe," 
but  which  is  too  long  for  insertion  here.  I  stated  that  I  would 
regard  it  a  national  calamity  to  have  any  friend  of  the  present 
administration  elected  to  any  position  of  prominence  in  the 
House  ;  that  I  had  been  ready  to  withdraw  whenever  any  other 
Republican  could  receive  more  support  than  myself,  and  that 
I  believed  that  time  had  come. 

A  ballot  was  immediately  taken,  but,  much  to  my  chagrin, 
the  gentlemen  named  did  not  change  their  votes,  and  Mr. 
Pennington  still  lacked  three  votes  of  an  election.  I  again  ap 
pealed  to  Davis  and  Briggs,  and  finally,  on  the  1st  of  February, 
Mr.  Pennington  received  their  votes.  The  result  was  an 
nounced;  Pennington,  117  votes;  McClernand,  85;  Gilmer,  16; 
15  scattering;  giving  Pennington  a  majority  of  one,  and  thus, 
after  a  long  and  violent  contest,  a  Republican  was  elected 
speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

I  was  entirely  satisfied  with  the  result.  I  had  received 
every  Republican  vote  and  the  votes  of  a  large  number  of  anti- 
Nebraska  Democrats  and  Americans.  No  cloud  rested  upon 
me,  no  allegation  of  misconduct  or  unfitness  was  made  against 
me.  I  would  have  been  easily  and  quickly  elected  but  for  the 
abnormal  excitement  created  by  Brown's  invasion  and  the  bit 
terness  of  political  antagonism  existing  at  that  time.  Many 
Members  who  felt  it  their  duty  to  oppose  my  election,  subse 
quently  expressed  their  regret  that  I  was  not  elected.  I  had 
voted  for  Mr.  Pennington  during  the  contest,  had  a  high  respect 
for  him  as  a  gentleman  of  character  and  influence,  long  a 
chancellor  of  his  state,  and  a  good  Republican. 

When  the  canvass  was  over,  I  felt  a  sense  of  relief.  During 
its  continuance,  I  had  remained,  with  rare  exceptions,  silent, 
though  strongly  tempted,  by  political  criticism,  to  engage  in 
the  debate.  I  had,  during  the  struggle,  full  opportunity  to 
estimate  the  capacity  and  qualifications  of  different  Members 
for  committee  positions,  and  had  the  committees  substantially 
framed,  when  Pennington  was  elected.  I  handed  the  list  to 
him,  for  which  he  thanked  me  kindly,  saying  that  he  had  but 
little  knowledge  of  the  personal  qualifications  of  the  Members. 


S— 10 


]46  RECOLLECTIONS 

With  some  modifications,  made  necessary  by  my  defeat  and 
his  election  as  speaker,  he  adopted  the  list  as  his  own.  He 
designated  me  as  chairman  of  the  committee  of  ways  and 
means,  of  which  I  had  not  previously  been  a  member. 

The  organization  of  the  House  was  not  completed  until  the 
9th  day  of  February,  1860.  The  officers  designated  by  the  Re 
publicans  were  generally  elected.  Congress  seemed  to  appre 
ciate  the  necessity  of  prompt  and  vigorous  action  on  the 
business  of  the  session.  Still,  whatever  question  was  pending, 
political  topics  were  the  object  of  debate,  but  were  rarely  acted 
upon,  as  the  condition  of  the  House  prevented  anything  like 
political  action.  Nearly  all  the  measures  adopted  were  of  a 
non-political  character.  The  chief  work  of  the  session  was 
devoted  to  appropriations,  and  the  preparation  and  enactment 
of  a  tariff  bill.  At  that  time,  the  great  body  of  legislation  was 
referred  to  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  which  then 
had  charge  of  all  appropriations  and  of  all  tax  laws,  and  whose 
chairman  was  recognized  as  the  leader  of  the  House,  practi 
cally  controlling  the  order  of  its  business. 

By  the  13th  of  March,  I  was  able  to  say,  in  behalf  of  the 
committee,  that  all  the  annual  appropriation  bills  were  ready 
for  the  consideration  of  the  House,  and  promised  that  if  the 
House  would  sustain  the  committee,  all  these  bills  could  be 
passed  before  the  meeting  of  the  Charleston  convention.  Not 
withstanding  the  partisan  bitterness  which  was  exhibited 
against  me  while  I  was  a  candidate  for  speaker,  I  had  no  cause 
to  complain  of  a  want  of  support  by  the  House,  in  the  measures 
reported  from  that  committee.  Since  then  the  work  of  that 
committee  has  been  distributed  among  a  number  of  committees. 

The  first  political  contest  was  caused  by  a  message  of  Presi 
dent  Buchanan,  protesting  against  action  under  a  resolution  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  passed  on  the  5th  of  March,  pro 
viding  for  a  committee  of  five  members,  to  be  appointed  by  the 
speaker,  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  "whether  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  or  any  other  officer  of  the  govern 
ment,  has,  by  money,  patronage,  or  other  improper  means, 
sought  to  influence  the  action  of  Congress  for  or  against  the 
passage  of  any  law  pertaining  to  the  rights  of  any  state  or 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  147 

territory."      The  committee  appointed  came  to  be  commonly 
known  as  the  Covode  committee. 

This  message  was  regarded  as  a  plain  interference  with  the 
unquestionable  power  of  the  House  to  investigate  the  conduct 
of  any  officer  of  the  government,  a  process  absolutely  necessary 
to  enable  the  House  to  exercise  the  power  of  impeachment. 
Upon  the  reception  of  the  message  I  immediately  replied  to  it, 
and  a  general  debate  arose  upon  a  motion  to  refer  it  to  the 
committee  on  the  judiciary.  That  motion  was  adopted  and  the 
committee  reported  a  resolution  in  the  following  words,  which 
was  finally  adopted  after  debate,  by  a  vote  of  88  yeas  and  40 
nays: 

"Resolved,  That  the  House  dissents  from  the  doctrines  of  the  special 
message  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  March  28,  1860 ; 

"  That  the  extent  of  power  contemplated  in  the  adoption  of  the  resolu 
tions  of  inquiry  of  March  5,  1860,  is  necessary  to  the  proper  discharge  of  the 
constitutional  duties  devolved  upon  Congress  ; 

"That  judicial  determinations,  the  opinions  of  former  Presidents  and 
uniform  usage,  sanction  its  exercise  ;  and 

"  That  to  abandon  it  would  leave  the  executive  department  of  the 
government  without  supervision  or  responsibility,  and  would  be  likely  to 
lead  to  a  concentration  of  power  in  the  hands  of  the  President,  dangerous 
to  the  rights  of  a  free  people." 

This  resolution  was  regarded  as  a  severe  reproach  to  the 
President,  who  was  not  content  to  let  the  matter  rest  there,  but 
on  the  25th  of  June  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  a 
message  restating  the  position  in  his  former  message.  He  de 
nounced  the  proceedings  of  that  committee  as  a  violation  of 
the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  constitution.  But  for  the  lateness 
of  the  session  the  message  would  have  been  the  subject  of 
severe  animadversion.  Late  as  it  was  Benjamin  Stanton,  of 
Ohio,  entered  his  protest  and  moved  that  the  message  be  re 
ferred  to  a  select  committee  of  five,  with  power  to  report  at 
the  next  session.  This,  after  a  brief  debate,  was  adopted. 

During  the  entire  session,  while  the  current  business  was 
progressing  rapidly,  the  political  questions  involved  in  the 
pending  presidential  canvass,  the  topics  of  Kansas  and  slavery, 
were  frequently  obtruded  into  the  debate.  On  the  23rd  of 
April,  William  T.  Avery,  a  Democratic  Member  from  Tennessee 


148  RECOLLECTIONS 

charged  that  "an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  Republican 
party  in  this  House,  headed  by  Mr.  Sherman — in  fact,  every 
member  of  that  party  present  when  the  vote  was  taken,  ex 
cepting  some  fourteen  or  fifteen — indorsed  the  doctrine  of  the 
abolition  of  slavery  everywhere." 

In  the  course  of  a  reply  to  this  charge  I  said: 

"  I  think  there  is  not  a  Member  on  this  side  of  the  House  who  is  not  now 
willing  to  make  the  declaration  broadly,  openly,  that  he  is  opposed  to  any 
interference  whatever  with  the  relations  of  master  and  slave  in  the  slave 
states.  We  do  believe  that  Congress  has  the  power  to  prohibit  slavery  in 
the  territories ;  and  whenever  the  occasion  offers,  whenever  the  proper 
time  arrives,  whenever  the  question  arises,  we  are  in  favor  of  exercising  that 
power,  if  necessary,  to  prevent  the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory. 
We  are  frank  and  open  upon  this  subject.  But  we  never  did  propose,  and 
do  not  now  propose,  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  slave  states.  I  hope 
the  gentleman  will  put  these  observations  in  his  speech,  so  that  the  gentle 
man's  constituents  may  see  that  we  'black  Republicans'  are  not  so  very 
desirous  of  interfering  with  their  interests  or  rights,  but  only  desirous  of 
preserving  our  own." 

Mr.  Ashmore  inquired:  "Are  you  not  in  favor  of  abolishing 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia?" 

I  replied: 

"  I  have  stated  to  my  constituents,  over  and  over  again,  that  I  am  opposed 
to  interference  with  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  That  is  my  in 
dividual  position.  The  Republican  party  never  took  a  position  on  the 
subject.  Some  are  for  it,  and  some  against  it.  I  have  declared  to  my 
constituents,  over  and  over  again,  that  I  did  not  think  it  proper  to  agitate 
the  question  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  ;  because 
I  believe  that  this  is  the  very  paradise  of  the  free  negro.  I  believe  that, 
practically,  though  not  legally,  he  is  better  off  in  the  District  than  in  any 
portion  of  the  United  States.  There  are  but  few  slaves  here,  and  the  number 
is  decreasing  daily.  As  an  institution,  slavery  scarcely  exists  here,  and  1 
am  willing  to  leave  it  to  the  effect  of  time." 

On  the  12th  of  March,  1860,  Justin  S.  Merrill,  of  Vermont, 
by  instruction  of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  reported 
a  bill  "to  provide  for  the  payment  of  outstanding  treasury 
notes,  to  authorize  a  loan,  to  regulate  and  fix  duties  on  im 
ports,  and  for  other  purposes."  This  became  the  law  com 
monly  known  as  the  Morrill  tariff  act,  which,  from  the  time 
of  its  introduction  to  this  day,  has  been  the  subject  of  debate, 


SENATOR  JUSTIN    S.    MORRILL, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  149 

amendment,  criticism  and  praise.  It  was  referred  to  the  com 
mittee  of  the  whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  its  con 
sideration  occupied  a  large  portion  of  the  remainder  of  the  ses 
sion.  Nearly  one  hundred  Members  entered  into  the  debate 
and  some  of  them  made  several  speeches  upon  the  subject. 
Being  at  the  time  much  occupied  with  the  appropriation  bills, 
I  did  not  give  much  attention  to  the  debate,  but  had  taken  part 
in  the  preparation  of  the  bill  in  the  committee  of  ways  and 
means,  and  concurred,  with  rare  exceptions,  in  the  principles 
and  details  of  the  measure. 

Mr.  Morrill  was  eminently  fitted  to  prepare  a  tariff  bill. 
He  had  been  engaged  in  trade  and  commerce,  was  a  man  of 
sound  judgment,  perfectly  impartial  and  honest.  Representing 
a  small  agricultural  state,  he  was  not  biased  by  sectional  feel 
ing  or  the  interests  of  his  constituents.  He  regarded  the  tariff 
as  not  only  a  method  of  taxation,  but  as  a  mode  of  protection  to 
existing  industries  in  the  United  States  with  a  view  to  encour 
age  and  increase  domestic  production.  He  was  moderate  in  his 
opinions,  kind  and  fair  in  expressing  them,  and  willing  to  listen 
with  patience  to  any  proposition  of  amendment.  He  still  lives 
at  the  venerable  age  of  eighty-five,  and  has  been,  during  al] 
the  long  period  since  the  report  of  the  bill  named  after  him,  t< 
this  time,  in  public  life,  and  still  retains  the  confidence  and 
affection  of  his  constituents  and  his  colleagues. 

I  did  not  participate  in  the  debate  until  the  time  came 
when,  in  the  judgment  of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  it 
was  necessary  to  dispose  of  the  bill,  either  by  its  passage  or 
defeat.  On  the  7th  of  May,  1860,  the  bill  being  before  the 
House,  I  moved  that  all  debate  on  it  should  cease  at  one 
o'clock  the  next  day.  Some  opposition  was  evinced,  but  the 
motion  was  adopted.  I  then  made  my  first  speech  upon  the 
subject  of  the  tariff.  The  introductory  paragraphs  state  the 
then  condition  of  the  treasury  as  follows: 

*'  The  revenue  act  of  March  3,  1857,  which  it  is  now  proposed  to  repeal, 
has  proved  to  be  a  crude,  ill-advised,  and  ill-digested  measure.  It  was 
never  acted  upon  in  detail  in  either  branch  of  Congress,  but  was  the  result 
of  a  committee  of  conference  in  the  last  days  of  the  session,  and  was 
finally  passed  by  a  combination  of  hostile  interests  and  sentiments.  It  was 


150 


RECOLLECTIONS 


adopted  at  a  time  of  inflated  prices,  when  the  treasury  was  overflowing 
with  revenue.  When  that  condition  of  affairs  ceased,  it  failed  to  furnish 
ordinary  revenue,  and  by  its  incidental  effects  operated  injuriously  to  nearly 
every  branch  of  industry. 

"  It  went  into  operation  on  the  1st  of  July,  1857.  At  that  time  there 
was  in  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  a  balance  of  $17,710,114.  The 
amount  of  the  public  debt  then  remaining  unpaid,  none  of  which  was  then 
due,  was  a  little  over  $29,000,000.  So  that  there  was  in  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States,  when  the  tariff  act  of  1857  went  into  operation,  nearly  enough 
to  have  paid  two-thirds  of  the  public  debt.  Within  one  year  from  that  time, 
the  public  debt  was  increased  to  $44,910,777. 

"  On  the  1st  of  July,  1859,  the  public  debt  had  increased  to  $58,754,699. 
On  the  1st  of  May,  1860,  as  nearly  as  I  can  ascertain,  the  public  debt  had 
risen  to  $65,681,099.  The  balance  in  the  treasury  on  the  first  of  July  next, 
as  estimated  by  me,  will  be  $1,919,349. 

********* 

"  Under  the  operation  of  the  tariff  of  1857,  the  deficit  in  the  revenue  is 
over  $52,000,000.  It  may  be  stated  thus  : 

Balance  in  the  treasury,  July  1,  1857 $17,710,1'14 

Balance  in  the  treasury,  July  1,  1860,  estimated 1,919,349 

$15,790,765 

Amount  of  public  debt  May  1,  1860 $65,681,199 

Amount  of  public  debt  July  1,  1857 29,060,386  36,620,813 

$52,411,578 

It  was  manifest  from  these  statements  that  there  was  an 
imperative  necessity  for  the  passage  of  some  measure  to  in 
crease  the  revenues.  We  could  hardly  hope  that,  in  the  excited 
state  of  the  public  mind  and  the  known  position  of  the  Sen 
ate,  the  bill  could  pass  at  that  session.  The  government  had 
been  conducted  for  three  years  by  borrowing  money  in  time  of 
peace.  The  appropriations  had  been  reduced  during  that  ses 
sion  by  the  committee  of  ways  and  means  below  the  estimates 
of  the  treasury,  as  stated  by  me  to  the  House.  I  then  said: 

"  I  desire  now  to  say  that  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  who  have 
had  charge  of  appropriation  bills,  have  endeavored,  faithfully  and  honestly, 
without  regard  to  party  divisions- — and  all  parties  in  this  House  are  repre 
sented  in  that  committee- — to  cut  down  the  appropriations  to  the  lowest 
practicable  point ;  and  thus  to  reduce  the  expenses  of  the  government.  I 
have  before  me  a  table  showing  that,  upon  the  estimates  submitted  to  us,  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  government, 
we  have  been  able  to  reduce  the  amount  about  $1,230,000." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  151 

After  a  careful  statement  of  the  condition  of  the  treasury 
and  the  necessity  for  further  supplies,  I  expressed  this  opinion 
of  the  pending  bill: 

" In  m7  judgment,  Mr.  Merrill's  bill  is  a  great  improvement  on  the  tariff 
of  1857.  It  is  more  certain.  It  is  more  definite.  It  gives  specific  duties. 
There  is  another  reason  why  it  is  better  than  the  tariff  of  1857.  That  tariff  is 
made  up  of  complex  and  inconvenient  tables.  The  number  of  tables  is  too 
great ;  and  in  some  cases  the  same  article  is  in  two  tables.  Thus,  flaxseed 
comes  in  with  a  duty  of  ten  per  cent. ;  and  yet  linseed,  the  same  thing,  yielding 
the  same  product,  the  same  oil,  is  admitted  duty  free.  The  bill  of  Mr.  Mor- 
rill,  on  the  other  hand,  fixes  three  ad  valorem  tables  ;  one  at  ten  per  cent.,  one 
at  twenty,  and  the  other  at  thirty.  There  is  a  number  of  specific  duties,  and 
then  there  is  a  free  list.  It  conforms  to  our  decimal  currency,  and  the 
duties  under  it  are  easily  calculated.  There  can  be  but  little  dispute  about 
home  and  foreign  valuation  under  it.  It  will  yield  a  revenue  sufficient  to 
pay  the  expenses  of  the  government.  It  is  more  simple  and  more  certain. 
It  substitutes  specific  for  ad  valorem  duties  whenever  practicable.  For 
these  reasons,  it  is  obvious  Mr.  Merrill's  bill  ought  to  receive  the  sanction 
of  Congress." 

The  bill  not  only  provided  for  a  sufficient  revenue,  but  was 
distinctively  a  bill  for  incidental  protection  to  all  American 
industries,  impartially  and  fairly  applied.  I  said  I  desired  to 
have  this  bill  passed, 

"  Because  it  is  framed  upon  the  idea  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  govern 
ment,  in  imposing  taxes,  to  do  as  little  injury  to  the  industry  of  the  country 
as  possible;  that  they  are  to  be  levied  so  as  to  extend  a  reasonable  protec 
tion  to  all  branches  of  American  industry.  I  think  that  is  right.  Every 
President  of  the  United  States,  from  Washington  to  this  time,  has  recog 
nized  that  principle,  including  Mr.  Buchanan. 

"We  may  make  a  tariff  to  raise  the  sum  of  $40,000,000,  and  injure 
every  industrial  interest  of  the  country.  The  committee  of  ways  and  means 
report  a  tariff  bill  which  will  produce  $65,000,000,  and  will  do  no  injury  to 
any  industrial  interest.  I  believe  that  it  will  give  a  reasonable  fair  protec 
tion  for  the  great  industries  of  agriculture,  manufacture,  and  commerce, 
which  lie  at  the  basis  of  the  prosperity  of  this  country." 

Mr.  Morrill  participated  in  this  debate  by  brief  but  clear 
statements  in  respect  to  the  details  of  the  bill.  On  the  8th  of 
May,  1860,  he  said,  in  the  course  of  some  remarks  upon  the  bill: 

"  I  think  if  the  gentleman  will  examine  this  bill,  he  will  find  that  the 
average  rates  of  duties  upon  manufactured  articles  are  not  higher,  but 


152  RECOLLECTIONS 

rather  lower,  than  they  are  now;  but  being  to  a  large  extent  specific,  they 
will  prove  of  great  value  to  the  country,  in  giving  steadiness  to  our  mar 
kets,  as  well  as  to  the  revenue;  and  because  frauds  will  be  to  a  very  great 
extent  obviated,  which  are  now  practiced  under  our  ad  valorem  system,  and 
which  have  made  our  government  almost  equal  in  infamy  to  that  of  Mexico 
and  other  countries,  where  their  revenue  laws  are  a  mere  farce." 

The  bill,  despite  its  merits,  was  assailed  with  all  forms  of 
amendments  from  all  parts  of  the  House.  Many  of  the  amend 
ments  were  adopted,  until  the  bill  became  so  mottled  that  Mr. 
Morrill,  discouraged  and  strongly  inclined  against  the  bill  as 
changed,  was  disposed  to  abandon  it  to  its  fate.  He  was  not 
familiar  with  the  rules,  and,  for  this  reason,  labored  under  a 
disadvantage  in  the  conduct  of  the  bill.  I  believed  not  only 
in  the  merits  of  the  measure,  but  that  by  a  process  strictly 
in  accordance  with  the  rules,  it  might  be  restored  substan 
tially  as  it  was  reported  by  the  committee.  To  secure  that 
effect  Mr.  Morrill  offered  an  amendment  in  the  nature  of  a 
substitute  for  the  bill.  To  that  I  offered  as  an  amendment  a 
bill  which  embodied  nearly  all  of  the  original  bill  as  reported, 
with  such  modifications  as  were  evidently  favored  by  the 
House,  without  affecting  the  general  principles  of  the 
measure. 

The  vote,  upon  my  substitute  being  adopted  in  place  of  the 
substitute  offered  by  Mr.  Morrill,  prevented  any  amendment  to 
my  amendment  except  by  adding  to  it.  The  result  of  it  was 
that  the  House,  tired  with  the  long  struggle,  and  believing 
that  the  measure  thus  amended  was  in  substance  the  same  as 
the  original  bill  reported,  finally  passed  the  bill  on  the  10th 
day  of  May,  1860,  by  the  vote  of  105  yeas  to  64  nays. 

As  this  was  my  birthday,  I  remember  to  have  celebrated  it, 
not  only  as  my  birthday,  but  as  the  day  on  which  the  Morrill 
tariff  bill  passed  the  House  of  Representatives. 

We  knew  upon  the  passage  of  this  bill  that  it  could  not 
pass  the  Senate  during  that  session.  It  was  taken  up  in  that 
body,  debated  at  considerable  length,  and  finally,  on  the  20th 
of  June,  it  was,  in  effect,  postponed  until  the  next  session. 

I  might  as  well  here  follow  the  Morrill  tariff  bill  to  its  final 
passage  at  the  next  session  of  this  Congress. 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  153 

On  the  20th  of  December,  1860,  Mr.  Hunter,  from  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  to  whom  was  referred  the  tariff  bill,  reported 
it  back  with  a  recommendation  that  it  be  postponed  until  the 
4th  day  of  March  following.  This  was,  in  effect,  to  reject  the 
bill,  as  Congress  terminated  on  that  day.  The  committee  on 
finance,  and  a  majority  of  the  Senate  as  then  constituted,  was 
opposed  to  the  passage  of  the  bill,  but  the  secession  move 
ments,  then  openly  threatened,  soon  changed  the  political  com 
plexion  of  the  Senate,  by  the  resignation  of  Senators  on  ac 
count  of  the  secession  of  their  states.  On  the  18th  of  January, 
1861,  Mr.  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  to  take  up  the  bill, 
and,  upon  his  motion,  it  was  made  a  special  order  for  the  fol 
lowing  Wednesday.  On  the  23rd  of  January  it  was  referred  to 
a  committee  of  five  members,  consisting  of  Mr.  Simmons,  Mr. 
Hunter,  Mr.  Bigler,  Mr.  Fessenden,  and  Mr.  Grwin.  This  was 
done  on  the  same  day  when  the  committees  of  the  Senate  were 
reorganized  on  account  of  the  withdrawal  of  Senators.  The 
special  committee  appointed  by  the  Vice  President  was  friendly 
to  the  bill.  Then  for  the  first  time  it  became  possible  to  se 
cure  favorable  action  in  the  Senate.  Many  amendments  were 
proposed  and  adopted  by  the  Senate,  but  they  did  not  mate 
rially  affect  the  general  principles  upon  which  the  bill  was 
founded.  It  passed  the  Senate  with  these  amendments  by  the 
decided  vote  of  25  yeas  to  14  nays.  All  of  the  amendments  of 
the  Senate  but  one  were  promptly  agreed  to  by  the  House,  and 
an  amendment  was  made  to  the  Senate  amendment,  upon  which 
a  conference  between  the  two  Houses  was  ordered.  Messrs.  Sim 
mons,  Bigler  and  Hunter  were  the  managers  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate  and  Messrs.  Sherman,  Phelps  and  Moorhead  on  the  part 
of  the  House. 

On  the  27th  day  of  February,  five  days  before  the  close  of  the 
session,  the  conferees  reported  to  the  Senate  their  agreement 
and  the  report  of  the  committee  was  adopted  without  objec 
tion  or  division  by  that  body,  and  also  by  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  and  the  bill  was  signed  by  President  Buchanan. 

This  law,  passed  in  the  throes  of  a  revolution,  and  only  pos 
sible  as  the  result  of  the  withdrawal  of  Senators  to  engage  in 
the  war  of  secession,  met  all  the  expectations  of  its  friends.  It 


154  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  fair,  just  and  conservative,  and  would,  in  peaceful  times, 
yield  about  $50,000,000  a  year,  the  amount  of  national  expendi 
tures  in  1860,  and,  at  the  same  time,  protect  and  strengthen  all 
existing  home  industries,  and  lay  the  foundation  for  great  in 
crease  in  production.  It  was  destined,  however,  to  begin  its 
existence  at  a  period  of  revolution.  The  secession  of  eleven 
states  precipitated  the  war,  involving  enormous  expenditures, 
in  the  face  of  which  all  revenue  laws  were  inadequate  and 
powerless.  The  credit  of  the  government,  its  resources  and 
capacity  for  taxation,  had  to  be  appealed  to.  Resort  was  had 
to  every  possible  mode  of  taxation  that  could  be  devised  by  the 
ingenuity  of  man,  to  supply  the  requirements  of  the  war,  and 
to  maintain  the  public  credit.  The  Morrill  tariff  act  was,  there 
fore,  greatly  modified  by  subsequent  laws,  the  duties  doubled 
and  in  some  cases  trebled.  Internal  taxes,  yielding  twofold 
the  amount  collected  from  customs,  were  levied,  and  cheerfully 
paid,  and  duties  on  imported  goods  were  quickly  increased. 
The  details  of  this  act  became  the  victim  of  the  war,  but  the 
general  principles  upon  which  it  was  founded,  the  application 
of  specific  duties  where  possible,  and  the  careful  protection 
extended  to  the  products  of  the  soil  and  the  mine,  as  well  as 
of  the  workshop,  have  been  maintained  to  a  greater  or  less 
extent  until  the  present  time. 

I  have  participated  in  framing  many  tariff  bills,  but  have 
never  succeeded  in  securing  one  that  I  entirely  approved.  The 
Morrill  tariff  bill  came  nearer  than  any  other  to  meeting  the 
double  requirement  of  providing  ample  revenue  for  the  support 
of  the  government  and  of  rendering  the  proper  protection  to 
home  industries.  No  national  taxes,  except  duties  on  imported 
goods,  were  imposed  at  the  time  of  its  passage.  The  Civil  War 
changed  all  this,  reducing  importations  and  adding  tenfold  to 
the  revenue  required.  The  government  was  justified  in  in 
creasing  existing  rates  of  duty,  and  in  adding  to  the  dutiable 
list  all  articles  imported,  thus  including  articles  of  prime  ne 
cessity  and  of  universal  use.  In  addition  to  these  duties,  it 
was  compelled  to  add  taxes  on  all  articles  of  home  production, 
on  incomes  not  required  for  the  supply  of  actual  wants,  and, 
especially,  on  articles  of  doubtful  necessity,  such  as  spirits, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  155 

tobacco  and  beer.  These  taxes  were  absolutely  required  to 
meet  expenditures  for  the  army  and  navy,  for  the  interest  on 
the  war  debts  and  just  pensions  to  those  who  were  disabled  by 
the  war,  and  to  their  widows  and  orphans. 

These  conditions  have,  in  a  measure,  been  fulfilled.  The 
war  is  over ;  the  public  debt  has  been  diminished  to  one-third 
of  the  amount  due  at  the  close  of  the  war.  The  pension  list  is 
the  chief  and  almost  only  outstanding  obligation  growing  out 
of  the  war,  but  this  is  fully  met  by  internal  taxes  on  spirits, 
tobacco  and  beer.  What  is  needed  now  is  a  tariff  or  tax  on 
imported  goods  sufficient  in  amount  to  meet  the  current  ex 
penditures  of  the  government,  and  which  at  the  same  time  will 
tend  to  encourage  the  production  in  this  country  of  all  articles, 
whether  of  the  farm,  the  mine  or  the  workshop,  that  can  be 
readily  and  at  reasonable  cost  produced  in  this  country. 

And  here  we  meet  the  difficulty  that  the  mode,  extent, 
manner  and  objects  of  tariff  taxation  are  unhappily  mixed  up 
in  our  party  politics.  This  should  not  be  so.  Whether  the 
mode  of  taxation  should  be  by  a  percentage  on  the  value  of 
goods  imported,  or  by  a  duty  imposed  on  the  weight  or  quan 
tity,  depends  upon  the  nature  of  the  article.  If  the  article  is 
sold  in  the  market  by  weight  or  quantity,  the  duty  should  be 
specific,  i.  e.j  a  certain  rate  on  the  unit  of  weight  or  quantity. 
If  it  is  of  such  a  nature  that  its  value  cannot  be  measured  by 
weight  or  quantity  the  duty  should  be  ad  valorem,  i.  e.,  a  per 
centage  of  its  value.  This  is  matter  of  detail  to  be  fixed  by  the 
custom  of  merchants.  As  a  rule  it  is  better  to  fix  the  duty 
upon  weight  or  measure,  rather  than  upon  value,  for  by  the 
former  mode  the  amount  is  easily  ascertained  by  the  scale  or 
yard  stick,  while  to  base  the  duty  upon  value,  changing  from 
day  to  day,  is  to  invite  fraud  and  litigation. 

The  extent  or  rate  of  duty  to  be  imposed  should  depend  en 
tirely  upon  the  pecuniary  wants  of  the  government,  and  the 
nature  of  the  article  imported.  If  the  article  is  one  of  luxury, 
mainly  consumed  by  the  rich,  the  duty  should  be  at  a  higher 
rate  than  upon  an  article  in  general  use.  This  principle  is  some 
times  disputed,  but  it  would  seem  that  in  a  republic  a  just  dis 
crimination  ought  to  be  made  in  favor  of  the  many  rather  than 


RECOLLECTIONS 

of  the  few.  On  this  principle  all  political  parties  have  acted. 
The  rates  have  been  higher  on  silks,  satins,  furs  and  the  like 
than  on  goods  made  of  cotton,  wool,  flax  or  hemp.  To  meet 
the  changing  wants  of  the  government  all  articles  should  be 
classified  in  schedules,  so  that  the  rate  of  duty  on  a  single 
schedule,  or  on  many  schedules,  could  be  advanced  or  lowered 
without  disturbing  the  general  scheme  of  taxation. 

As  to  the  manner  of  taxation  and  the  places  where  duties 
should  be  collected,  all  will  agree  that  they  should  be  paid  as 
nearly  as  possible  where  the  goods  are  to  be  consumed.  The  con 
centration  of  importations  at  any  one  port  on  the  coast,  or  at 
several  ports,  gives  to  the  people  residing  at  or  near  such  favored 
ports  an  advantage  over  the  people  living  in  the  interior  of  the 
country.  The  system  of  interior  ports,  or  places  of  delivery  to 
which  goods  may  be  consigned,  has  been  adopted  and  generally 
approved.  The  object  is  that  all  parts  of  the  country  shall 
have  equal  facilities  and  bear  equally  the  burdens  of  taxa 
tion. 

The  method  of  importations  should  be  so  simplified  that  any 
person,  in  any  part  of  the  United  States,  may  order  from  any 
commercial  port  or  country  any  article  desired  and  be  able 
to  receive  it  and  pay  the  prescribed  duty,  at  any  considerable 
port  or  city  in  the  United  States  that  he  may  designate. 

As  to  the  objects  of  tariff  taxation  there  is  and  always  will 
be  an  honest  difference  of  opinion.  The  main  purpose  is  to  se 
cure  the  revenue  from  foreigners  seeking  our  market  to  dispose 
of  their  products.  The  United  States  has  the  right,  exercised 
by  every  nation,  to  determine  upon  what  terms  the  produc 
tions  of  foreign  nations  shall  be  admitted  into  its  markets,  and 
those  terms  will  be  such  as  its  interests  may  demand.  Great 
Britain  may  admit  nearly  all  commodities  free  of  duty,  but 
even  that  country  is  guided  by  her  interests  in  all  her  commer 
cial  regulations.  All  other  nations  classified  as  civilized  seek, 
like  the  United,  States,  by  tariff  laws,  not  only  to  secure  rev 
enue,  but  to  protect  and  foster  domestic  industries.  Japan 
has  won  its  entrance  among  civilized  nations  by  securing  trea 
ties  with  European  countries  and  the  United  States,  by  which 
she  has  been  relieved  from  restrictions  as  to  her  duties  on 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  157 

imports,  and  now  has  the  right  to  regulate  and  fix  her  import 
duties  as  her  interest  dictates. 

The  United  States  has  from  the  beginning  of  its  govern 
ment  declared  that  one  object  of  duties  on  imports  is  the 
encouragement  of  manufactures  in  the  United  States,  and, 
whatever  may  be  the  dogma  inserted  in  a  political  party  plat 
form,  tariff  legislation  will  continue  to  have  a  double  object, 
revenue  and  protection.  This  was  strikingly  exemplified  by  the 
recent  action  of  Congress  in  the  passage  of  the  tariff  law  now 
in  force. 

The  real  difficulty  in  our  tariff  laws  is  to  avoid  unequal  and 
unjust  discrimination  in  the  objects  of  protection,  made  with  a 
view  to  favor  the  productions  of  one  state  or  section  at  the 
cost  of  another  state  or  section.  The  dogma  of  some  manufac 
turers,  that  raw  materials  should  be  admitted  free  of  duty,  is 
far  more  dangerous  to  the  protective  policy  than  the  opposi 
tion  of  free  traders.  The  latter  contend  that  no  duties  should 
be  levied  to  protect  domestic  industry,  but  for  revenue  only, 
while  the  former  demand  protection  for  their  industries,  but 
refuse  to  give  to  the  farmer  and  miner  the  benefit  of  even  rev 
enue  duties.  A  denial  of  protection  on  coal,  iron,  wool  and 
other  so-called  raw  materials,  will  lead  to  the  denial  of  pro 
tection  to  machinery,  to  textiles,  to  pottery  and  other  indus 
tries.  The  labor  of  one  class  must  not  be  sacrificed  to  secure 
higher  protection  for  another  class.  The  earth  and  all  that 
is  within  it  is  the  work  of  God.  The  labor  of  man  that  tends 
to  develop  the  resources  buried  in  the  earth  is  entitled  to 
the  same  favor  and  protection  as  skilled  labor  in  the  highest 
branch  of  industry,  and  if  this  is  not  granted  impartially  the 
doctrine  of  protection  proclaimed  by  the  founders  of  our  gov 
ernment,  supported  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  of  wonder 
ful  progress,  will  be  sacrificed  by  the  hungry  greed  of  selfish 
corporations,  who  ask  protection  for  great  establishments  and 
refuse  to  grant  it  to  the  miner,  the  laborer  and  the  farmer. 

Another  principle  must  be  ingrafted  into  our  tariff  laws, 
growing  out  of  new  modes  of  production  by  corporations  and 
combinations.  Until  recently  each  miner,  each  artisan,  and 
each  manufacturer,  had  to  compete  in  the  open  market  with 


158 


RECOLLECTIONS 


everyone  engaged  in  the  same  industry.  The  general  public 
had  the  benefit  of  free  competition.  This  tended  to  lower 
prices  on  many  commodities,  to  increase  the  quantity  pro 
duced,  and  to  supply  the  home  market,  thus  excluding  impor 
tations.  The  tendency  since  the  Civil  War  in  every  branch  of 
industry  has  been  to  consolidate  operations.  To  effect  this, 
corporations  have  been  created  in  most  of  the  states  and 
granted  such  liberal  corporate  powers,  without  respect  to  the 
nature  of  the  business  to  be  conducted,  and  with  terms  and 
privileges  so  favorable,  that  private  enterprise  without  large 
capital  cannot  compete  with  them.  Instead  of  small  or  mod 
erate  workshops,  with  a  few  hands,  we  now  have  great  estab 
lishments  with  hundreds  of  employes,  and  all  the  capital  of 
scores  of  stockholders  under  the  control  of  a  few  men,  and 
often  of  one  man.  This  may  be  of  benefit  by  reducing  the 
cost  of  production,  but  it  also  involves  two  dangers,  one  the 
irrepressible  conflict  of  labor  with  capital,  and  the  other  the 
combination  of  corporations  engaged  in  the  same  business 
to  advance  prices  and  prevent  competition,  thus  constitut 
ing  a  monopoly  commanding  business  and  controlling  the 
market. 

This  power  in  the  hands  of  a  few  is  at  this  moment  the 
disturbing  element  in  many  of  our  great  industries.  It  is 
especially  dangerous  when  it  is  promoted  by  rates  of  duty  on 
imported  goods  higher  than  are  necessary  to  cover  the  dif 
ference  in  the  cost  of  labor  here  and  abroad.  When  such  con 
ditions  occur,  the  monopoly  becomes  offensive.  Such  com 
binations  are  denounced  and  punished  by  the  laws  of  almost 
every  civilized  government  and  by  the  laws  of  many  of  our 
states.  They  should  be  denounced  and  punished  by  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  whenever  they  affect  any  matter  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States.  Whenever  the  tendency 
of  a  monopoly  is  to  prevent  mutual  competition,  and  to  ad 
vance  prices  for  any  articles  embraced  in  our  tariff  laws,  the 
duty  on  the  article  should  be  at  once  reduced  or  repealed. 

As  Members  of  Congress,  divided  by  party  lines  and  crude 
platforms,  must  in  the  main,  care  for  and  protect  local  inter 
ests,  I  do  not  believe  any  fair,  impartial  and  business  tariff  can 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  159 

be  framed  by  them.  It  would  be  better  for  Congress,  the  law- 
making  power,  after  determining  the  amount  to  be  raised,  to 
sanction  and  adopt  a  careful  tariff  bill,  framed  by  an  impartial 
commission,  large  enough  to  represent  all  sections  and  parties, 
all  employers  and  employes.  Hitherto,  the  tariffs  framed  by 
Congress  have  been  rejected  by  the  people.  Each  party,  in  its 
turn,  has  undertaken  the  task  with  like  result.  Let  us  try  the 
experiment  of  a  tariff  framed,  not  by  a  party  upon  a  party  plat 
form,  but  by  the  selected  representatives  of  the  commercial, 
industrial,  farming  and  laboring  classes.  Let  Congress  place 
upon  the  statute  book  such  a  law,  and  the  tariff  question  will 
cease  to  be  the  foot  ball  of  partisan  legislation. 

The  remainder  of  this  session  was  occupied  chiefly  in 
the  consideration  of  appropriation  bills.  These  were  care 
fully  scrutinized;  many  estimates  of  the  departments  were 
reduced.  As  usual,  appropriations  were  increased  in  the 
Senate,  but  most  of  the  amendments  were  rejected  in  con 
ference. 

The  bill  authorizing  a  loan  for  the  redemption  of  treasury 
notes  was  passed  on  the  22nd  day  of  June.  Congress  adjourned 
at  noon  June  25,  1860. 

This  memorable  Congress,  commencing  with  a  contest 
which  threatened  violence  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives,  was  held  unorganized  for  sixty  days  by  a  defeated 
party  upon  a  flimsy  pretext,  and  during  all  that  time  we  had 
to  listen  to  open  threats  of  secession  and  disunion  made  by 
its  members.  No  previous  Congress  had  exhibited  such  vio 
lence  of  speech  and  action.  When  fully  organized  it  quieted 
down,  and,  with  occasional  exceptions,  proceeded  rapidly  to  the 
discharge  of  its  public  duties.  A  greater  number  of  contested 
bills  were  passed  at  this  Congress  than  usual.  Most  of  these 
measures  came  from  the  committee  of  ways  and  means.  The 
members  of  that  committee  were  Messrs.  John  Sherman,  of 
Ohio,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  John  S.  Phelps,  of  Mis 
souri,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  Israel  Washburn,  Jr., 
of  Maine,  John  S.  Millson,  of  Virginia,  Justin  S.  Morrill,  of  Ver 
mont,  Martin  J.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  and  Elbridge  G.  Spauld- 
ing,  of  New  York.  Of  these  but  two,  Mr.  Morrill  and  myself 


RECOLLECTIONS 

survive.  A  brief  notice  of  those  who  are  numbered  with  the 
dead  may  not  be  out  of  place. 

Henry  Winter  Davis  was  the  most  accomplished  orator  in 
the  House  while  he  was  a  Member.  Well  educated  in  college, 
well  trained  as  a  lawyer,  an  accomplished  writer  and  eloquent 
speaker,  yet  he  was  a  poor  parliamentarian,  a  careless  member 
in  committee,  and  utterly  unfit  to  conduct  an  appropriation  or 
tariff  bill  in  the  House.  He  was  impatient  of  details,  queru 
lous  when  questioned  or  interrupted,  but  in  social  life  and  in 
intercourse  with  his  fellow  Members  he  was  genial,  kind  and 
courteous.  On  one  occasion,  when  I  was  called  home,  I  re 
quested  him  to  take  charge  of  an  appropriation  bill  and  secure 
its  passage.  He  did  as  I  requested,  but  he  was  soon  embarrassed 
by  questions  he  could  not  answer,  and  had  the  bill  postponed 
until  my  return.  I  felt  for  Mr.  Davis  a  personal  attachment, 
and  I  believe  this  kindly  feeling  was  reciprocated.  He  served 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  during  most  of  the  war,  and 
joined  with  Senator  Wade  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  re 
election  in  1864.  He  died  at  Baltimore  on  the  20th  of  De 
cember,  1865,  when  in  the  full  vigor  of  matured  manhood. 

John  S.  Phelps  in  1860  was  an  old  and  experienced  Member. 
Born  in  Connecticut  he  removed  to  Missouri  as  early  as  1837. 
In  1844  he  was  elected  to  Congress  as  a  Democrat,  and  con 
tinued  as  a  Member  sixteen  years,  being  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  of  ways  and  means  during  the  35th  Congress.  He  was 
a  valuable  Member,  patient,  careful,  industrious,  and  had  the 
confidence  of  the  House.  He  was  moderate  in  his  political 
opinions,  and,  though  a  resident  of  Missouri,  he  took  the  Union 
side  in  the  Civil  War. 

Thaddeus  Stevens,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the 
last  generation,  was  born  in  Vermont  near  the  close  of  the  last 
century;  and  was  well  educated.  He  taught  school  and  studied 
law.  He  removed  to  Pennsylvania  and  there  engaged  in  tur 
bulent  politics;  served  several  years  as  a  member  of  the  state 
legislature;  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1848  and  served  four 
years.  He  was  known  to  be  an  aggressive  Whig  and  a  danger 
ous  opponent  in  debate;  was  re-elected  in  1858  as  a  Repub 
lican  and  at  once  took  the  lead  in  the  speakership  contest.  His 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  161 

sarcasm  was  keen  and  merciless.  He  was  not  a  very  useful 
member  of  the  committee.  He  was  better  in  the  field  of  battle 
than  in  the  seclusion  of  the  committee.  Still,  when  any  con 
test  arose  in  the  House  over  bills  reported  by  the  committee, 
he  was  always  ready  to  defend  its  action.  Though  a  cynical 
old  bachelor,  with  a  deformed  foot  and  with  a  bitter  tongue 
for  those  he  disliked,  he  was  always  charitable  and  kind  to  the 
poor.  He  was  quiet  and  impartial  in  his  charity,  recognizing 
no  distinction  on  account  of  color,  but  usually  preferring  to  aid 
women  rather  than  men.  I  was  often  the  witness  of  his  chari 
ties.  He  continued  in  active  public  life  until  his  death  on  the 
llth  of  August,  1868.  For  some  time  before  his  death  he  was 
unable  to  walk  up  the  marble  steps  of  the  capitol  and  two  stout 
negroes  w^ere  detailed  to  carry  him  up  in  a  chair.  On  one  oc 
casion  when  safely  seated  he  grimly  said  to  them,  "Who  will 
carry  me  when  you  die?"  Mr.  Stevens  was  a  brave  man. 
He  always  fought  his  fights  to  a  finish  and  never  asked  or  gave 
quarter. 

Israel  Washburn,  Jr.,  of  Maine,  was  one  of  three  brothers, 
Members  of  this  Congress.  Israel  was  the  eldest,  and,  perhaps, 
the  most  active,  of  the  three.  He  received  a  classical  education, 
studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1830.  He  was  a 
good  debater  and  a  useful  member  of  the  committee.  He  had 
been  in  Congress  ten  years,  including  the  36th.  He  subse 
quently  became  governor  of  Maine,  and  collector  of  customs  at 
Portland. 

John  S.  Millson,  of  Virginia,  had  long  been  a  Member  of 
Congress,  was  fifty-two  years  old,  and  regarded  as  a  safe,  con 
servative  man  of  fair  abilities. 

Martin  J.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  was  a  lawyer  of  good  stand 
ing.  He  was  elected  a  Member  of  Congress  in  1854,  and  con 
tinued  as  such  until  the  rebellion,  in  which  he  took  an  active 
part.  When  Georgia  seceded,  he,  with  his  colleagues,  formally 
withdrew  from  Congress.  Crawford  and  I  had  been  friendly, 
and  somewhat  intimate.  He  was  a  frank  man,  openly  avowing 
his  opinions,  but  with  respectful  toleration  of  those  of  others. 
After  he  withdrew  we  met  in  the  lobby ;  he  bade  me  good-bye, 
saying  that  his  next  appearance  in  Washington  would  be  a^ 


S.-ll 


162  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  Con 
federate  States.  I  told  him  that  he  was  more  likely  to  appear 
as  a  prisoner  of  war.  I  then  warned  him  that  the  struggle 
would  be  to  the  death,  and  that  the  Union  would  triumph. 
Long  afterwards,  when  I  visited  the  fair  at  Atlanta,  he  recalled 
our  conversation  and  admitted  I  was  the  best  prophet.  We 
spent  the  evening  and  far  into  the  night  talking  about  the  past 
and  the  future.  He  evinced  no  regret  for  the  result  of  the  war, 
but  quietly  acquiesced,  and  was  then  a  judge  in  one  of  the 
courts  in  that  state. 

Elbridge  G.  Spaulding,  of  New  York,  was  an  excellent  Mem 
ber.  He  had  a  taste  for  financial  problems  and  contributed  a 
good  deal  to  the  measures  adopted,  in  this  and  the  37th  Con 
gress,  to  establish  a  national  currency  and  to  build  up  the 
public  credit.  These  Members,  with  Mr.  Morrill  and  myself, 
were  charged  with  the  most  important  legislation  in  the  36th 
Congress,  and  I  believe  that  the  general  opinion  of  the  House 
was  that  we  did  our  duty  well. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  BUCHANAN  ADMINISTRATION. 

My  First  Appearance  Before  a  New  York  Audience  —  Lincoln's  Nomination  at  the 
Chicago  Convention  —  I  Engage  Actively  in  the  Presidential  Canvass  —  Mak 
ing  Speeches  for  Lincoln  —  My  Letter  to  Philadelphia  Citizens — Acts  of 
Secession  by  Southern  States  —  How  the  South  was  Equipped  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  —  Buchanan's  Strange  Doctrine 
Regarding  State  Control  by  the  General  Government— 
Schemes  "to  Save  the  Country"  — My  Reply  to 
Mr.  Pendleton  on  the  Condition  of  the  Im 
pending  Revolution  —  The  Ohio  Dele 
gation  in  the  36th  Congress  — 
Retrospection. 

1HAVE  followed  this  important  session  of  Congress  to  its 
close,  but  while  the  debate  continued  in  Congress  a 
greater  debate  was  being  conducted  by  the  people.  Never 
before  was  such  interest  felt  in  the  political  questions  of 
the  day.  In  many  of  the  cities  of  the  country  clubs  were  or 
ganized  for  political  discussions,  and  persons  in  public  life  were 
pressed  to  make  speeches  or  lectures  on  the  topics  of  the  day. 
The  Young  Men's  Central  Republican  Union,  of  New  York, 
arranged  a  series  of  lectures,  the  first  of  which  was  delivered 
by  Frank  P.  Blair,  the  second  by  Cassius  M.  Clay,  and  the  third 
by  Abraham  Lincoln.  The  remarkable  address  of  the  last 
named  had  great  influence  in  securing  his  nomination  for 
President.  It  was  the  first  time  Mr.  Lincoln  had  spoken  in 
New  York,  where  he  was  then  personally  almost  unknown.  His 
debate  with  Douglas  had  excited  general  attention.  Using  the 
language  of  his  biographers : 

"When,  on  the  evening  of  February  27,  1860,  he  stood  before  his 
audience,  he  saw  not  only  a  well-filled  house,  but  an  assemblage  of  listen 
ers  in  which  were  many  whom,  by  reason  of  his  own  modest  estimate  of 
himself,  he  would  have  been  rather  inclined  to  ask  advice  from  than  to  offer 
instruction  to.  William  Cullen  Bryant  presided  over  the  meeting. 

********* 
"  The  representative  men  of  New  York  were  naturally  eager  to  see  and 
hear  one  who,  by  whatever  force  of  eloquence  or  argument,  had  attracted 

(163) 


RECOLLECTIONS 

so  large  a  share  of  the  public  attention.  We  may  also  fairly  infer  that,  on 
his  part,  Lincoln  was  no  less  curious  to  test  the  effect  of  his  words  on  an 
audience  more  learned  and  critical  than  those  collected  in  the  open  air 
meetings  of  his  western  campaigns.  This  mutual  interest  was  an  evident 
advantage  to  both;  it  secured  a  close  attention  from  the  house,  and  insured 
deliberation  and  emphasis  by  the  speaker,  enabling  him  to  develop  his  argu 
ment  with  perfect  precision  and  unity,  reaching  perhaps  the  happiest  general 
effect  ever  attained  in  any  one  of  his  long  addresses." 

His  speech  was  printed  by  the  leading  papers  of  the  city, 
and,  in  pamphlet  form,  was  widely  distributed  and  read. 

I  was  invited  by  the  Republican  Union  to  make  one  of 
these  addresses,  and,  though  very  much  occupied  and  having 
little  time  for  preparation,  I  accepted  the  invitation,  and  spoke 
at  Cooper  Institute  in  the  city  of  New  York  on  the  30th  of 
April,  1860.  It  was  my  first  appearance  before  a  New  York 
audience,  and  I  confess  that  I  was  not  satisfied  with  the  ad 
dress.  I  undertook,  what  I  never  attempted  before,  to  read  a 
political  speech  to  a  popular  audience.  While  I  was  treated 
kindly  I  felt  quite  sure  my  speech  was  a  disappointment.  A 
recent  reading  of  it  confirms  my  opinion  that  it  was  not  equal 
to  the  occasion  or  the  audience. 

I  was  also  invited  by  the  Republican  Club  of  Philadelphia 
to  make  a  speech  ratifying  the  nomination  of  Lincoln  and 
ilamlin  and  spoke  at  a  meeting  held  May  28,  1860.  My  ad 
dress  was  entirely  impromptu,  and  was  far  better,  both  in  man 
ner  and  matter,  than  the  speech  in  New  York,  and  was  received 
with  great  applause.  Since  that  time,  I  have  neve.r  attempted 
to  make  a  popular  address  from  manuscript.  Every  speaker 
should  know  the  substance  of  what  he  intends  to  say,  but 
ought  to  rely  for  his  words  upon  the  spirit  and  temper  of  his 
audience. 

The  summer  of  1860  was  ominous  of  domestic  discord  and 
civil  war.  The  success  of  the  Republicans  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  the  violent  scenes  in  the  House,  notably  those 
between  Potter,  Pryor,  Barksdale,  and  Lovejoy,  were  indica 
tions  that  the  south  was  aggressive,  and  that  the  north  would 
fight.  The  meeting  of  the  Democratic  convention  at  Charleston, 
on  the  23rd  of  April,  soon  disclosed  an  almost  equal  division  of 
its  members  as  to  slavery  in  the  territories.  The  southern 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  165 

platform  was  adopted  by  a  majority  of  one  in  its  committee  on 
resolutions,  but  rejected  by  a  majority  of  the  convention.  This 
was  the  vital  issue  between  the  followers  of  Davis  and  Douglas, 
and  Douglas  won.  A  majority  of  the  delegates  from  six  of  the 
southern  states  thereupon  withdrew  from  the  convention  and 
adjourned  to  Richmond.  Thus,  the  first  secession  was  from  a 
Democratic  convention.  The  remainder  of  that  convention 
adjourned  to  Baltimore,  at  which  city  Douglas  was  nominated 
for  President.  The  seceding  delegates  nominated  Brecken- 
ridge.  Thus,  the  Democratic  party,  which,  in  every  stage  of 
the  slavery  controversy,  had  taken  sides  with  the  south,  was 
itself  broken  on  the  rock  of  slavery,  and  condemned  to  certain 
defeat. 

The  Republican  convention  met  at  Chicago  on  the  16th  of 
May,  with  a  defined  line  of  public  policy  which  was  adopted 
unanimously  by  the  convention.  The  only  question  to  be  de 
termined  was,  who  should  be  the  candidate  for  President,  who 
would  best  represent  the  principles  agreed  upon.  Seward, 
Chase  and  Bates  were  laid  aside,  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  one 
stronger  than  any  one  of  these,  was  unanimously  nominated. 
The  nomination  of  a  candidate  by  a  third  party,  ignoring  the 
slavery  question,  did  not  change  the  issue.  The  conflict  was 
now  between  freedom  and  slavery,  an  issue  carefully  avoided 
by  the  two  great  parties  prior  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise. 

Thus  Douglas,  as  a  consequence  of  his  own  act,  was  destined 
to  defeat,  and  the  irrepressible  conflict  was  to  be  finally  deter 
mined  by  the  people  in  the  choice  between  Lincoln  and  Breck- 
enridge,  with  the  distinct  declaration,  made  by  the  delegates 
seceding  from  the  Charleston  convention,  that  if  Lincoln 
was  elected  their  states  would  secede  from  the  Union,  and 
establish  an  independent  government  founded  upon  slavery. 
This  was  the  momentous  issue  involved  in  the  election. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  28th  of  June,  1860.  On  the  17th 
of  July,  I  was  unanimously  renominated  at  Shelby.  John 
Shauck,  a  venerable  Quaker,  80  years  of  age,  claimed  the  right 
to  nominate  me  as  he  had  done  in  previous  conventions.  He 
was  absent  at  the  moment,  but  the  convention,  in  deference  to 


KEOOLLECT1ONS 

his  known  wishes,  awaited  his  coming.  From  that  time  until 
the  election,  I  was  actively  engaged  in  the  presidential  can 
vass.  I  spent  but  little  time  in  my  district,  as  there  was  but  a 
nominal  opposition  to  my  election.  The  Democratic  candi 
date,  Barnabus  Burns,  was  a  personal  friend,  and  sympathized 
with  me  on  many  subjects.  Scarcely  a  week  day  passed  that  I 
did  not  speak  at  least  once. 

Of  the  many  speeches  made  by  me  in  that  canvass,  I  recall 
but  very  few.  I  have  already  referred  to  my  debate  with  Cox, 
if  it  can  properly  be  called  a  debate.  It  was  friendly  badinage. 
He  charged  me  with  pulling  the  Morrill  tariff  bill  through  by 
a  trick.  I  answered  that  if  it  was  a  trick,  it  was  a  trick  well 
played,  as  the  bill  passed  by  a  vote  of  105  to  64,  many  Demo 
crats  voting  for  it.  He  complained  of  the  duties  on  wool, 
declaring  that  the  farmers  were  sacrificed.  I  showed  that  the 
duties  on  wool  had  been  advanced.  He  said  I  was  president  of 
a  Know  Nothing  Lodge  in  Mansfield.  I  said  this  was  simply  a 
lie,  and  that  there  were  plenty  of  Douglas  Democrats  before 
me  who  knew  it.  He  said  that  I  initiated  therein,  Sam  Blchey 
in  a  stable.  I  asked  who  told  him  that  story,  when  the  audi 
ence  called  out  loudly  for  Burns.  Mr.  Burns  rose  and  said  he 
did  not  tell  Mr.  Cox  so.  I  said  I  was  glad  to  hear  it,  that  it  was 
a  silly  lie  made  out  of  whole  cloth,  and  asked  if  Bichey  was 
present.  Kichey  was  in  the  crowd,  and  rose  amid  great 
laughter  and  applause  and  said:  "Here  I  am."  I  said:  "Well, 
friends,  you  see  my  friend,  Bichey,  is  a  genuine  Irishman,  but 
he  knows,  as  I  know,  that  Cox's  story  is  a  falsification.  Mr. 
Cox  says  I  am  a  political  thief;  don't  think  he  charges  me 
with  stealing  sheep,  he  only  means  to  say  I  stole  squatter  sov 
ereignty.  It  is  petty  larceny  at  best.  But  I  did  not  steal 
Douglas  squatter  sovereignty." 

I  then  proceeded  to  define  the  difference  between  the  only 
two  parties  with  definite  principles.  The  real  contest  was,  not 
between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  or  between  Cox  and  me,  but 
between  Breckenridge  and  Lincoln,  between  free  institutions 
and  slave  institutions,  between  union  and  disunion.  I  refer  to 
this  debate  with  Cox  to  show  how  local  prejudices  obscured 
the  problem  then  involved.  The  people  of  Ohio  were  divided 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  167 

on  parallel  lines,  for  Cox  and  I  agreed  on  Kansas,  but  he 
was  for  Douglas  and  I  for  Lincoln,  while  the  south  was 
brooding  over  secession,  if  either  Lincoln  or  Douglas  should 
be  elected. 

I  went  into  most  of  the  congressional  districts  of  Ohio  and 
perceived  a  strong  leaning  in  favor  of  Lincoln,  but  Douglas  also 
had  many  supporters.  The  Democratic  party  of  Ohio  was 
satisfied  with  Douglas'  popular  sovereignty,  especially  as  it, 
as  they  alleged,  had  secured  freedom  for  Kansas.  Breckenridge 
had  no  great  following  in  Ohio,  and  Bell  and  Everett  less. 

I  spent  several  days  in  the  canvass  in  Pennsylvania,  Indiana, 
New  Jersey  and  Delaware,  all  warmly  contested  states,  the 
votes  of  which  would  determine  the  election.  It  soon  became 
apparent  that  Lincoln  was  the  only  candidate  who  could  secure 
a  majority  of  the  electoral  vote.  This  fact,  and  the  known 
difficulty  of  securing  an  election  by  the  House  in  case  of  failure 
of  an  election  by  the  Electoral  College,  greatly  aided  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  I  presented  this  argument  with  care  and  fullness  in  a 
speech  delivered  at  Philadelphia  on  the  12th  of  September, 
1860.  It  was  printed  at  the  time  and  largely  circulated.  I  quote 
a  paragraph,  which  contains  the  one  fact  upon  which  my  argu 
ment  rested: 

"  Owing  to  the  division  of  the  Democratic  party,  the  Republican  party 
is  the  only  one  that  can  hope  to  succeed  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people. 
This  is  a  fact  I  need  not  discuss,  for  it  was  written  at  the  threshold  of  the 
contest  by  the  conventions  of  Charleston  and  Baltimore.  If  the  election 
were  to  be  determined  by  the  rule  of  plurality  —  a  rule  now  adopted  in 
every  state  in  the  Union  —  intelligent  men  would  consider  it  already  de 
cided  ;  but  the  rule  of  the  majority  is  fixed  by  the  constitution,  and  if  Penn 
sylvania  does  not  vote  for  Lincoln,  then  the  election  devolves  upon  the 
House  of  Representatives.  In  that  event  the  constitution  requires  the 
House  to  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  a  President  from  the  persons,  not 
exceeding  three,  having  the  highest  number  of  electoral  votes.  The  vote 
must  be  taken  by  states,  and  not  by  Representatives.  The  three  millions  of 
people  of  Pennsylvania  will  have  only  the  same  political  power  as  the  one 
hundred  thousand  people  of  Delaware." 

I  recently  read  this  speech,  and,  in  view  of  the  events 
that  followed,  I  can  say  that  every  prophecy  made,  and  every 
argument  stated,  has  been  verified  and  sustained  by  the  march 


RECOLLECTIONS 

of  events.  My  opening  criticism  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  adminis 
tration  may  seem  to  be  partisan  and  unjust,  but  the  general 
opinion  now  is  that  his  fault  was  feebleness  of  will,  not  inten 
tional  wrong.  Mr.  Buchanan  was  surrounded  by  men  who  had 
already  made  up  their  minds  to  destroy  the  Union,  one  of 
whom  had  already  committed  acts  of  treachery  in  the  distribu 
tion  of  arms  and  military  supplies,  and  all  of  whom  avowed  the 
legality  and  rightf  ulness  of  secession.  I  think  what  I  said  was 
justified  by  the  conditions  existing  when  the  speech  was  made. 
The  residue  of  my  speech  was  certainly  moderate  enough  to 
satisfy  the  most  conservative  mind.  I  said  of  the  new  party : 

"It  has  the  conservative  moderation  of  the  People's  party,  which  has 
influenced  its  nominations.  It  adheres  to  every  principle  proclaimed  by  the 
old  Republican  party  of  Jefferson.  We  have  confidence  in  the  integrity  and 
patriotism,  and  wisdom  of  our  standard  bearers — Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  If 
Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  be  recommended  as  a  parlor  President,  like  General 
Pierce,  and  is  not  familiar  with  the  etiquette  of  foreign  courts,  as  is  Mr. 
Buchanan,  we  know  that  he  is  honest,  faithful,  courageous  and  capable.  No 
man  can  read  his  celebrated  debates  with  Mr.  Douglas,  without  forming  a 
high  opinion  of  his  capacity.  He  is  better  for  having  lived  but  a  short  time 
in  Washington,  for  that  city  of  politicians  is  not  particularly  celebrated  for 
sound  principles  or  rigid  morals.  Born  in  Kentucky,  descended  from  a 
Pennsylvania  stock,  the  son  and  grandson  of  Virginians,  raised  in  Indiana 
and  Illinois,  familiar  by  his  own  experience  with  the  wrants  and  interests  and 
aspirations  of  the  people,  he  possesses  the  same  traits  of  character  which 
made  Jackson  and  Clay,  in  their  day  and  generation,  leaders  of  parties  and 
of  men." 

Lincoln  was  elected.  He  received  180  electoral  votes ; 
Breckenridge  72 ;  Douglas  12 ;  Bell  39.  The  question  then  was 
whether  the  people  of  the  seceding  states  would  try  to  carry 
into  effect  their  declaration.  I  had  no  doubt  they  would  try, 
but  I  was  equally  confident  they  would  fail. 

As  events  progressed  in  the  south,  citizens  of  the  north  held 
popular  meetings  in  nearly  all  our  cities  and  in  many  rural 
communities.  I  was  invited  by  leading  citizens  of  Philadel 
phia  to  attend  a  public  dinner  in  that  city  in  December,  1860. 
I  could  not  attend  in  person,  but  wrote  them  a  letter  which 
defined  clearly  my  convictions  and  my  conception  of  the  duties 
of  our  people  in  view  of  passing  events. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  leading  events  in  the  progressive  secession  may  be 
briefly  stated.  The  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Missis 
sippi,  Florida,  Louisiana,  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Texas,  North 
Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Virginia,  severally  in  the  order  named, 
adopted  ordinances  of  secession.  Each  of  them  committed 
acts  of  war  against  the  United  States.  They  seized  forts,  navy 
yards,  arsenals,  customhouses,  post  offices  and  other  public  build 
ings  of  the  United  States.  South  Carolina,  on  the  27th  of  De 
cember,  1860,  seized  Fort  Moultrie  and  Castle  Pinckney,  a  light 
house  tender,  and  a  schooner.  On  the  31st,  she  took  possession 
of  the  United  States  arsenal,  post  office,  and  customhouse  in 
Charleston,  the  arsenal  containing  seventy  thousand  stand  of 
arms  and  other  stores.  On  the  9th  of  January,  1861,  she  took 
possession  of  the  steamer  "  Marion "  at  Charleston,  and  on  that 
day  the  "  Star  of  the  West "  was  fired  upon. 

Georgia,  on  the  second  of  January,  1861,  took  possession  of 
Forts  Pulaski  and  Jackson  and  the  United  States  arsenal.  On 
the  12th  of  January,  she  took  possession  of  the  arsenal  at  Au 
gusta,  containing  howitzers,  cannon,  muskets  and  large  stores 
of  powder,  ball  and  grape.  On  the  same  day  she  seized  the 
United  States  steamer  "Ida."  On  the  8th  of  February,  she 
took  possession  of  all  the  money  received  from  customs.  On 
the  21st,  she  seized  three  New  York  vessels  at  Savannah.  Flo 
rida,  on  the  12th  of  January,  1861,  took  possession  of  the  navy 
yards  at  Fort  Barrancas  and  McEae  ;  also  the  Chattahoochee 
arsenal,  containing  800,000  cartridges  of  different  patterns  and 
50,000  pounds  of  gunpowder. 

Alabama  took  possession  of  Fort  Morgan,  the  Mount  Ver- 
non  arsenal,  some  pieces  of  cannon,  and  large  amounts  of  muni 
tions  of  war.  She  took  possession  also  of  the  revenue  cutter 
"  Lewis  Cass." 

Mississippi,  on  the  20th  of  January,  seized  the  fort  at  Ship 
Island  and  the  United  States  hospital  on  the  Mississippi  River. 

On  the  llth  of  January,  Louisiana  took  possession  of  Forts 
Jackson,  St.  Phillips  and  Pike,  and  the  arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge 
containing  fifty  thousand  small  arms,  twenty  heavy  pieces  of 
ordnance,  three  hundred  barrels  of  powder  and  other  military 
supplies.  On  the  28th,  she  took  possession  of  all  commissary 


1 70  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  quartermaster  stores  in  the  possession  of  United  States 
officials  within  her  borders.  On  the  first  of  February,  she 
seized  the  mint  and  customhouse  containing  $599,303  in  gold 
and  silver. 

Texas,  on  the  20th  of  February,  took  Forts  Chadbourne  and 
Belknap  with  all  the  property  of  the  Overland  Mail  Company. 
On  the  25th,  General  Twiggs,  an  officer  of  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  traitorously  surrendered  all  government  stores 
in  his  command,  estimated  at  $1,300,000  in  value,  including 
money  and  specie,  thirty-five  thousand  stand  of  arms,  twenty- 
six  pieces  of  mountain  artillery,  and  other  military  stores. 

On  the  2nd  of  March,  she  seized  the  revenue  cutter  "Dodge" 
and  Fort  Brown. 

Arkansas  seized  the  arsenal  at  Little  Rock,  containing  nine 
thousand  small  arms,  forty  cannon,  and  a  quantity  of  ammuni 
tion. 

Virginia,  according  to  the  statement  of  Governor  Letcher, 
would  have  seized  Fortress  Monroe,  but  that  it  was  firmly  held 
by  national  troops. 

These  were  some  of  the  acts  of  war  committed  by  the  seced 
ing  states  before  the  inauguration  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

What  was  done  by  the  administration  of  James  Buchanan 
to  meet  these  acts  of  war?  The  answer  to  this  question  is  a 
most  painful  confession  of  feebleness,  vacillation  and  dishonor. 
It  was  shown  conclusively  that  Floyd,  the  Secretary  of  War, 
during  1860  transferred  from  Springfield  and  other  armories  to 
southern  arsenals  65,000  percussion  muskets,  40,000  altered 
muskets  and  10,000  rifles.  On  the  20th  of  October,  he  ordered 
40  columbiads  and  four  32  pounders  to  be  sent  from  the  arsenal 
to  the  Fort,  at  Galveston  in  Texas,  the  building  of  which  had 
hardly  been  commenced.  It  was  shown  by  a  report  of  a  com 
mittee  of  the  House  that  the  vessels  of  the  United  States  were 
dispersed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  distant  ports,  for  the 
purpose  of  preventing  their  use  in  the  defense  of  the  property 
of  the  United  States. 

The  Mobile  "Advertiser"  said: 

"  During  the  past  year,  135,430  muskets  have  been  quietly  transferred 
from  the  northern  arsenal  at  Springfield  alone,  to  those  in  the  southern 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  171 

states.  We  are  much  obliged  to  Secretary  Floyd  for  the  foresight  he  has 
thus  displayed  in  disarming  the  north  and  equipping  the  south  for  this  emer 
gency" 

Jefferson  Davis,  on  January  9,  1860,  in  introducing  into  the 
Senate  a  bill  to  authorize  the  sale  of  public  arms  to  the  several 
states  and  territories,  significantly  said:  "There  are  a  number 
of  volunteer  companies  wanting  to  purchase  arms,  but  the 
states  have  not  a  sufficient  supply." 

This  bill  wa.s  agreed  to  by  the  Senate  by  a  party  vote,  yeas 
28,  nays  18.  In  the  House  the  bill  was  never  reported. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  in  his  annual  message  at  the  beginning  of 
the  2nd  session  of  the  36th  Congress,  announced  the  startling 
doctrine  that  a  state  could  not  be  coerced  by  the  general  gov 
ernment,  and  said: 

"  After  much  serious  reflection,  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that 
no  such  power  has  been  delegated  to  Congress  nor  to  any  other  department 
of  the  federal  government.  It  is  manifest,  upon  an  inspection  of  the  con 
stitution,  that  this  is  not  among  the  specific  and  enumerated  powers  granted 
to  Congress  ;  and  it  is  equally  apparent  that  its  exercise  is  not  '  necessary 
and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution '  any  one  of  these  powers." 

Again  he  says: 

"  Without  descending  to  particulars,  it  may  be  safely  asserted  that  the 
power  to  make  war  against  a  state  is  at  variance  with  the  whole  spirit  and 
intent  of  the  constitution.  .  .  . 

"  The  fact  is,  that  our  Union  rests  upon  public  opinion,  and  can  never 
be  cemented  by  the  blood  of  its  citizens  shed  in  civil  war.  If  it  cannot  live 
in  the  affections  of  the  people  it  must  one  day  perish.  Congress  possesses 
many  means  of  preserving  it  by  conciliation  ;  but  the  sword  was  not  placed 
in  their  hand  to  preserve  it  by  force." 

This  doctrine,  if  acquiesced  in,  would  leave  the  United 
States  utterly  powerless  to  preserve  its  own  life,  whatever 
might  be  the  exigencies,  even  against  the  most  insignificant 
state  in  the  Union.  It  was  manifest  that  while  Buchanan  re 
mained  President,  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and 
navy,  it  was  utterly  futile  to  resist  the  secession  of  the  least  of 
these  states,  or  even  to  protect  the  public  property  in  them. 

On  the  4th  of  December,  1860,  the  House  of  Representatives 
organized  what  is  known  as  the  "committee  of  thirty-three," 
of  which  Mr.  Corwin,  of  Ohio,  was  chairman.  So  much  of  the 


1 72  RECOLLECTIONS 

President's  message  as  related  to  the  perilous  condition  of  the 
country  was  referred  to  it.  Propositions  of  all  kinds  were  sent 
to  the  committee,  but  the  final  result  was,  as  anticipated,  a 
disagreement  upon  all  the  measures  proposed. 

On  the  16th  of  January,  1861,  Mr.  Crittenden  offered  his  cele 
brated  resolutions,  proposing  certain  amendments  to  the  con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  in  relation  to  slavery,  but  they 
were  rejected  in  the  Senate  and  were  not  acted  upon  in  the 
House. 

A  peace  conference  was  held  at  Washington,  at  the  request 
of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  composed  of  delegates  from  the 
several  states  appointed  by  the  governors  thereof.  John  Tyler 
was  president  and  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  was  one  of  the  most 
active  and  influential  members  of  the  conference.  It  sat  dur 
ing  nearly  all  the  month  of  February  and  recommended  seven 
articles  of  amendment  to  the  constitution.  These  propositions 
were  adopted  by  the  conference  and  reported  to  the  Senate  on 
the  2nd  of  March,  and  were  rejected  by  a  vote  of  3  yeas  and 
34  nays.  Subsequently  they  were  again  offered  by  Mr.  Critten 
den  and  rejected  by  a  vote  of  7  yeas  and  28  nays.  They  were 
presented  to  the  House  on  the  1st  of  March,  1861,  and  were 
there  rejected. 

A  Senate  committee  of  13  was  organized  on  the  18th  of 
December,  1860,  to  consider  the  condition  of  the  country,  but 
its  report  was  disagreed  to  by  the  Senate.  Many  other  propo 
sitions  of  adjustment  were  made  both  in  the  Senate  and 
House,  but  none  of  them  were  agreed  to.  Not  only  were  no 
measures  adopted  to  prevent  secession,  but  it  was  proposed  by 
Mr.  Mason,  that,  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  a  conflict  between 
the  forces  of  the  army  and  navy  and  of  the  seceding  states,  all 
the  laws  providing  for  the  use  of  the  army  in  aid  of  the  civil 
authorities  in  executing  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  should 
be  suspended  and  made  inoperative  in  those  states.  These 
were  the  laws  passed  during  the  term  of  President  Jackson  and, 
at  his  earnest  request,  to  enable  the  government  to  enforce  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  against  the  opposition  of  the  State  of 
South  Carolina.  It  was  a  striking  presentation  of  the  differ 
ence  between  General  Jackson  and  James  Buchanan, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  173 

Mr.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  proposed  to  retrocede  to  the  seced 
ing  states,  the  property  of  the  United  States.  The  last  act  of 
Jefferson  Davis  was  to  offer  a  joint  resolution  providing: 

"  That  upon  the  application  of  a  state,  either  through  a  convention  or 
legislature  thereof,  asking  that  the  federal  forces  of  the  army  and  navy  may 
be  withdrawn  from  its  limits,  the  President  of  the  United  States  shall  order 
the  withdrawal  of  the  federal  garrisons,  and  take  the  needful  security  for 
the  safety  of  the  public  property  which  may  remain  in  said  state. 

"  That  whenever  a  state  convention,  duly  and  lawfully  assembled,  shall 
enact  that  the  safety  of  the  state  requires  it  to  keep  troops  and  ships  of  war, 
the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby  authorized  and 
directed  to  recognize  the  exercise  of  that  power  by  the  state,  and  by  proc 
lamation  to  give  notice  of  the  fact  for  the  information  and  government  of  all 
parties  concerned." 

On  the  llth  of  February,  1861,  Burton  Craige,  of  North  Caro 
lina,  offered  a  joint  resolution: 

"  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  is  hereby  required  to 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  said  government  (The  Confederacy  of 
the  United  States  South)  as  soon  as  he  is  informed  officially  of  its  establish 
ment  ;  and  that  he  receive  such  envoy,  ambassador,  or  commissioner  as  may 
or  shall  be  appointed  by  said  government  for  the  purpose  of  amicably  ad 
justing  the  matters  in  dispute  with  said  government." 

Such  was  the  hopeless  condition  of  the  United  States  in  the 
last  months  of  the  administration  of  James  Buchanan.  It 
would  appear  from  the  resolute  action  of  the  seceding  states, 
their  union  as  Confederate  States,  the  hopeless  imbecility  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  the  presence  of  the  seceded 
traitors  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  the  weakness  and  feeble 
ness  of  that  body,  left  but  little  hope  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Union.  The  future  presaged  a  civil  war,  and  opened  up  a 
dark  prospect,  a  discouraging  example  for  future  republics,  but 
the  4th  of  March  came,  and  a  new  life  was  infused  into  the 
national  councils. 

The  second  session  of  the  36th  Congress  commenced  on  the 
3rd  day  of  December.  The  message  of  the  President  I  have 
already  commented  upon.  It  was  regarded  as  a  feeble  wail  of 
despair,  an  absolute  abnegation  of  the  powers  of  the  general 
government.  No  expectation  or  hope  was  indulged  in  that 
the  President  would  do  any  act  or  say  any  word  to  arrest  or 


[74  RECOLLECTIONS 

delay  the  flagrant  treason,  then  being  committed  in  South 
Carolina.  "After  me  the  deluge  "  was  written  on  every  page 
of  his  message.  Our  only  hope  was  in  the  good  time  coming, 
when,  at  the  close  of  his  term,  he  would  retire  to  private  life. 

Having  charge  of  the  appropriation  bills  as  chairman  of  the 
committee  of  ways  and  means,  of  the  36th  Congress,  I  was  only 
solicitous  to  secure  the  passage  of  these  bills,  so  that  the  new 
administration  would  have  money  to  meet  the  current  wants 
of  the  government.  Within  a  few  days,  all  these  bills  were 
reported,  and  were  pushed  forward  and  passed  at  an  early 
period  of  the  session. 

I  purposely  postpone  consideration  of  the  financial  condi 
tion  of  the  United  States  during  this  session  so  as  to  consider 
it  in  connection  with  the  measures  adopted  at  the  called  ses 
sion  in  July,  1861. 

The  House  of  Representatives  was  almost  constantly  occu 
pied  in  considering  and  rejecting  the  many  schemes  "to  save 
the  country,"  already  referred  to.  The  only  political  speech  I 
made  was  in  reply  to  an  ingenious  speech  of  my  colleague, 
George  H.  Pendleton,  made  on  the  18th  day  of  January,  1861. 
I  replied  on  the  same  day  without  preparation,  but  with  a 
lively  appreciation  of  the  dangers  before  us. 

Those  were  the  strange  times  immediately  preceding  the 
great  struggle  for  national  existence  which,  after  more  than  a 
third  of  a  century,  it  is  difficult  to  recall  with  their  burden  of 
doubts  and  fears.  In  my  answer  to  Mr.  Pendleton  I  used  argu 
ments,  and  it  seemed  natural  and  necessary  that  I  should,  that 
seem  strange  to  the  reader  of  present  times  and  under  present 
conditions.  Mr.  Pendleton  had  defined  the  position  then  and 
until  the  close  of  the  war  held  by  those  in  the  North  who 
opposed  the  struggle,  and  had  said  that  the  army  should  not  be 
used  to  coerce  a  state,  and  had,  in  the  face  of  all  the  facts, 
appealed  to  his  fellow  members  for  kindness,  conciliation  and 
forbearance  for  those  who  were  aboub  to  leave  the  Union.  1 
answered  him  with  a  plea  for  the  perpetuity  of  the  nation,  stat 
ing  that  it  was  supreme  within  the  powers  delegated  to  it,  and 
endowed  with  ample  authority  to  protect  itself  against  foreign 
as  well  as  domestic  enemies.  I  said  that  it  had  an  exclusive 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  175 

right  to  collect  duties  on  imports,  and  was  the  exclusive  owner 
of  ports,  arsenals,  navy-yards,  vessels  and  munitions  of  war.  1 
said  that  it  had  not  trespassed  upon  the  rights  of  a  single  indi 
vidual,  and  that  no  citizen  of  South  Carolina  could  allege  that 
it  had  done  him  any  wrong.  Revolution  was  being  organized 
under  the  name  of  secession. 

The  delegation  from  Ohio,  during  this  Congress,  was  re 
garded  as  a  very  strong  one.  I  do  not  disparage  any  by  a 
brief  reference  to  a  few. 

Thomas  Corwin  was,  by  far,  the  most  distinguished  member 
of  the  delegation.  I  have  already  referred  to  his  eminence  as 
a  popular  orator.  His  speech  against  the  Mexican  War,  though 
unfortunate  as  a  political  event,  has  always  been  regarded  as 
one  of  the  most  eloquent  ever  made  in  either  House  of 
Congress.  His  speech  in  reply  to  Crary,  of  Michigan,  is  still 
remembered  as  the  best  specimen  of  humorous  satire  in  our 
language.  He  had  served  in  the  legislature  of  Ohio,  as  a  Mem 
ber  of  Congress  for  ten  years,  as  Governor  of  Ohio,  as  a  Member 
of  the  Senate,  and  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  After  an  ab 
sence  from  public  life  for  six  years,  he  was  elected  a  Member 
of  the  36th  Congress.  Here  he  was  regarded  as  the  "peace 
maker"  of  the  House.  In  the  contest  for  speaker,  he  made  a 
long  speech,  in  which  he  exhibited  marked  ability,  humor, 
pathos  and  persuasive  eloquence.  As  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  of  thirty,  he  did  all  that  man  could  do  to  quiet  the 
storm,  to  compromise  and  soothe  the  contending  factions,  but 
this  was  beyond  human  power.  He  was  re-elected  to  the  37th 
Congress,  but  in  1861  was  appointed  minister  to  Mexico 
by  Mr.  Lincoln.  In  December,  1865,  he  attended  a  party 
of  his  Ohio  friends,  at  which  I  was  present.  He  was  the 
center  of  attraction,  and,  apparently,  in  good  health  and  spirits. 
He  was  telling  amusing  anecdotes  of  life  in  Ohio  "in  the  olden 
times,"  to  the  many  friends  who  gathered  around  him,  when, 
without  warning,  he  suffered  a  stroke  of  apoplexy  and  died 
within  two  or  three  days,  leaving  behind  him  none  but  friends. 
Tom  Corwin.  "the  wagon-boy,"  had  traveled  through  all  the 
gradations  of  life,  and  in  every  stage  was  a  kind  friend,  a 
loving  father,  a  generous,  noble  and  honest  man. 


17G  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  life  of  George  H.  Pendleton  was  a  striking  contrast  to 
that  of  Corwin.  He  was  a  favorite  of  fortune.  His  father  was 
a  distinguished  lawyer  and  Member  of  Congress.  George  had 
the  advantage  of  a  good  education  and  high  social  position,  a 
courtly  manner,  a  handsome  person  and  a  good  fortune.  He 
served  several  terms  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  six 
years  in  the  Senate.  He  was  the  candidate  for  Vice  President 
on  the  Democratic  ticket  with  McClellan,  and  a  prominent 
candidate  for  nomination  as  President  in  1868.  He  was  min 
ister  to  Germany  during  the  first  term  of  Cleveland  as  Presi 
dent.  He  died  November  24,  1889.  My  relations  with  him 
were  always  pleasant. 

Samuel  S.  Cox  was  an  active,  industrious  and  versatile 
Member  of  Congress  for  more  than  twenty  years.  He  was  born 
in  Ohio,  graduated  at  Brown  University,  was  admitted  to  the 
bar,  but,  I  believe,  rarely  practiced  his  profession.  His  natural 
bent  was  for  editorial  and  political  conflicts,  in  which  most  of 
his  life  was  spent.  He  was  a  good  debater,  overflowing  with 
humor  without  sarcasm.  In  the  campaign  of  1860,  he  and  I 
had  a  running  debate  at  long  range.  In  a  speech  at  Columbus, 
then  his  residence,  I  spoke  of  his  erratic  course  on  the  Lecomp- 
ton  bill.  He  replied  at  Mansfield  with  shrewdness,  humor  and 
ability.  I  reviewed  his  speech  at  the  same  place,  and  we  kept 
up  a  running  fire  during  that  canvass,  but  this  did  not  disturb 
our  friendly  relations.  Some  years  later,  he  removed  to  New 
York,  where  he  was  soon  taken  into  favor,  and  was  elected 
several  times  to  Congress.  He  was  the  author  of  several  books 
of  merit,  and  was  the  champion  of  a  measure  establishing  the 
life-saving  service  of  the  country  upon  its  present  footing.  He 
may  be  classified  as  a  leading  Member  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  a  bright  and  successful  speaker  and  a  copious 
author.  He  died  September  10,  1889. 

John  A.  Bingham  was  regarded,  next  to  Mr.  Corwin,  as  the 
most  eloquent  member  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  and,  perhaps 
with  one  or  two  exceptions,  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
He  studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1840.  He 
served  for  sixteen  years  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the 
judiciary  and  other  important  committees,  and  took  an  active 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

\ 

and  leading  part  in  all  the  debates  during  this  long  pv 
He  was  a  man  of  genial,  pleasing  address,  rather  too  n, 
given  to  flights  of  oratory,  but  always  a  favorite  with  his  c 
leagues  and  associates.     He  was  subsequently  appointed  United 
States  minister  to  Japan,  where  he  remained  for  many  years. 
He  still  lives  at  a  ripe  old  age  at  Cadiz,  Ohio. 

During  the  existence  of  the  36th  Congress,  I  do  not  recall 
any  political  divisions  in  the  committee  of  ways  and  means, 
unless  the  tariff  is  considered  a  political  measure.  It  was  not 
so  treated  by  the  committee.  The  common  purpose  was  to 
secure  sufficient  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  government. 
The  incidental  effect  of  all  duties  was  to  encourage  home 
manufactures,  but,  as  the  rule  adopted  was  applied  impartially 
to  all  productions,  whether  of  the  farm,  mine,  or  the  workshop, 
there  was  no  controversy  except  as  to  the  amount  or  rate  of 
the  duty.  The  recent  dogma  that  raw  materials  should  not 
have  the  benefit  of  protection  did  not  enter  the  mind  of  any 
one.  The  necessity  of  economy  limited  the  amount  of  appro 
priations,  but  if  the  war  had  not  changed  all  conditions,  the 
revenues  accruing  would  have  been  sufficient  for  an  econom 
ical  administration  of  the  government. 

In  a  retrospect  of  my  six  years  as  a  Member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  I  can  see,  and  will  freely  admit,  that  my  chief 
fault  was  my  intense  partisanship.  This  grew  out  of  a  con 
scientious  feeling  that  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
was  an  act  of  dishonor,  committed  by  a  dominating  party  con 
trolled  by  slaveholders  and  yielded  to  by  leading  northern 
Democrats,  headed  by  Douglas,  with  a  view  on  his  part  to  pro 
mote  his  intense  ambition  to  be  President  of  the  United  States. 
I  felt  that  this  insult  to  the  north  should  be  resented  by  the 
renewed  exclusion,  by  act  of  Congress,  of  slavery  north  of  the 
line  of  latitude  36  degrees  30  minutes.  This  feeling  was  in 
tensified  by  my  experience  in  Kansas  during  the  investigation 
of  its  affairs.  The  recital  by  the  Free  State  men  of  their  story, 
and  the  appearance  and  conduct  of  the  "  border  ruffians,"  led 
me  to  support  extreme  measures.  The  political  feebleness  of  Mr. 
Buchanan,  and  the  infamy  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  appeared 
to  me  conclusive  evidence  of  the  subserviency  of  the  President 

S— 12 


1 7$  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  the  Supreme  Court  to  the  slave  power.  The  gross  injustice 
to  me  personally,  and  the  irritating  language  of  southern  Mem 
bers  in  the  speakership  contest,  aroused  my  resentment,  so 
that  in  the  campaign  of  1860  I  was  ready  to  meet  the  threats 
of  secession  with  those  of  open  war. 

It  was  unfortunate  that  the  south  at  this  time  was  largely 
represented  in  Congress  by  men  of  the  most  violent  opinions. 
Such  men  as  Keitt,  Hindman,  Barksdale,  and  Rust,  were  offen 
sive  in  their  conduct  and  language.  They  were  of  that  class 
in  the  south  who  believed  that  the  people  of  the  north  were 
tradesmen,  hucksters,  and  the  like,  and  therefore  were  cowards ; 
that  one  southern  man  was  equal  in  a  fight  to  four  northern 
men;  that  slavery  was  a  patent  of  nobility,  and  that  the  owner 
of  slaves  was  a  lord  and  master.  It  is  true  that  among  the 
southern  Members  there  were  gentlemen  of  a  character  quite 
different.  Such  men  as  Letcher,  Aiken  and  Bocock  entertained 
no  such  opinions,  but  were  courteous  and  friendly.  But  even 
these  shared  in  the  opinions  of  their  people  that,  as  slavery 
was  recognized  by  the  constitution,  as  an  institution  existing 
in  many  of  the  states,  it  should  not  be  excluded  from  the  com 
mon  territory  of  the  Union,  except  by  the  vote  of  the  people  of 
a  territory  when  assuming  the  dignity  and  power  of  a  state.  It 
would  appear  that  as  in  1860  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from 
Kansas  was  definitely  settled  by  the  people  of  that  state,  and 
that  as  the  only  region  open  to  this  controversy  was  New 
Mexico,  from  which  slavery  was  excluded  by  natural  condi 
tions,  there  was  no  reason  or  ground  for  an  attempt  to  disrupt 
the  Union.  In  fact,  this  pretense  for  secession  was  abandoned 
by  South  Carolina,  and  the  only  ground  taken  for  attempting  it 
was  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  President  of  the  United 
States.  If  this  was  conceded  to  be  a  just  cause  for  secession, 
our  government  would  become  a  rope  of  sand;  it  would  be 
worse  than  that  of  any  South  American  republic,  because  our 
country  is  more  populous,  and  sections  of  it  would  have  greater 
strength  of  attack  and  defense.  This  pretense  for  secession 
would  not  have  been  concurred  in  by  any  of  the  states  north 
of  South  Carolina,  but  for  the  previous  agitation  of  slavery, 
which  had  welded  nearly  all  the  slaveholding  states  into  a 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  179 

compact  confederacy.  This  was  done,  not  for  fear  of  Lincoln, 
but  to  protect  the  institution  of  slavery,  threatened  by  the 
growing  sentiment  of  mankind.  Upon  this  question  I  had  been 
conservative,  but  I  can  see  now  that  this  contest  was  irrepres 
sible,  and  that  I  would  soon  have  been  in  favor  of  the  gradual 
abolition  of  slavery  in  all  the  states.  This  could  not  have  been 
effected  under  our  constitution  but  for  the  Eebellion,  so  that, 
in  truth,  South  Carolina,  unwittingly,  led  to  the  only  way  by 
which  slavery  could  be  abolished  in  the  present  century. 

The  existence  of  slavery  in  a  republic  founded  upon  the 
declaration  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  that  they  are  en 
dowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  and 
that  among  them  are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness, 
is  an  anomaly  so  pregnant  with  evil  that  it  is  not  strange  that 
while  it  existed  it  was  the  chief  cause  of  all  the  serious  conten 
tions  that  threatened  the  life  of  the  republic.  The  framers  of 
the  constitution,  finding  slavery  in  existence  in  nearly  all  the 
states,  carefully  avoided  mention  of  it  in  that  instrument,  but 
they  provided  against  the  importation  of  slaves  after  a  brief 
period,  and  evidently  anticipated  the  eventual  prohibition  of 
slavery  by  the  voluntary  action  of  the  several  states.  This  proc 
ess  of  prohibition  occurred  until  one-half  of  the  states  became 
free,  when  causes  unforeseen  made  slavery  so  profitable  that  it 
dominated  in  the  states  where  it  existed,  and  dictated  the 
policy  of  the  United  States.  The  first  controversy  about 
slavery  was  happily  settled  by  the  Missouri  Compromise  of 
1820.  But  a  greater  danger  arose  from  the  acquisition  of  ter 
ritory  from  Mexico.  This,  too,  was  postponed  by  the  com 
promise  of  1850,  but  unhappily,  within  four  years,  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise  re-opened  the  controversy  that 
led  to  the  struggle  in  Kansas.  Douglas  prescribed  the  doc 
trine  of  popular  sovereignty.  Davis  contended  that  slaves 
were  property  and  must  be  protected  by  law  like  other 
property.  Lincoln  declared  that  "a  house  divided  against 
itself  cannot  stand,'7  that  slavery  must  be  lawful  or  unlawful 
in  all  the  states,  alike  north  as  well  as  south.  Seward  said 
that  an  irrepressible  conflict  existed  between  opposing  and 
enduring  forces,  that  the  United  States  must  and  would 


180  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

become  either  entirely  a  slaveholding  nation  or  entirely  a  free 
labor  nation.  Kansas  became  a  free  state  in  spite  of  Buchanan 
and  then  the  conflict  commenced.  The  southern  states  pre 
pared  for  secession.  Lincoln  became  President.  The  war  came 
by  the  act  of  the  south  and  ended  with  the  destruction  of  slav 
ery.  This  succession  of  events,  following  in  due  order,  was  the 
natural  sequence  of  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States. 

"  God  moves  in  a  mysterious  way, 
His  wonders  to  perform." 


CHAPTER  IX. 
BEGINNING  OF  LINCOLN'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION, 

Arrival  of  the  President  Elect  at  Washington  —  Impressiveness  of   His  Inaugural 

Address  —  I    am  Elected    Senator  from   Ohio  to  Succeed  Salmon   P.   Chase  — 

Letters  Written  to  and  Received  from  My  Brother  William  Tecumseh  —  His 

Arrival  at  Washington  — A  Dark  Period  in  the  History  of  the  Country  — 

Letter  to  General  Sherman  on    the   Attack  Upon  Fort  Sumter  — 

Departure  for   Mansfield     to     Encourage  Enlistments  —  Ohio 

Regiments  Reviewed  by  the  President  — General  McLaugh- 

lin    Complimented  —  My    Visit     to     Ex-President 

Buchanan— Meeting  Between  my  Brother 

and    Colonel    George   H.    Thomas. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  the  President  elect,  arrived  in  the 
city  of  Washington  on  the  23rd  day  of  February, 
1861,  and,  with  Mrs.  Lincoln,  stopped  at  Willard's 
Hotel  where  I  was  then  living.  On  the  evening  of 
his  arrival  I  called  upon  him,  and  met  him  for  the  first  time. 
When  introduced  to  him,  he  took  my  hands  in  both  of  his, 
drew  himself  up  to  his  full  height,  and,  looking  at  me  steadily, 
said:  "You  are  John  Sherman!  Well  I  am  taller  than  you;  let's 
measure."  Thereupon  we  stood  back  to  back,  and  some  one 
present  announced  that  he  was  two  inches  taller  than  I.  This 
was  correct,  for  he  was  6  feet  3J  inches  tall  when  he  stood 
erect.  This  singular  introduction  was  not  unusual  with  him, 
but  if  it  lacked  in  dignity,  it  was  an  expression  of  friendliness 
and  so  considered  by  him.  Our  brief  conversation  was  cheer 
ful,  and  my  hearty  congratulations  for  his  escape  from  the 
Baltimore  "roughs"  were  received  with  a  laugh. 

It  was  generally  understood  when  Mr.  Lincoln  arrived  that 
his  cabinet  was  definitely  formed,  but  rumors  soon  prevailed 
that  dissensions  existed  among  its  members,  that  Seward  and 
Chase  were  rivals,  that  neither  could  act  in  harmony  with  the 
other,  and  that  both  were  discontented  with  their  associates. 
I  became  satisfied  that  these  rumors  were  true.  I  do  not  feel 

(181) 


182  RECOLLECTIONS 

at  liberty,  even  at  this  late  day,  to  repeat  what  was  said  to  me 
by  some  of  the  members  selected,  but  I  was  convinced  that 
Lincoln  had  no  purpose  or  desire  to  change  the  cabinet  he  had 
selected  in  Springfield,  and  that  he  regarded  their  jealousies  (if 
I  may  use  such  a  word  in  respect  to  gentlemen  so  distin 
guished)  as  a  benefit  and  not  an  objection,  as  by  that  means  he 
would  control  his  cabinet  rather  than  be  controlled  by  it. 

Mr.  Lincoln  delivered  his  inaugural  address  from  the  east 
steps  of  the  capitol,  on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1861.  I  sat  near 
him  and  heard  every  word.  Douglas  stood  conspicuous  behind 
him  and  suggesting  many  thoughts.  I  have  witnessed  many  in 
augurations,  but  never  one  so  impressive  as  this.  The  condi 
tion  of  the  south  already  organized  for  war,  the  presence  of 
United  States  troops  with  general  Scott  in  command,  the  mani 
fest  preparation  against  threatened  violence,  the  sober  and 
quiet  attention  to  the  address,  all  united  to  produce  a  profound 
apprehension  of  evils  yet  to  come.  The  eloquent  peroration  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  be  too  often  repeated,  and  I  insert  it  here: 

"In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is 
the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  government  will  not  assail  you. 
You  can  have  no  conflict,  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  You 
have  no  oath  registered  in  Heaven  to  destroy  the  government,  while  I  shall 
have  the  most  solemn  one  to  'preserve,  protect,  and  defend'  it. 

"I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We  must  not 
be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break,  our 
bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every 
battlefield  and  patriot  grave,  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone,  all 
over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union,  when  again 
touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

Salmon  P.  Chase,  then  Senator,  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury.  I  know  with  what  doubt  and  reluctance  he  ac 
cepted  this  office.  On  the  7th  of  March  his  resignation  as 
Senator  was  communicated  to  the  Senate.  In  anticipation  of 
it  the  legislature  of  Ohio  was  canvassing  for  his  successor. 
My  name  was  mentioned  with  many  others.  I  was  in  doubt 
whether  I  ought  to  be  a  candidate,  or  even  to  accept  the  posi 
tion  if  tendered.  I  had  been  elected  as  a  Member  of  the  next 
Congress  and  was  quite  certain  of  election  as  speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  The  Republicans  had  a  decided 


ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

FROM  A  PHOTOGRAPH  TAKEN  IN  CHICAGO  IN   I860. 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  183 

majority  in  that  body  and  a  feeling  was  manifest  that  I  should 
have,  without  opposition,  the  position  of  which  I  had  been  un 
justly  deprived  by  the  previous  House.  This  was  to  me  a 
coveted  honor.  I,  therefore,  did  not  follow  the  advice  of  my 
friends  and  go  to  Columbus.  A  ballot  was  taken  in  the  caucus 
of  Republican  members  of  the  general  assembly,  and  I  received 
a  plurality  but  not  a  majority,  the  votes  being  scattered  among 
many  other  candidates  of  merit  and  ability.  My  name  was 
then  withdrawn.  Several  ballots  were  taken  on  a  number  of 
days  without  result.  I  was  then  telegraphed  to  come  to  Co 
lumbus.  I  went  and  was  nominated  on  the  second  vote  after  my 
arrival,  and  promptly  elected  as  Senator,  to  fill  the  vacancy 
occasioned  by  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Chase. 

I  received  many  letters  of  congratulation,  among  which 
were  two  which  I  insert : 

DUBUQUE,  March  23,  1861. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN  :  — Allow  me  to  sincerely  congratulate  you  upon 
your  signal  triumph  at  Columbus.  I  can  assure  you  that  no  recent  event 
has  given  me  so  much  sincere  gratification  as  your  election,  which  I  think  a 
most  worthy  reward  to  a  faithful  public  servant.  Republics  are  not  so 
ungrateful  as  I  supposed  when  I  was  defeated  for  dist.  atty. 

Sincerely  your  friend,  WM.  B.  ALLISON. 


STRAFFORD,  April  1,  1861. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  congratulate  you  upon  your  election  to  the  Senate 
of  the  U.  S.,  but  still  I  regret  that  you  have  left  the  House  where  I  think 
you  might  have  rendered  more  important  services  to  your  country  than  you 
will  find  opportunity  to  do  in  the  Senate.  You  could  without  doubt,  I 
think,  have  been  Speaker,  had  you  possessed  any  ambition  for  the  position. 
That  would  have  been  for  two  years  only,  but  it  would  be  at  a  crisis  that 
will  figure  in  our  history.  Then  you  are  greatly  needed  in  economical 
questions  with  our  party  —  many  of  whom  have  no  just  idea  of  the  responsi 
bility  of  the  Republican  party  or  a  Republican  Representative.  I  see  no 
material  worth  mentioning  for  leaders  in  our  House,  and  though  I  am  glad 
to  have  you  suited,  I  do  much  regret  your  translation  to  the  higher  branch. 
I  suppose  we  may  be  called  back  by  Seward  about  the  1st  of  June. 

Our  tariff  bill  is  unfortunate  in  being  launched  at  this  time,  as  it  will 
be  made  the  scape-goat  of  all  difficulties.  In  fact  the  southern  Confederacy 
would  have  made  a  lower  tariff  had  we  left  the  old  law  in  force  and  pre 
cisely  the  same  troubles  would  have  been  presented. 

Yours,  very  sincerely,  JUSTIN  S.  MORRILL. 


184  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  Senate  being  then  in  special  session,  the  oath  pre 
scribed  by  law  was  administered  to  me,  and  on  the  23rd  of 
March,  1861,  I  took  my  seat  in  that  body.  I  had,  however, 
before  my  election,  witnessed,  with  deep  humiliation,  the  Senate 
debates,  feeling  that  the  Republican  Senators  were  too  timid  in 
the  steps  taken  to  purge  that  body  of  persons  whom  I  regarded 
as  traitors.  I  cannot  now  read  the  debates  without  a  feeling 
of  resentment.  Breckenridge,  Mason,  Hunter  and  Powell  still 
retained  their  seats  as  Senators  from  Kentucky  and  Virginia, 
and  almost  daily  defended  the  secession  of  the  southern  states, 
declaring  that  the  states  they  represented  would  do  likewise. 
These  and  other  declarations  I  thought  should  have  been 
promptly  resented  by  the  immediate  expulsion  of  these  Sena 
tors.  Wigfall,  of  Texas,  though  his  state  had  seceded,  was  per 
mitted  to  linger  in  the  Senate  and  to  attend  executive  sessions, 
where  he  was  not  only  a  traitor  but  a  spy.  His  rude  and 
brutal  language  and  conduct  should  have  excluded  him  from 
the  Senate  in  the  early  days  of  the  session,  but  he  was  permit 
ted  to  retire  without  censure,  after  a  long  debate  upon  the 
terms  of  his  proposed  expulsion.  I  took  no  part  in  the  debate 
of  that  session,  which  closed  March  28,  1861,  five  days  after  my 
becoming  a  Member.  I  remained  in  Washington  until  after 
the  fall  of  Sumter  in  April  following. 

During  this  period  my  brother,  William  Tecumseh,  came  to 
Washington  to  tender  his  services  in  the  army  in  any  position 
in  which  he  could  be  useful.  I  had  corresponded  with  him 
freely  in  regard  to  his  remaining  in  Louisiana,  where  he  was 
president  of  the  Louisiana  State  Seminary  of  Learning  and 
Military  Academy.  He  had  been  embarrassed  in  his  position  by 
my  attitude  in  Congress,  and,  especially,  by  the  outcry  against 
me  for  signing  the  Helper  book.  He  was  very  conservative  in 
his  opinions  in  regard  to  slavery,  and  no  doubt  felt  that  I  was 
too  aggressive  on  that  subject.  In  the  summer  of  1860  he 
made  his  usual  visit  to  Lancaster,  and,  finding  that  I  was  en 
gaged  in  the  canvass  and  would  on  a  certain  day  be  at  Coshoc- 
ton,  he  determined  to  go  and  hear  me  "to  see  whether  I  was  an 
Abolitionist."  He  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  a  memorable 
speech  made  by  Mr.  Corwin,  the  principal  speaker  on  that 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  185 

occasion.  We  sat  upon  the  stand  together,  and  he  very  excit 
edly  said:  "John,  you  must  not  speak  after  Corwin."  He  was 
evidently  impressed  with  the  eloquence  of  that  orator  and  did 
not  wish  me  to  speak,  lest  the  contrast  between  our  speeches 
would  be  greatly  to  my  disparagement.  I  told  him  that  he 
need  not  trouble  himself,  that  I  was  to  speak  in  the  evening, 
though  I  might  say  a  few  words  at  the  close  of  Mr.  Corwin's 
address.  He  remained  and  heard  me  in  the  evening,  and  con 
cluded  on  the  whole  that  I  was  not  an  Abolitionist. 

After  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  I  wrote  him  a  letter, 
which  I  quote  as  explaining  the  situation  at  that  time. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  November  26,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  BROTHER:  —  Since  I  received  your  last  letter,  I  have  been  so 
constantly  engaged,  first  with  the  election  and  afterwards  in  arranging  my 
business  for  the  winter,  that  I  could  not  write  you. 

The  election  resulted  as  I  all  along  supposed.  Indeed,  the  division  of 
the  Democratic  party  on  precisely  the  same  question  that  separated  the  Re 
publican  party  from  the  Democratic  party  made  its  defeat  certain.  The  suc 
cess  of  the  Republicans  has  saved  the  country  from  a  discreditable  scramble 
in  the  House.  The  disorders  of  the  last  winter,  and  the  fear  of  their  re 
newal,  have,  without  doubt,  induced  many  good  citizens  to  vote  for  the 
Republican  ticket.  With  a  pretty  good  knowledge  of  the  material  of  our 
House,  I  would  far  prefer  that  any  one  of  the  candidates  be  elected  by  the 
people  rather  than  allow  the  contest  to  be  determined  in  Congress.  Well, 
Lincoln  is  elected.  No  doubt,  a  large  portion  of  the  citizens  of  Louisiana 
think  this  a  calamity.  If  they  believe  their  own  newspapers,  or,  what  is  far 
worse,  the  lying  organs  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  free  states,  they  have 
just  cause  to  think  so.  But  you  were  long  enough  in  Ohio,  and  heard 
enough  of  the  ideas  of  the  Republican  leaders,  to  know  that  the  Republican 
party  is  not  likely  to  interfere,  directly  or  indirectly,  with  slavery  in  the 
states  or  with  the  laws  relating  to  slavery  ;  that,  so  far  as  the  slavery  ques 
tion  is  concerned,  the  contest  was  for  the  possession  of  Kansas  and  perhaps 
New  Mexico,  and  that  the  chief  virtue  of  the  Republican  success  was  in  its 
condemnation  of  the  narrow  sectionalism  of  Buchanan's  administration  and 
the  corruption  by  which  his  policy  was  attempted  to  be  sustained.  Who 
doubts  but  that,  if  Buchanan  had  been  true  to  his  promises  in  submitting 
the  controversy  in  Kansas  to  its  own  people,  and  had  closed  it  by  admitting 
Kansas  as  a  free  state,  that  the  Democratic  party  would  have  retained  its 
power  ?  It  was  his  infernal  policy  in  that  state  (I  can  hardly  think  of  the 
mean  and  bad  things  he  allowed  there  without  swearing)  that  drove  off 
Douglas,  led  to  the  division  of  the  Democratic  party  and  the  consequent 
election  of  Lincoln. 


RECOLLECTIONS 
I  wrote  him  the  following  letter  on  the  6th  of  January,  1861: 

DEAR  BROTHER  : —  ...  I  see  some  signs  of  hope,  but  it  is  probably 
a  deceptive  light.  The  very  moment  you  feel  uncomfortable  in  your  posi 
tion  in  Louisiana,  come  away.  Don't  for  God's  sake  subject  yourself  to 
any  slur,  reproach,  or  indignity.  I  have  spoken  to  General  Scott,  and  he 
heartily  seconds  your  desire  to  return  to  duty  in  the  army.  I  am  not  at  all 
sure  but  that,  if  you  were  here,  you  could  get  a  position  that  would  suit 
you.  I  see  many  of  your  friends  of  the  army  daily. 

As  for  my  views  of  the  present  crisis,  I  could  not  state  them  more 
fully  than  I  have  in  the  inclosed  printed  letter.  It  has  been  very  generally 
published  and  approved  in  the  north,  but  may  not  have  reached  you,  and 
therefore  I  send  it  to  you.  Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Later  he  wrote  me: 

ALEXANDRIA,  January  16,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  BROTHER  :  —  I  am  so  much  in  the  woods  here  that  I  can't 
keep  up  with  the  times  at  all.  Indeed,  you  in  Washington  hear  from  New 
Orleans  two  or  three  days  sooner  than  I  do.  I  was  taken  aback  by  the 
news  that  Governor  Moore  had  ordered  the  forcible  seizure  of  the  Forts 
Jackson  and  St.  Philip,  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  ;  also  of  Forts 
Pike  and  Wood,  at  the  outlets  of  Lakes  Bogue  and  Pontchartrain.  All 
these  are  small  forts,  and  have  rarely  been  occupied  by  troops.  They  are 
designed  to  cut  off  approach  by  sea  to  New  Orleans,  and  were  taken  doubt 
less  to  prevent  their  being  occupied,  by  order  of  General  Scott.  But  the 
taking  the  arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge  is  a  different  matter.  It  is  merely  an 
assemblage  of  store-houses,  barracks,  and  dwelling-houses,  designed  for  the 
healthy  residence  of  a  garrison,  to  be  thrown  into  one  or  the  other  of  the 
forts  in  case  of  war.  The  arsenal  is  one  of  minor  importance,  yet  the  stores 
were  kept  there  for  the  moral  effect,  and  the  garrison  was  there  at  the 
instance  of  the  people  of  Louisiana.  To  surround  with  the  military  array, 
to  demand  surrender,  and  enforce  the  departure  of  the  garrison,  was  an  act 
of  war.  It  amounted  to  a  declaration  of  war  and  defiance,  and  was  done  by 
Governor  Moore  without  the  authority  of  the  legislature  or  convention. 
Still,  there  is  but  little  doubt  but  that  each  of  these  bodies,  to  assemble 
next  week,  will  ratify  and  approve  these  violent  acts,  and  it  is  idle  to 
discuss  the  subject  now.  The  people  are  mad  on  this  question. 

I  had  previously  notified  all  that  in  the  event  of  secession  I  should 
quit.  As  soon  as  a  knowledge  of  these  events  reached  me,  I  went  to  the 
vice  president,  Dr.  Smith,  in  Alexandria,  and  told  him  that  I  regarded 
Louisiana  as  at  war  against  the  federal  government,  and  that  I  must  go. 
He  begged  me  to  wait  until  some  one  could  be  found  to  replace  me.  The 
supervisors  feel  the  importance  of  system  and  discipline,  and  seem  to  think 
that  my  departure  will  endanger  the  success  of  this  last  effort  to  build  up 
an  educational  establishment.  .  .  .  You  may  assert  that  in  no  event 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  187 

will  I  forego  my  allegiance  to  the  United  States  as  long  as  a  single  state  is 
true  to  the  old  constitution.     .     .     . 

Yours,  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

And  again : 

Louisiana  State  Seminary  of  Learning  and  Military  Academy,  ) 
ALEXANDRIA,  January  18,  1861.  J 

DEAR  BROTHER:  —  Before  receiving  yours  of  the  6th,  I  had  addressed 
a  letter  to  Governor  Moore  at  Baton  Rouge,  of  which  this  is  a  copy: — 

'  Sir: — As  I  occupy  a  quasi  military  position  under  the  laws  of  the  state, 
I  deem  it  proper  to  acquaint  you  that  I  accepted  such  position  when  Louisi 
ana  was  a  state  in  the  union  and  when  the  motto  of  this  seminary  was 
inscribed  in  marble  over  the  main  door:  "By  the  liberality  of  the  General 
Government.  The  Union  Esto  perpetua."  Recent  events  foreshadow  a  great 
change,  and  it  becomes  all  men  to  choose.  If  Louisiana  withdraw  from 
the  federal  Union,  I  prefer  to  maintain  my  allegiance  to  the  old  constitu 
tion  as  long  as  a  fragment  of  it  survives,  and  my  longer  stay  here  would  be 
wrong  in  every  sense  of  the  word.  In  that  event,  I  beg  that  you  will  send 
or  appoint  some  authorized  agent  to  take  charge  of  the  arms  and  munitions 
of  war  here  belonging  to  the  state,  or  advise  me  what  disposition  to  make  of 
them.  And  furthermore,  as  president  of  the  board  of  supervisors,  I  beg 
you  to  take  immediate  steps  to  relieve  me  as  superintendent  the  moment 
the  state  determines  to  secede ;  for  on  no  earthly  account  will  I  do  any  act 
or  think  any  thought  hostile  to,  or  in  defiance  of,  the  United  States. 

With  respect,  etc.,  W.  T.  SHERMAN.' 

I  regard  the  seizure  by  Governor  Moore  of  the  United  States  arsenal 
as  the  worst  act  yet  committed  in  the  present  revolution.  I  do  think  every 
allowance  should  be  made  to  southern  politicians  for  their  nervous  anxiety 
about  their  political  powers  and  the  safety  of  slaves.  I  think  that  the  con 
stitution  should  be  liberally  construed  in  their  behalf,  but  I  do  regard  this 
civil  war  as  precipitated  with  undue  rapidity.  .  .  .  It  is  inevitable.  All 
legislation  now  would  fall  powerless  on  the  south.  You  should  not  alienate 
such  states  as  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Missouri.  My  notion  is 
that  this  war  will  ruin  all  politicians,  and  that  military  leaders  will  direct 
the  events.  Yours,  W.  T.  S. 

On  the  first  of  February  he  wrote  as  follows: 

"  I  have  felt  the  very  thoughts  you  have  spoken.  It  is  war  to  surround 
Anderson  with  batteries,  and  it  is  shilly-shally  for  the  south  to  cry  '  Hands 
off !  No  coercion  ! '  It  was  war  and  insult  to  expel  the  garrison  at  Baton 
Rouge,  and  Uncle  Sam  had  better  cry  '  Cave  ! '  or  assert  his  power.  Fort 
Sumter  is  not  material  save  for  the  principle  ;  but  Key  West  and  the  Tor- 
tugas  should  be  held  in  force  at  once,  by  regulars  if  possible,  if  not,  by 
militia.  Quick  !  They  are  occupied  now,  but  not  in  force.  Whilst  main 
taining  the  high,  strong  ground  you  do,  I  would  not  advise  you  to  inter 
pose  an  objection  to  securing  concessions  to  the  middle  and  moderate 
states,  —  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee  and  Missouri.  Slavery  there  is 


188  RECOLLECTIONS 

local,  and  even  if  the  world  were  open  to  them,  its  extension  would  involve 
no  principle.  If  these  states  feel  the  extreme  south  wrong,  a  seeming  con 
cession  would  make  them  committed.  The  cotton  states  are  gone,  I  sup 
pose.  Of  course,  their  commerce  will  be  hampered.  . 

"  But  of  myself.  I  sent  you  a'  copy  of  my  letter  to  the  Governor. 
Here  is  his  answer : 

1  Dear  Sir  :  —  It  is  with  the  deepest  regret  I  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  letter  of  the  18th  instant.  In  the  pressure  of  official  business  I  can 
only  request  you  to  transfer  to  Professor  Smith  the  arms,  munitions,  and 
funds  in  your  hands,  whenever  you  conclude  to  withdraw  from  the  position 
you  have  filled  with  so  much  distinction.  You  cannot  regret  more  than  I 
do  the  necessity  which  deprives  us  of  your  services,  and  you  will  bear  with 
you  the  respect,  confidence,  and  admiration  of  all  who  have  been  associated 
with  you.  Very  truly,  your  friend  and  servant, 

THUS.  D.  MOORE.'. 

"  This  is  very  handsome,  and  I  do  regret  this  political  imbroglio.  I  do 
think  it  was  brought  about  by  politicians.  The  people  in  the  south  are 
evidently  unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  slavery  is  endangered  by  the  cur 
rent  of  events,  and  it  is  useless  to  attempt  to  alter  that  opinion.  As  our 
government  is  founded  on  the  will  of  the  people,  when  that  will  is  fixed, 
our  government  is  powerless,  and  the  only  question  is  whether  to  let  things 
slide  into  general  anarchy,  or  the  formation  of  two  or  more  confederacies 
which  will  be  hostile  sooner  or  later.  Still,  I  know  that  some  of  the  best 
men  of  Louisiana  think  this  change  may  be  effected  peacefully.  But  even 
if  the  southern  states  be  allowed  to  depart  in  peace,  the  first  question  will 
be  revenue. 

"  Now,  if  the  south  have  free  trade,  how  can  you  collect  revenues  in  the 
eastern  cities  ?  Freight  from  New  Orleans  to  St.  Louis,  Chicago,  Louisville, 
Cincinnati,  and  even  Pittsburg,  would  be  about  the  same  as  by  rail  from 
New  York,  and  importers  at  New  Orleans,  having  no  duties  to  pay,  would 
undersell  the  east  if  they  had  to  pay  duties.  Therefore,  if  the  south  make 
good  their  confederation  and  their  plan,  the  northern  confederacy  must  do 
likewise  or  blockade.  Then  comes  the  question  of  foreign  nations.  So, 
look  on  it  in  any  view,  I  see  no  result  but  war  and  consequent  changes  in 
the  form  of  government." 

These  letters,  written  at  their  dates,  on  the  spur  of  the  mo 
ment,  present  the  condition  of  affairs  as  viewed  by  General 
Sherman  and  myself  when  they  occurred. 

With  the  convictions  just  stated  General  Sherman  came  to 
Washington  about  the  time  of  my  election  to  the  Senate.  He 
was  deeply  impressed  with  the  certainty  of  war  and  of  its  mag 
nitude,  and  was  impelled  by  the  patriotic  sentiment  that,  as 
he  had  been  educated  at  the  expense  of  the  government  for 
military  service,  it  was  his  duty,  in  the  then  condition  of  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  189 

country,  to  tender  his  services.  I  therefore  escorted  him  to  the 
White  House.  His  statement  of  the  interview  given  in  his 
"  Memoirs  "  is  not  very  full,  for,  while  Mr.  Lincoln  did  say,  in 
response  to  his  tender,  "I  guess  we  will  manage  to  keep  house," 
he  also  expressed  a  hope,  which  General  Sherman  knew  to  be 
delusive,  that  the  danger  would  pass  by  and  that  the  Union 
would  be  restored  by  a  peaceful  compromise.  This  was,  un 
doubtedly,  the  idea  then  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  both  the 
President  and  Mr.  Seward.  At  this  time  the  public  mind  in 
the  north  was  decidedly  in  favor  of  concessions  to  the  south. 
The  Democrats  of  the  north  would  have  agreed  to  any  proposi 
tion  to  secure  peace  and  the  Union,  and  the  Republicans  would 
have  acquiesced  in  the  Crittenden  Compromise,  or  in  any  meas 
ure  approved  by  Lincoln  and  Seward. 

The  period  between  the  4th  of  March  and  the  12th  of  April 
was  the  darkest  one  in  the  history  of  the  United  States.  It  was 
a  time  of  humiliation,  timidity  and  feebleness.  Fortunately  for 
the  future  of  our  country  the  rebels  of  the  south  were  bent  upon 
disunion;  they  were  hopeful  and  confident,  and  all  the  signs  of 
the  times  indicated  their  success.  They  had  possession  of  all  the 
forts  of  the  south,  except  Fortress  Monroe,  Fort  Sumter,  and 
two  remote  forts  in  Florida.  They  had  only  to  wait  in  patience, 
and  Fort  Sumter  would  necessarily  be  abandoned  for  want  of 
supplies.  Fortress  Monroe  could  not  be  held  much  longer  by  the 
regular  army,  weakened  as  it  was  by  the  desertion  of  officers  and 
men,  and  public  sentiment  would  not  justify  a  call  for  troops  in 
advance  of  actual  war.  The  people  of  South  Carolina  were 
frenzied  by  their  success  thus  far,  and,  impatient  of  delay, 
forced  an  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  then  held  by  a  small  garrison 
under  command  of  Major  Eobert  Anderson.  The  first  gun 
fired  on  the  12th  of  April,  1861,  resounded  throughout  the 
United  States  and  the  civilized  world,  touching  an  electric 
chord  in  every  family  in  the  northern  states  and  changing  the 
whole  current  of  feeling.  From  this  time  forth,  among  the 
patriotic  people  of  the  loyal  states,  there  was  no  thought  or 
talk  of  compromise.  That  this  insult  to  our  flag  must  be  pun 
ished,  "that  the  Union  must  and  shall  be  preserved/'  were  the 
resolves  of  millions  of  men,  without  respect  to  party,  who  but 


190  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  day  before  were  eager  for  compromise.  The  cold  and  cau 
tious  men  of  the  north  were  at  last  awakened  from  their  in 
difference. 

The  impression  made  upon  my  mind  by  the  attack  on  Fort 
Sumter  is  expressed  in  a  letter  I  wrote  from  Washington 
to  my  brother,  General  Sherman,  as  he  was  then  called, 
at  midnight  of  the  12th  of  April: 

WASHINGTON,  April  12,  1861. 

DEAR  BROTHER:  —  I  was  unexpectedly  called  here  soon  after  receiving 
your  letter  of  the  8th,  and  at  midnight  write  you.  The  military  excitement 
here  is  intense.  Since  my  arrival  I  have  seen  several  officers,  many  citizens, 
and  all  the  heads  of  departments  except  Blair.  There  is  a  fixed  determina 
tion  now  to  preserve  the  Union  and  enforce  the  laws  at  all  hazards.  Civil 
war  is  actually  upon  us,  and,  strange  to  say,  it  brings  a  feeling  of  relief ;  the 
suspense  is  over.  I  have  spent  much  of  the  day  in  talking  about  you. 
There  is  an  earnest  desire  that  you  go  into  the  war  department,  but  I  said 
this  was  impossible.  Chase  is  especially  desirous  that  you  accept,  saying 
that  you  would  be  virtually  Secretary  of  War,  and  could  easily  step  into 
any  military  position  that  offers. 

It  is  well  for  you  seriously  to  consider  your  conclusion,  although  my 
opinion  is  that  you  ought  not  to  accept.  You  ought  to  hold  yourself  in 
reserve.  If  troops  are  called  for,  as  they  surely  will  be  in  a  few  days, 
organize  a  regiment  or  brigade,  either  in  St.  Louis  or  Ohio,  and  you  will 
then  get  into  the  army  in  such  a  way  as  to  secure  promotion.  By  all  means 
take  advantage  of  the  present  disturbances  to  get  into  the  army,  where  you 
will  at  once  put  yourself  in  a  high  position  for  life.  I  know  that  promotion 
and  every  facility  for  advancement  will  be  cordially  extended  by  the  author 
ities.  You  are  a  favorite  in  the  army  and  have  great  strength  in  political 
circles.  I  urge  you  to  avail  yourself  of  these  favorable  circumstances  to 
secure  your  position  for  life  ;  for,  after  all,  your  present  employment  is  of 
uncertain  tenure  in  these  stirring  times. 

Let  me  now  record  a  prediction.  Whatever  you  may  think  of  the 
signs  of  the  times,  the  government  will  rise  from  this  strife  greater, 
stronger,  and  more  prosperous  than  ever.  It  will  display  energy  and  mili 
tary  power.  The  men  who  have  confidence  in  it,  and  do  their  full  duty  by 
it,  may  reap  whatever  there  is  of  honor  and  profit  in  public  life,  while  those 
who  look  on  merely  as  spectators  in  the  storm  will  fail  to  discharge  the 
highest  duty  of  a  citizen,  and  suffer  accordingly  in  public  estimation.  .  .  . 

I  write  this  in  great  hurry,  with  numbers  around  me,  and  exciting  and 
important  intelligence  constantly  repeated,  even  at  this  hour;  but  I  am 
none  the  less  in  earnest.  I  hope  to  hear  that  you  are  on  the  high  road  to 
the  «  General '  within  thirty  days.  Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


191 


Two  days  later  I  wrote  him : 


WASHINGTON,  Sunday,  April  14,  1861. 

DEAR  BROTHER:—  .  .  .  The  war  has  really  commenced.  You  will 
have  full  details  of  the  fall  of  Sumter.  We  are  on  the  eve  of  a  terrible 
war.  Every  man  will  have  to  choose  his  position.  You  fortunately  have 
the  military  education,  prominence,  and  character,  that  will  enable  you  to 
play  a  high  part  in  the  tragedy.  You  can't  avoid  taking  such  a  part.  Neu 
trality  and  indifference  are  impossible.  If  the  government  is  to  be  main 
tained,  it  must  be  by  military  power,  and  that  immediately.  You  can  choose 
your  own  place.  Some  of  your  best  friends  here  want  you  in  the  war 
department ;  Taylor,  Shiras,  and  a  number  of  others,  talk  to  me  so.  If  you 
want  that  place,  with  a  sure  prospect  of  promotion,  you  can  have  it,  but  you 
are  not  compelled  to  take  it ;  but  it  seems  to  me  you  will  be  compelled  to 
take  some  position,  and  that  speedily.  Can't  you  come  to  Ohio  and  at  once 
raise  a  regiment  ?  It  will  immediately  be  in  service.  The  administration 
intends  to  stand  or  fall  by  the  Union,  the  entire  Union,  and  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws.  I  look  for  preliminary  defeats,  for  the  rebels  have  arms, 
organization,  unity ;  but  this  advantage  will  not  last  long.  The  government 
will  maintain  itself  or  our  northern  people  are  the  veriest  poltroons  that 
ever  disgraced  humanity. 

For  me,  I  am  for  a  war  that  will  either  establish  or  overthrow  the  gov 
ernment  and  will  purify  the  atmosphere  of  political  life.  We  need  such  a 
war,  and  we  have  it  now.  .  .  .  Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

He  wrote  in  reply : 

"  The  time  will  come  in  this  country  when  professional  knowledge  will 
be  appreciated,  when  men  that  can  be  trusted  will  be  wanted,  and  I  will 
bide  my  time.  I  may  miss  the  chance;  if  so,  all  right ;  but  I  cannot  and 
will  not  mix  myself  in  this  present  call. 

"  The  first  movements  of  the  government  will  fail  and  the  leaders  will 
be  cast  aside.  A  second  or  third  set  will  rise,  and  among  them  I  may  be, 
but  at  present  I  will  not  volunteer  as  a  soldier  or  anything  else.  If  Con 
gress  meet,  or  if  a  national  convention  be  called,  and  the  regular  army  be 
put  on  a  footing  with  the  wants  of  the  country,  if  I  am  offered  a  place  that 
suits  me,  I  may  accept.  But  in  the  present  call  I  will  not  volunteer." 

He  criticised  the  call  for  75,000  militia  for  three  months, 
saying  that  the  best  of  men  could  only  be  made  indifferent  sol 
diers  in  three  months,  and  that  the  best  of  soldiers  could  ac 
complish  nothing  in  three  months  in  such  a  country  as  ours. 
He  therefore  would  not  volunteer  for  such  a  service,  but  his 
mind  was  occupied  with  military  plans.  The  correspondence 


RECOLLECTIONS 

between  us  shows  that  he  had  a  better  conception  of  the  mag 
nitude  and  necessities  of  the  war  than  civilians  like  myself. 

He  wrote  to  Mr.  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  from  St.  Louis, 
on  May  8,  1861 : 

"I  hold  myself  now,  as  always,  prepared  to  serve  my  country  in  the 
capacity  for  which  I  was  trained.  I  did  not  and  will  not  volunteer  for 
three  months,  because  I  cannot  throw  my  family  on  the  cold  support  of 
charity,  but  for  the  three  years'  call  made  by  the  President  an  officer  could 
prepare  his  command  and  do  good  service.  I  will  not  volunteer,  because, 
rightfully  or  wrongfully,  I  feel  myself  unwilling  to  take  a  mere  private's 
place,  and  having  for  many  years  lived  in  California  and  Louisiana,  the 
men  are  not  well  enough  acquainted  with  me  to  elect  me  to  my  appro 
priate  place.  Should  my  services  be  needed,  the  record  or  the  war  depart 
ment  will  enable  you  to  designate  the  station  in  which  I  can  render  best 
service." 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  President,  there  was  no  gen 
eral  feeling  among  the  northern  people  that  war  would  result 
from  his  election.  It  was  not  believed,  although  it  had  been 
threatened,  that  the  southern  states  would  take  up  arms  to  re 
sist  the  accession  of  a  President  not  of  their  choice.  The  love 
of  Union  and  the  orderly  obedience  to  constituted  authority 
had  been  so  well  established  among  our  people  that,  while  poli 
ticians  might  threaten,  but  few  really  believed  that  war,  of 
which  they  knew  nothing,  was  to  come  upon  us.  The  result 
was  that  when  the  southern  states,  one  by  one,  seceded,  and 
Fort  Sumter  was  fired  upon,  and  the  forts  and  arsenals  of  the 
south  were  captured,  a  new  inspiration  dawned  upon  the  peo 
ple  of  the  north,  a  determination  became  general  that,  cost  what 
it  would,  the  Union  should  be  preserved  to  our  children  and  our 
children's  children.  That  feeling  was  not  confined  to  party 
lines.  I  am  bound  to  say  that  the  members  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  loyal  States,  in  the  main,  evinced  the  same  patri 
otic  determination  to  maintain  the  cause  of  the  Union,  as 
those  of  the  Republican  party.  Their  sons  and  their  kindred 
formed  part  of  every  regiment  or  force  raised  in  the  United 
States. 

At  this  distance  of  time  from  the  opening  of  the  Civil  War, 
I  have  endeavored  to  take  an  impartial  retrospect  of  the 
causes  that  led  the  south  to  engage  therein.  Undoubtedly,  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  193 

existence  of  negro  slavery  in  the  south  was  the  governing  in 
citement  to  war.  The  owners  of  slaves  knew  that  the  tenure 
of  such  property  was  feeble.  Besides  the  danger  of  escape, 
there  was  the  growing  hostility  to  slavery  in  a  preponderance 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  restrained  only  by  its  recog 
nition  by  the  constitution.  The  slave  owners  believed  that, 
by  secession,  they  could  establish  a  republic,  founded  on  slav 
ery,  with  an  ample  field  in  Mexico  and  Central  America  for 
conquest  and  expansion.  They  had  cultivated  a  bitter  sectional 
enmity,  amounting  to  contempt,  for  the  people  of  the  north, 
growing  partly  out  of  the  subserviency  of  large  portions  of  the 
north  to  the  dictation  of  the  south,  but  chiefly  out  of  the  wordy 
violence  and  disregard  of  constitutional  obligations  by  the 
Abolitionists  of  the  north.  They  believed  in  the  doctrine  of  an 
irrepressible  conflict  long  before  it  was  announced  by  Seward. 

South  Carolina,  far  in  advance  of  other  southern  states,  led 
in  promulgating  the  legal  rights  of  secession,  until  they  came 
to  be  acquiesced  in  by  all  these  states.  They  committed  them 
selves  to  it  in  the  Charleston  convention.  Their  speakers  de 
clared,  during  the  canvass,  that  if  Lincoln  was  elected,  their 
states  would  secede.  When  elected,  the  first  gun  was  fired  on 
Fort  Sumter,  in  South  Carolina,  where  all  the  people  were 
determined  on  war.  The  struggle  once  commenced,  the  natu 
ral  sympathy  of  the  southern  states  was  with  South  Carolina. 
The  States  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee,  where  a 
strong  Union  sentiment  prevailed,  hesitated  and  delayed,  but 
the  young  and  active  spirits  were  with  the  south,  and  these 
carried  the  states  named  into  the  general  conflict.  Once  in 
the  war,  there  was  no  way  but  to  fight  it  out.  I  have  no  sym 
pathy  with  secession,  but  I  can  appreciate  the  action  of 
those  who  were  born  and  reared  under  the  influence  of  such 
teachings.  Who  of  the  north  can  say,  that  in  like  conditions, 
he  would  not  have  been  a  rebel? 

Looking  back  from  my  standpoint  now,  when  all  the  states 
are  re-united  in  a  stronger  Union^  when  Union  and  Confeder 
ate  soldiers  are  acting  together  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  in 
legislating  for  the  common  good,  when,  since  1861,  our  coun 
try  has  more  than  doubled  its  population  and  quadrupled  its 


S— 13 


RECOLLECTIONS 

resources,  when  its  institutions  have  been  harmonized  by  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  when  the  seceding  states  are  entering  into 
a  friendly  and  hopeful  rivalry,  in  the  development  of  their 
great  resources,  when  they  have  doubled  or  trebled  their  pro 
duction  of  cotton,  when  they  are  producing  the  greater  part  of 
their  food,  when  they  are  developing  their  manufactures  of 
iron  and  steel,  and  introducing  the  spindle  and  loom  into  their 
cities  and  villages,  it  seems  to  me  that  men  of  the  south  surely 
will  appreciate,  if  they  do  not  approve,  what  I  said  in  the  Sen 
ate  early  in  the  war: 

"  I  would  stake  the  last  life,  the  last  dollar,  the  last  man,  upon  the 
prosecution  of  the  war.  Indeed,  I  cannot  contemplate  the  condition  of  my 
country  if  it  shall  be  dissevered  and  divided.  Take  the  loyal  states  as  they 
now  stand  and  look  at  the  map  of  the  United  States,  and  regard  two  hostile 
confederacies  stretching  along  for  thousands  of  miles  across  the  continent. 
Do  you  not  know  that  the  normal  condition  of  such  a  state  of  affairs  would 
be  eternal,  everlasting  war  ?  Two  nations  of  the  same  blood,  of  the  same 
lineage,  of  the  same  spirit,  cannot  occupy  the  same  continent,  much  less 
standing  side  by  side  as  rival  nations,  dividing  rivers  and  mountains  for 
their  boundary.  No,  Mr.  president,  rather  than  allow  this  war  to  terminate 
except  upon  the  restoration  of  the  Union  intact  in  all  its  breadth  and  length, 
I  would  sacrifice  the  last  man  and  see  the  country  itself  submerged. 

"  Rather  than  yield  to  traitors  or  the  intervention  of  foreign  powers, 
rather  than  bequeath  to  the  next  generation  a  broken  Union,  and  an  inter 
minable  civil  war,  I  would  light  the  torch  of  fanaticism  and  destroy  all  that 
the  labor  of  two  generations  has  accumulated.  Better  a  desert  and  univer 
sal  poverty  than  disunion  ;  better  the  war  of  the  French  Revolution  than  an 
oligarchy  founded  upon  the  labor  of  slaves.  But,  sir,  there  is  no  need  of 
this.  The  resources,  wealth,  and  labor  of  twenty  millions  of  freemen  are 
amply  sufficient  to  meet  not  only  the  physical,  but  financial,  difficulties  of 
the  war.  Thank  God  !  the  test  to  which  all  nations  in  the  course  of  their 
history  are  subjected,  is  applied  to  us  when  we  have  an  insignificant  na 
tional  debt ;  when  our  resources  were  never  more  manifest ;  when  the  loyal 
states  are  so  thoroughly  united ;  when  our  people  are  filled  with  a  generous 
enthusiasm  that  will  make  the  loss  of  life  and  burden  of  taxation  easy  to 
bear.  If  we  conquer  a  peace  by  preserving  the  Union,  the  constitution, 
our  nationality,  all  our  ample  territories,  the  rebound  of  prosperity  in  this 
country  will  enable  a  single  generation  easily  to  pay  the  national  debt, 
even  if  the  war  is  protracted  until  desolation  is  written  upon  every  rebel 
hearthstone." 

This,  I  believe,  expressed  the  spirit  and  determination  of 
the  loyal  states  of  the  north,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

With  opinions  so  widely  divergent  in  the  two  sections,  and 
with  a  fixed  purpose  of  each  to  stand  by  them,  there  was  no 
way  that  poor  frail  human  nature  could  devise  to  decide  the 
controversy  except  to  fight. 

From  the  graves  of  the  dead,  who  fought  on  opposite  sides 
for  their  country  or  their  state,  there  has  been  a  resurrection, 
honorable  to  both  sections,  a  Union  stronger,  more  united  and 
glorious  than  the  Union  established  by  our  fathers,  and  with  a 
rebound  of  prosperity  greater  than  we  could  conceive  of  in 
1862.  This  war,  though  fearful  in  the  sacrifice  of  property 
and  life,  has  resulted  in  a  better  understanding  among  the 
people  of  both  sections.  Each  has  for  the  other  a  higher 
respect  and  regard.  I  sincerely  hope  and  believe  in  the  good 
time  coming  when  sectional  lines  will  not  divide  political  par 
ties,  and  common  interests  and  a  broader  nationality  will  have 
destroyed  sectional  feeling  and  jealousy. 

As  the  result  of  the  war  we  command  the  respect  of  all  for 
eign  nations.  The  United  States,  as  a  great  republic,  has  be 
come  an  example  already  followed  by  European  nations.  It 
has  at  least  secured  the  respect  and  forbearance  of  the  ruling 
class  in  Great  Britain,  who  never  forgot  or  forgave  the  rebel 
lion  of  our  ancestors  against  King  George  III  and  the  parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain.  It  has  stamped  the  language,  the  laws, 
and  the  boasted  freedom  of  Englishmen,  upon  a  population 
double  that  in  the  mother  country,  and  they,  in  turn,  are  tak 
ing  lessons  from  us  in  extending  to  their  people  equality  of 
rights  and  privileges. 

I  remained  in  Washington  a  few  days  and  then  started  for 
my  home  at  Mansfield,  to  encourage  enlistments,  but  found 
that  no  help  was  needed;  that  companies  were  enlisted  in  a 
day.  One  was  recruited  by  William  McLaughlin,  a  gallant 
soldier  in  the  war  in  Mexico,  a  major  general  of  Ohio  militia 
who  had  arrived  at  the  age  of  sixty  years.  He  dropped  his  law 
books  and  in  twelve  hours  had  a  company  of  one  hundred  men 
ready  to  move  at  the  command  of  the  governor.  A  like  pa 
triotism  was  aroused  in  all  parts  of  the  state,  so  that  in  a  very 
short  time  two  full  regiments,  numbering  2,000  men,  were  or 
ganized  under  the  command  of  Colonel  A.  McD.  McCook,  of  the 


RECOLLECTIONS 

United  States  army,  and  were  on  the  way  to  Washington,  then 
blockaded  by  the  roughs  of  Baltimore.  I  met  them  at  Harris- 
burg  and  went  with  them  to  Philadelphia.  They  were  camped 
at  Fairmont  Park,  and  were  drilled  with  other  regiments  by 
Colonel  Fitz  John  Porter,  the  entire  force  being  under  the  com 
mand  of  General  Patterson. 

When  the  blockade  was  opened,  by  the  skill  and  audacity  of 
General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  the  two  Ohio  regiments  were  or 
dered  to  Washington  and  were  there  reviewed  by  President  Lin 
coln,  at  which  time  a  pleasant  incident  occurred  which  may  be 
worthy  of  mention.  I  accompanied  the  President  to  the  parade, 
and  passed  with  him  down  the  line.  He  noticed  a  venerable 
man  with  long  white  hair  and  military  bearing,  standing  in  posi 
tion  at  the  head  of  his  company  with  arms  presented,  and  in 
quired  his  name.  I  said  it  was  General  McLaughlin  and  hur 
riedly  told  him  his  history,  his  politics  and  patriotism.  The 
President,  as  he  came  opposite  him,  stopped,  and  leaving  his 
party  advanced  to  McLaughlin  and  extended  his  hand.  Mc 
Laughlin,  surprised,  had  some  difficulty  in  putting  his  sword 
under  his  left  arm.  They  shook  hands  and  Lincoln  thanked  him, 
saying  when  men  of  his  age  and  standing  came  to  the  rescue  of 
their  country  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  our  success.  McLaugh 
lin  highly  appreciated  this  compliment.  He  afterwards  en 
listed  for  the  war  and  died  in  the  service  of  his  country. 

These  two  regiments  were  subsequently  ordered  to  Harris- 
burg,  to  which  place  they  went,  accompanied  by  me,  and  there 
they  formed  a  part  of  the  command  of  General  Patterson,  which 
was  to  advance  on  Martinsburg  and  Winchester  to  aid  in  a 
movement  of  General  McDowell  against  the  enemy  at  Bull 
Run.  I  was  serving  on  the  staff  of  General  Patterson  as  a  vol 
unteer  aid  without  pay.  While  at  Harrisburg  it  was  suggested 
to  me  that  ex-President  Buchanan,  then  at  his  country  home 
near  that  city,  had  expressed  a  wish  to  see  me.  As  our  per 
sonal  relations  had  always  been  pleasant,  though  our  political 
opinions  were  widely  different,  I  called  upon  him,  I  think  with 
Colonel  Porter,  and  we  were  cordially  received.  I  was  sur 
prised  at  the  frankness  and  apparent  sincerity  of  the  opinions 
expressed  by  him  in  relation  to  the  war.  He  said  he  had  done 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  197 

all  he  could  to  prevent  the  war,  but  now  that  it  was  upon  us  it 
was  the  duty  of  all  patriotic  people  to  make  it  a  success,  that 
he  approved  all  that  had  been  done  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  of  whom 
he  spoke  in  high  terms  of  praise.  I  believe  he  was  sincere 
in  the  opinions  he  then  expressed,  and  know  of  nothing  said  or 
done  by  him  since  that  time  that  could  create  a  doubt  of  his 
sincerity. 

About  the  middle  of  June  the  command  of  General  Patter 
son  moved  slowly  to  Chambersburg,  where  it  remained  several 
days  under  constant  drill,  then  to  Hagerstown  and  to  the  vil 
lage  of  Williamsport  on  the  Potomac.  While  at  the  latter 
place  General  Sherman,  who  had  been  at  Washington  and 
received  his  commission  as  colonel  of  the  13th  United  States 
infantry,  then  being  recruited,  came  to  visit  me  at  my  lodg 
ings  in  a  country  tavern.  He  then  met  for  the  first  time 
in  many  years  his  old  classmate,  Colonel,  afterwards  Major-Gen- 
eral,  George  H.  Thomas,  who  then  commanded  a  regular  regi 
ment  of  the  United  States  army  in  the  force  under  the 
command  of  General  Patterson.  The  conversation  of  these 
two  officers,  who  were  to  be  so  intimately  associated  in  great 
events  in  the  future,  was  very  interesting.  They  got  a  big  map 
of  the  United  States,  spread  it  on  the  floor,  and  on  their  hands 
and  knees  discussed  the  probable  salient  strategic  places  of 
the  war.  They  singled  out  Richmond,  Vicksburg,  Nashville, 
Knoxville  and  Chattanooga.  To  me  it  has  always  appeared 
strange  that  they  were  able  confidently  and  correctly  to  desig 
nate  the  lines  of  operations  and  strategic  points  of  a  war  not 
yet  commenced,  and  more  strange  still  that  they  should  be 
leading  actors  in  great  battles  at  the  places  designated  by  them 
at  this  country  tavern. 

The  next  day  General  Thomas  crossed  the  river  into  Vir 
ginia,  but  the  order  was  soon  countermanded,  it  is  said,  by 
General  Scott,  and  General  Thomas  returned  to  the  north  bank 
of  the  Potomac.  General  Sherman  returned  to  Washington  to 
drill  his  raw  troops  for  the  battle  of  Bull  Eun.  I  soon  after  re 
turned  by  stage  to  Frederick,  Maryland,  to  take  my  seat  in  the 
Senate,  Congress  having  been  convened  to  meet  in  special 
session  on  the  4th  of  July. 


CHAPTER  X. 
SPECIAL  SESSION  OF  CONGRESS  TO  PROVIDE  FOR  THE  WAR. 

Condition  of  the  Treasury  Immediately  Preceding  the  War  — Not  Enough  Money 
on  Hand  to  Pay   Members   of   Congress  —  Value  of  Fractional  Silver   of 
Earlier   Coinage  —  Largely   Increased    Revenues    an    Urgent    Neces 
sity— Lincoln's  Message  and  Appeal  to  the  People  —  Issue  of 
New  Treasury  Notes  and  Bonds  —  Union  Troops  on 
the  Potomac  —  Battle  of   Bull  Run— Organ 
ization   of  the  "Sherman  Brigade"  — 
The   President's   Timely  Aid  — 
Personnel  oftheBriga.de. 

TO  understand  the  measures  to  be  submitted  to  Congress 
at  its  approaching  session,  it  is  necessary  to  have  a 
clear  conception  of  the  condition  of  the  treasury  at 
that  time,  and  of  the   established  financial  policy  of 
the  government  immediately  before  the  war. 

On  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  1860,  the  treasury 
was  empty.  There  was  not  enough  money  even  to  pay 
Members  of  Congress.  The  revenues  were  not  sufficient  to 
meet  the  demands  for  ordinary  expenditures  in  time  of  peace. 
Since  1857  money  had  been  borrowed  by  the  sale  of  bonds  and 
the  issue  of  treasury  notes  bearing  interest,  to  meet  deficien 
cies.  The  public  debt  had  increased  during  the  administration 
of  Mr.  Buchanan  about  $70,000,000.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Howell  Cobb,  resigned  on  the  10th  of  December,  1860, 
declaring  that  his  duty  to  Georgia  required  such  action.  He 
had  aided  in  every  possible  way  to  cripple  the  department 
while  in  charge  of  it. 

On  the  16th  of  the  same  month  Congress  authorized  the 
issue  of  $10,000,000  treasury  notes,  to  bear  interest  at  the 
lowest  rate  bid.  On  the  18th  Secretary  Philip  F.  Thomas,  Mr. 
Cobb's  successor,  invited  bids  for  $5,000,000  of  treasury  notes, 
part  of  the  $10,000,000  authorized,  at  par,  at  the  rate  of  interest 

(198) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  199 

offered  by  the  lowest  bidder.  Offers  at  12  per  cent,  or  less 
were  made  for  $1,831,000  (the  bulk  of  the  offers  being  at  12 
per  cent.),  which  were  accepted  and  additional  offers  were  re 
ceived  at  interest  varying  from  15  to  36  per  cent.,  but  were 
refused.  Immediately  after  the  decision  of  the  department 
on  these  offers  was  announced,  the  assistant  treasurer  at 
New  York  advised  the  secretary  that  certain  parties  would 
take  the  residue  of  the  $5,000,000  offered,  through  the 
Bank  of  Commerce,  at  12  per  cent.  This  proposition  was 
accepted,  on  condition  that  the  amount  required  to  make  up 
the  five  millions  should  be  deposited  without  delay.  The 
whole  amount  was  applied  to  the  payment  of  overdue  treasury 
notes  and  other  pressing  demands  on  the  treasury. 

Secretary  Thomas  resigned  on  the  llth  of  January,  1861, 
and  John  A.  Dix  became  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  In 
answer  to  my  inquiry  Secretary  Dix,  in  an  official  letter, 
dated  January  18,  1861,  stated  the  terms  of  the  sale  of 
treasury  notes  and  that:  "  The  amount  required  to  meet 
the  outstanding  current  and  accruing  dues  before  the  close 
of  the  present  fiscal  year,  besides  any  additional  charges  on 
the  treasury  created  by  legislation  during  the  present  ses 
sion  of  Congress,  is  $44,077,524.63."  He  recommended  a  fur 
ther  issue  of  $25,000,000  of  bonds,  and  suggested  that  the  states 
which  had  received  deposits  under  the  act  for  the  distribution 
of  surplus  revenue  in  General  Jackson's  time  might  be  called 
upon  to  rehirn  such  deposits,  and  added:  "If,  instead  of  calling 
for  these  deposits,  it  should  be  deemed  advisable  to  pledge  them 
for  the  repayment  of  any  money  the  government  might  find  it 
necessary  to  borrow,  a  loan  contracted  on  such  a  basis  of  secu 
rity,  superadding  to  the  plighted  faith  of  the  United  States  that 
of  the  individual  states,  could  hardly  fail  to  be  acceptable  to 
capitalists." 

In  this  connection  I  received  the  following  note  : 

TREASURY   DEPARTMENT,  February  6,  1861. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAR  SIR  : — I  send  a  preamble  and  resolution,  and  a  letter  to  your 
governor.  Will  you  read  and  send  them  at  once  ?  You,  as  a  Member 
of  Congress,  can  say  what  I  cannot  with  propriety  — that  no  states  which 


200  RECOLLECTIONS 

guarantee  bonds  of  the  United  States  to  the  amount  of  the  public  moneys 
in  its  hands,  will  be  likely  to  be  called  on  to  repay  those  moneys — at  all 
events  during  the  twenty  years  the  bonds  of  the  United  States  will  run. 

I  am  truly  yours,  JOHN  A.   Dix. 

P.  S. — I  cannot  put  out  my  notice  for  a  loan  till  your  state  acts,  and 
the  time  is  very  short. 

Subsequently  I  received  the  following  letter: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  February  11,  1861,  7  p.  m. 
DEAR  SIR  : — My  plan  for  raising  money  to  meet  the  outstanding  liabili 
ties  of  the  government,  and  to  enable  the  incoming  administration  to  carry 
on  its  financial  operations  without  embarrassment  till  it  shall  have  time  to 
mature  a  plan  for  itself,  has  met  with  an  obstacle  quite  unexpected  to  me. 
The  committee  of  wrays  and  means  in  the  House  has  declined  to  report  a 
bill  to  authorize  me  to  accept  the  guaranties  voluntarily  tendered  by  the 
states.  Mr.  Spaulding,  of  New  York,  and  Mr.  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  I  learn, 
have  objections.  Unless  they  withdraw  their  opposition  the  bill  cannot  be 
reported,  and  the  plan  must  fail.  In  that  case  I  shall  not  deem  it  proper  to 
ask  for  a  loan  of  more  than  two  millions  to  meet  the  redemption  of  treasury 
notes,  which  fall  due  before  the  4th  of  March.  The  state  of  the  country  is 
such  that  a  larger  amount  thrown  on  the  market  would  have  a  most  disas 
trous  influence  on  the  public  credit.  I  do  not  think  I  can  borrow  two  mil 
lions  at  more  than  90  per  cent.  With  a  guaranty  such  as  the  states  have 
offered,  I  can  get  eight  millions  at  par.  The  alternative  is  to  authorize  me 
to  accept  the  guaranty,  or  leave  the  treasury  with  scarcely  anything  in  it  and 
with  outstanding  demands,  some  of  them  very  pressing,  of  at  least  six  mil 
lions  of  dollars,  for  you  and  your  political  friends  to  provide  for.  If  any 
thing  is  done  it  should  be  to-morrow,  as  I  ought  to  publish  the  notice  on 
Wednesday.  Perhaps  you  can  see  the  gentlemen  referred  to  to-night  and 
remove  their  objections.  I  am,  very  truly,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  A.  Dix. 

On  the  8th  of  February,  1861,  a  bill  became  a  law  providing 
for  the  sale  of  $20,000,000  six  per  cent,  bonds,  and  these  were 
sold  at  the  rate  of  $89.10  for  $100,  yielding  $18,415,000. 

Such  was  the  humiliating  financial  condition  of  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  at  the  close  of  Mr.  Buchanan's 
administration.  The  expenditures  of  the  government  for  the 
fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1861,  were  $84,577,258.60,  of  which 
$42,064,082.95  was  procured  from  loans  and  treasury  notes, 
leaving  a  balance  in  the  treasury,  at  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year 
1861,  of  $2,395,635.21.  This  condition  still  existed  when  Con 
gress  subsequently  met  in  special  session. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  201 

Under  the  sub-treasury  laws  then  in  force,  the  revenues  of 
the  government  were  received  and  held  only  in  the  treasury  at 
Washington,  and  in  sub-treasuries  located  in  a  few  of  the  prin 
cipal  cities  of  the  United  States,  and  could  be  paid  out  only 
upon  the  draft  of  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States,  drawn 
agreeably  to  appropriations  made  by  law.  No  money  could  be 
received  into  the  treasury  except  gold  and  silver  coin  of  the 
United  States,  and  such  treasury  notes  as  were  receivable  for 
bonds.  State  bank  notes  were  not  received  for  government 
dues.  This  exclusion  grew  out  of  the  general  failure  of  banks 
after  the  War  of  1812  and  the  panic  of  1837,  and  had  caused  the 
outcry  in  1840  of :  "Gold  for  the  office  holders;  rags  for  the 
people."  But  this  policy  of  the  government  to  receive  only  its 
own  coin  or  notes  was  sustained  by  popular  opinion. 

Silver  dollars  were  not  in  circulation  in  1861.  Their  issue 
was  provided  for  at  the  beginning  of  our  government,  but,  as 
they  were  most  of  the  time  more  valuable  than  gold  coin  of 
like  face  value,  they  were  hoarded  or  exported.  Their  coinage 
was  suspended  by  an  order  of  President  Jefferson  in  1805,  and 
after  this  order  only  1,300  silver  dollars  were  coined  by  the 
United  States  prior  to  1836.  From  1836  to  1861  silver  dollars 
wrere  coined  in  small  quantities,  the  aggregate  being  less  than 
one  and  one-half  million,  and  they  were  generally  exported. 
It  is  probable  that  when  Mr.  Chase  became  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  there  was  not  in  the  United  States  one  thousand  sil 
ver  dollars.  In  1853,  and  prior  to  that  year,  fractional  silver 
coins  were  worth  for  bullion  more  than  their  face  value,  and, 
therefore,  did  not  circulate.  Small  change  was  scarce,  and  frac 
tional  notes,  called  "  shinplasters,"  were  issued  in  many  parts 
of  the  United  States.  Mexican  coin,  debased  and  worn,  was  in 
circulation.  To  remedy  this  evil,  Congress,  by  the  act  of  Feb 
ruary  21,  1853,  during  Pierce's  administration,  prescribed  the 
weight  of  the  silver  half  dollar  as  192  grains  instead  of  206J 
grains,  fixed  by  the  coinage  act  of  1792,  and  the  weight  of  the 
quarter,  dime  and  half  dime  of  silver  was  reduced  in  the  same 
proportion.  As  these  new  coins  were  less  valuable  than  gold 
at  the  rate  coined,  they  were  made  a  legal  tender  in  payment 
of  debts  only  for  sums  not  exceeding  five  dollars.  The  silver 


200  RECOLLECTIONS 

bullion  for  these  coins  was  purchased  at  market  value,  and  the 
privilege  theretofore  granted  to  a  depositor  of  silver  bullion  to 
have  it  coined  for  him  was  repealed.  This  law  had  the  benefi 
cial  effect  of  driving  out  of  circulation  "  shinplasters  "  and  worn 
coins,  and  supplied  in  ample  quantity  new  full  weight  silver 
coins  of  handsome  device,  the  government  receiving  the  profit 
of  the  difference  between  the  market  value  of  the  silver  and 
its  coinage  value.  Under  this  law  the  coinage  of  silver  rapidly 
increased,  so  that,  within  two  years  after  the  passage  of  the  act 
of  1853,  more  silver  was  converted  into  fractional  coins  and 
was  in  active  use  among  the  people  than  was  contained  in  all 
the  silver  dollars  coined  under  "  free  coinage  "  from  the  begin 
ning  of  the  government  to  1878. 

While  silver  was  thus  made  useful  to  the  fullest  extent  pos 
sible,  it  was,  from  its  weight  and  bulk,  inadequate  and  incon 
venient  for  the  vast  demands  o*f  the  government  during  the 
the  war.  Silver  and  gold  together  could  not  meet  this  demand. 
There  was  known  to  be  in  the  country  at  that  time,  of  specie 
in  circulation,  $250,000,000,  of  state  bank  notes,  $180,000,000,  in 
all  $430,000,000.  This  amount,  experience  had  shown,  was 
necessary  to  meet  exchanges  in  ordinary  times  of  peace.  The 
disturbance  of  a  civil  war  would  likely  stimulate  production 
for  a  time  and  require  even  more  circulation  for  current  busi 
ness.  This  circulation,  if  drawn  from  its  ordinary  channels, 
would  bring  no  end  of  confusion  and  distress  to  the  people,  and 
the  government,  to  meet  the  demand  occasioned  by  carrying  on 
a  war,  must  look  elsewhere  for  a  circulating  medium  with  which 
to  meet  its  enormous  disbursements  which  must  necessarily  be 
made  almost  wholly  in  actual  cash — checks  being,  from  the 
character  of  the  payments,  of  little  avail. 

There  was  no  escaping  the  issue  of  credit  money  in  some 
form,  and  of  whatever  form  adopted  we  knew  that  gold  and 
silver  would  soon  disappear  under  the  shadow  of  war — that 
they  would  be  hoarded  or  exported. 

This  is  the  universal  result  of  great  wars  long  protracted.  It 
was  our  experience  during  our  Revolution  and  the  War  of  1812, 
and  of  Great  Britain  and  all  European  nations  during  the  Na 
poleonic  wars.  What  should  take  the  place  of  gold  and  silver 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


203 


for  currency?  The  only  answer  was  to  substitute  for  the  time 
the  notes  of  the  United  States,  with  all  the  sanction  and  credit 
which  the  republic  could  confer,  in  the  place  of  coin.  We 
could  not,  with  safety,  accept  bank  notes  issued  by  state  cor 
porations,  varying  in  terms  and  credit  according  to  the  laws  of 
twenty-three  separate  states. 

To  establish  a  credit  of  our  bonds  and  notes  these  measures 
at  least  were  necessary  :  First,  increase  largely  the  revenues 
from  customs  duties  to  be  paid  in  coin ;  second,  impose  all  forms 
of  internal  taxes  authorized  by  the  constitution  ;  third,  create 
a  national  currency  redeemable  in  coin,  with  no  fixed  time  for 
redemption,  but  made  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and 
private,  except  customs  duties  ;  fourth,  borrow  any  moneys 
needed  on  the  most  favorable  terms  possible. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1861,  the  Senate  convened  in  com 
pliance  with  the  proclamation  of  the  President,  from  whom  it 
received  a  message  containing  a  clear  statement  of  the  events 
that  followed  his  inaugural  address.  He  described  the  attack 
upon  Fort  Sumter  and  said  : 

"By  the  affair  at  Fort  Sumter,  with  its  surrounding  circumstances,  that 
point  was  reached.  Then  and  thereby  the  assailants  of  the  government 
began  the  conflict  of  arms,  without  a  gun  in  sight  or  in  expectancy  to  return 
their  fire,  save  only  the  few  in  the  fort,  sent  to  that  harbor  years  before  for 
their  own  protection*  and  still  ready  to  give  that  protection  in  whatever  was 
lawful.  In  this  act,  discarding  all  else,  they  have  forced  upon  the  country 
the  distinct  issue,  '  immediate  dissolution  or  blood.' 

"  And  this  issue  embraces  more  than  the  fate  of  these  United  States.  It 
presents  to  the  whole  family  of  man  the  question,  whether  a  constitutional 
republic,  or  democracy — a  government  of  the  people  by  the  same  people — 
can  or  cannot  maintain  its  territorial  integrity  against  its  own  domestic  foes. 
It  presents  the  question,  whether  discontented  individuals,  too  few  in  num 
bers  to  control  administration  according  to  organic  law  in  any  case,  can 
always,  upon  the  pretenses  made  in  this  case,  or  on  any  other  pretenses,  or 
arbitrarily,  without  any  pretense,  break  up  their  government,  and  thus  prac 
tically  put  an  end  to  free  government  upon  the  earth.  It  forces  us  to  ask: 
'  Is  there,  in  all  republics,  this  inherent  and  fatal  weakness?'  *  Must  a  govern 
ment,  of  necessity,  be  too  strong  for  the  liberties  of  its  own  people,  or  too 
weak  to  maintain  its  own  existence?' 

"  So  viewing  the  issue,  no  choice  was  left  but  to  call  out  the  war  power 
of  the  government  ;  and  so  to  resist  force  employed  for  its  destruction,  by 
force  for  its  preservation." 


•J04  RECOLLECTIONS 

He  closed  with  this  appeal  to  the  people : 

"  It  was  with  the  deepest  regret  that  the  Executive  found  the  duty  of 
employing  the  war  power  in  defense  of  the  government  forced  upon  him. 
He  could  but  perform  this  duty,  or  surrender  the  existence  of  the  govern 
ment.  No  compromise  by  public  servants  could  in  this  case  be  a  cure  ;  not 
that  compromises  are  not  often  proper,  but  that  no  popular  government  can 
lonf  survive  a  marked  precedent  that  those  who  carry  an  election  can  only 
save  the  government  from  immediate  destruction  by  giving  up  the  main 
point  upon  which  the  people  gave  the  election.  The  people  themselves,  and 
not  their  servants,  can  safely  reverse  their  own  deliberate  decisions. 

"  As  a  private  citizen,  the  Executive  could  not  have  consented  that 
these  institutions  shall  perish  ;  much  less  could  he,  in  betrayal  of  so  vast  and 
so  sacred  a  trust  as  these  free  people  have  confided  to  him.  He  felt  that  he 
had  no  moral  right  to  shrink,  or  even  to  count  the  chances  of  his  own  life,  in 
what  might  follow.  In  full  view  of  his  great  responsibility,  he  has,  so  far, 
done  what  he  has  deemed  his  duty.  You  will  now,  according  to  your  own 
judgment,  perform  yours.  He  sincerely  hopes  that  your  views  and  your 
action  may  so  accord  with  his  as  to  assure  all  faithful  citizens  who  have  been 
disturbed  in  their  rights  of  a  certain  and  speedy  restoration  to  them,  under 
the  constitution  and  the  laws. 

"  And  having  thus  chosen  our  course,  without  guile  and  with  pure  pur 
pose,  let  us  renew  our  trust  in  God,  and  go  forward  without  fear  and  with 
manly  hearts." 

Secretary  Chase  also  submitted  to  Congress,  on  the  first  day 
of  the  session,  a  clear  statement  of  the  financial  condition  of 
the  United  States.  He  estimated  the  sum  needed  for  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June  30,  1862,  at  $318,519,581.  He  recommended 
a  large  increase  of  duties  on  imports,  especially  upon  such 
articles  as  were  then  free  from  duty;  also  a  direct  tax  of  $20,- 
000,000,  to  be  apportioned  among  the  states  according  to 
population;  also  a  tax  on  distilled  spirits,  ale,  beer,  tobacco, 
bank  notes,  and  other  articles  of  domestic  production.  He 
also  suggested  that  the  property  of  those  engaged  in  insurrec 
tion  or  in  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  insurgents  should  be  made 
to  contribute  to  the  expenditures  made  necessary  by  their 
criminal  misconduct.  As  the  receipts  from  taxation  would 
still  be  inadequate  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  war,  he  dis 
cussed  the  best  mode  and  form  of  borrowing  money,  including 
bonds  running  for  a  long  period  with  a  fixed  rate  of  interest, 
and  treasury  notes  bearing  interest,  payable  on  demand. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  205 

Kansas  having  recently  been  admitted  into  the  Union, 
twenty-three  states  were  represented  in  the  Senate  by  forty-six 
Senators.  Eleven  states  being  in  open  war  against  the  United 
States,  twenty-one  of  their  Senators  withdrew,  but  Andrew 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  denying  the  validity  of  the  secession  of 
his  state,  remained  in  the  Senate,  making  the  total  of  Senators 
forty-seven.  Some  of  these  Senators  were  new  in  congres 
sional  life,  and  some  had  been  transferred  from  the  House  of 
Representatives.  This  transfer  of  a  Member,  though  eagerly 
sought,  is  not  for  a  time  agreeable.  However  conspicuous  the 
Member  may  have  been  in  the  House,  he  must  take  his  place 
in  the  Senate  at  the  bottom  of  the  ladder,  and,  according  to 
Senatorial  usage,  must  be  reasonably  modest  in  expressing  his 
opinions.  The  withdrawal  of  so  many  Senators  in  1861,  how 
ever,  gave  the  new  Members  better  positions  than  usual.  I 
was  assigned  to  the  committee  on  finance  and  on  naval  affairs. 

At  that  time  the  committee  on  finance  had  charge  of  all  bills 
appropriating  money  for  the  support  of  the  government,  all  tax 
or  revenue  bills,  all  loan  and  coinage  bills,  and,  generally,  all 
bills  relating  to  the  treasury  department,  and  to  the  finances  of 
the  government.  It  was  soon  manifest  that,  in  view  of  the 
war,  and  the  enormous  sums  required  to  conduct  it,  the  task  of 
the  committee  would  be  a  Herculean  one,  and  that  the  labor 
required  would  fall  chiefly  on  Mr.  Fessenden,  the  chairman  of 
the  committee,  and,  I  may  with  due  modesty  add,  myself.  My 
former  position  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  as  chairman 
of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  and  my  personal  associa 
tion  with  Secretary  Chase,  with  whom  I  was  intimate,  led  to 
my  taking  an  active  part  in  financial  legislation,  which  was 
considered  my  specialty.  Congress,  in  substantial  conformity 
with  the  recommendations  of  Secretary  Chase,  passed  the  act 
to  authorize  a  loan  which  was  approved  July  17,  1861,  provid 
ing  for  the  issue  of  $250,000,000  of  bonds  running  twenty  years, 
bearing  not  exceeding  seven  per  cent,  interest,  or  treasury 
notes  for  not  less  than  fifty  dollars  each,  bearing  interest  at  not 
less  than  seven  and  three-tenths  per  cent,  annually,  and  paya 
ble  in  three  years,  and  treasury  notes  of  less  denomination  than 
fifty  dollars,  not  bearing  interest  and  not  exceeding  $50,000,000, 


RECOLLECTIONS 

payable  on  demand,  and  commonly  known  as  demand  notes. 
We  knew  that  this  act  was  entirely  inadequate  for  the  great 
struggle  before  us.  The  problem  was  not  whether  we  could 
muster  men,  but  whether  we  could  raise  money.  We  had  to 
create  a  system  of  finance  that  would  secure  an  enlarged  reve 
nue,  unquestioned  credit,  absolute  certainty  of  payment  of 
interest  in  coin,  a  national  currency,  and  such  economy  as  is 
possible  during  war. 

The  first  feeble  attempt  to  create  a  national  currency  was 
the  issue  of  demand  notes  under  the  act  of  July  17,  1861, 
described  as  follows: 

"And  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  also  issue,  in  exchange  for 
coin,  and  as  part  of  the  above  loan,  or  may  pay  for  salaries  or  other  dues 
from  the  United  States,  treasury  notes  of  a  less  denomination  than  fifty 
dollars,  not  bearing  interest,  but  payable  on  demand  by  the  assistant  treas 
urer  of  the  United  States,  at  Philadelphia,  New  York  or  Boston." 

The  fatal  defect  of  these  notes  was  the  promise  to  pay  on 
demand.  How  could  they  be  paid?  In  what  kind  of  money? 
They  could  not  be  paid  out  of  the  current  revenue,  for  that 
was  insufficient  to  meet  current  expenses.  No  reserve  was 
provided  for  their  payment,  and,  when  paid,  there  was  no 
authority  for  their  re-issue.  All  other  forms  of  securities  bore 
interest,  and  these  notes,  not  bearing  interest,  were  convertible 
into  bonds  and  that  was  the  end  of  them.  If  that  was  the  proc 
ess  why  issue  them  at  all?  They  did  not  prevent,  but  rather 
expedited,  the  disappearance  of  gold.  Of  American  silver 
dollars  there  were  none.  Even  the  new  fractional  silver  coins 
rose  to  a  premium,  and  were  hoarded  or  exported.  Still,  the 
necessity  existed  for  some  form  of  paper  money  that  would  be 
available  for  circulation.  The  solution  of  this  problem  was 
properly  left  to  the  next  regular  session  of  Congress. 

Congress  did  not  act  upon  the  recommendations  for  internal 
taxes,  but  this  subject  was  also  left  over  until  the  next  session. 
It  did  provide,  however,  for  a  large  increase  of  revenue  from 
imports,  mainly  upon  articles  that  were  then  free  from  taxa 
tion  and  upon  articles  regarded  as  luxuries  ;  also  for  a  direct 
tax  on  the  states  of  $20,000,000,  and  for  a  graded  tax,  from  and 
after  the  first  day  of  January,  1862,  upon  the  annual  income 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  207 

of  every  person  residing  in  the  United  States,  from  whatever 
source  the  income  should  be  derived ;  if  such  annual  income 
should  exceed  the  sum  of  $800  a  tax  of  three  per  cent,  on  its 
excess  above  that  limit.  A  provision  was  made  reducing  the 
tax  on  incomes  from  treasury  notes  and  other  securities  of  the 
United  States  one-half.  The  tax  on  incomes  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States  residing  abroad  was  placed  at  five  per  cent.,  ex 
cept  on  that  portion  derived  from  interest  on  treasury  notes 
and  other  securities  of  the  United  States,  which  was  taxed 
one  and  one-half  per  cent. 

While  Congress  was  engaged  in  legislative  duties  in  Wash 
ington,  the  military  forces  of  the  Confederate  States  were  gath 
ering  in  Virginia,  with  the  principal  force  at  Manassas,  about 
twenty-five  miles  southwest  of  Washington,  under  the  com 
mand  of  General  Beauregard.  The  Union  troops,  composed 
mainly  of  three  months7  volunteers,  were  in  camp  occupying 
the  region  about  Washington  on  both  banks  of  the  Potomac 
River,  under  the  immediate  command  of  General  McDowell, 
but  with  Lieutenant  General  Scott  in  full  command.  I  fre 
quently  visited  the  Union  camps  where  the  soldiers,  fresh  from 
civil  life  and  confident  of  easy  success  over  the  "  rebels,"  were 
being  drilled.  The  cry  was,  " On  to  Richmond!"  They  could 
not  foresee  the  magnitude  of  the  task  they  had  undertaken.  I 
will  not  attempt  to  narrate  the  incidents  of  the  Battle  of  Bull 
Run.  I  knew  it  was  to  be  fought  on  Sunday,  the  21st  of  July. 
Soon  after  noon  of  that  day  I  mounted  my  horse,  and  with  James 
Rollins,  a  Member  of  Congress  from  Missouri,  called  on  Gen 
eral  Scott,  and  inquired  for  news  of  the  battle  then  going  on. 
He  told  us  he  was  quite  sure  of  a  favorable  result,  but  feared 
the  loss  of  his  gallant  officers  as,  the  troops  being  raw,  it  would 
be  necessary  for  their  officers  to  lead  them.  We  crossed  the 
pontoon  bridge  from  Georgetown,  and  then,  passing  by  Arling 
ton,  we  went  to  a  new  fort  on  the  main  road  from  the  Long 
Bridge.  As  we  approached  we  could  hear  the  distant  firing  of 
cannon.  We  asked  a  sentinel  on  duty  if  he  had  heard  the 
sound  all  day.  He  said,  "  Yes,  but  not  so  loud  as  now."  This 
was  significant  but  not  encouraging.  We  returned  to  my  lodg 
ings  on  Fifteenth  street.  Everywhere  there  was  an  uneasy 


2QS  RECOLLECTIONS 

feeling.  At  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  I  started  for  the  resi 
dence  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  get  information  of  the  battle. 
As  I  approached  I  was  seized  by  the  arm,  and,  turning,  saw 
Secretary  Cameron.  I  asked  about  the  battle,  but,  without 
answering,  he  hurried  me  into  his  house  and  said:  "Our  army 
is  defeated,  and  my  brother  is  killed."  He  then  gave  way  to 
passionate  grief.  His  brother,  Colonel  Cameron,  had  been 
killed,  and  the  Union  army  was  in  full  retreat.  I  was  enjoined 
to  say  nothing  until  morning.  I  obeyed  his  injunction.  At 
eleven  o'clock  that  night  I  heard  the  clatter  of  a  horse's  feet  in 
full  gallop.  My  nephew,  Robert  McComb,  a  boy  about  nine 
teen,  a  private  soldier  in  an  Ohio  regiment,  but  detailed  as  an 
orderly,  had  been  sent  to  the  rear  with  a  message.  He  saw 
the  army  in  retreat,  and,  being  well  mounted  and  believing 
that  discretion  was  the  better  part  of  valor,  rode  rapidly  to  my 
lodgings  in  Washington.  It  is  uncertain  whether  he  or 
"  Bull-Run  "  Russell,  an  English  reporter,  made  the  best  time  to 
the  Long  Bridge.  McComb  gave  me  a  doleful  account  of  the 
battle  and  retreat.  The  official  reports  from  both  armies  show 
that  it  was  a  drawn  battle.  General  Sherman,  in  his 
"Memoirs,"  gives  a  graphic  history  of  the  battle  and  expresses 
the  same  opinion. 

Still,  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  was  an  important  event.  It 
dispelled  the  illusion  of  the  people  of  the  north  as  to  the 
duration  and  gravity  of  the  war.  It  demonstrated  the 
folly  of  ninety  days'  enlistments.  It  brought  also,  to  every 
intelligent  mind,  the  dangers  that  would  inevitably  result 
from  disunion.  On  the  22nd  of  July,  the  day  after  the  battle, 
the  bill  to  authorize  the  employment  of  500,000  volunteers 
became  a  law. 

On  the  29th  of  July  two  bills,  one  for  the  increase  of  the 
military  establishment  of  the  United  States,  and  one  to  provide 
for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  were  passed.  On  the  5th 
of  August  an  act  passed  for  the  better  organization  of  the  mili 
tary  establishment.  Armed  with  the  largest  military  power 
ever  conferred  upon  a  President,  with  the  almost  unlimited 
power  of  taxation,  the  administration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  entered 
upon  the  task  before  it. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  209 

Having  passed  these  provisions  in  aid  of  the  government, 
the  special  session  of  Congress  closed  on  the  6th  of  August, 
1861. 

I  immediately  returned  to  my  home  at  Mansfield.  Regi 
ments  were  being  organized  but  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  mode 
of  enlistment  was  too  slow.  The  people,  though  still  resolute, 
were  somewhat  troubled  by  the  failure  of  military  operations. 
I  felt  this  so  strongly  that  I  determined  at  once  to  adopt  some 
plan  to  raise  a  brigade  to  be  composed  of  two  regiments  of 
infantry,  one  battery  of  artillery  and  one  squadron  of  cavalry. 
When  I  made  application  to  Governor  Dennison  for  the  req 
uisite  authority,  he  feared  my  plan  might  interfere  with 
existing  organizations  then  being  enlisted  in  the  different  parts 
of  the  state,  and  I  was  persuaded  to  wait  until  after  the  15th 
regiment  was  recruited  and  in  the  field,  and  the  42nd  was  well 
under  way.  I  also  made  up  my  mind  to  delay  actual  recruiting 
until  after  the  election  in  October  of  that  year,  so  that  no 
political  bias  might  enter  into  it. 

On  the  24th  of  September  I  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Hon. 
Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  as  follows  : 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  September  24,  1861. 
HON.  SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War : 

DEAR  SIR  :  — I  respectfully  ask  for  an  order  granting  me  leave  to  re 
cruit  and  organize,  in  this  part  of  Ohio,  a  brigade  of  two  regiments  of 
infantry,  one  squadron  of  cavalry,  and  two  companies  of  artillery.  I  know 
1  can  do  it  promptly.  The  squadron  of  cavalry  authorized  to  Major  Mc- 
Laughlin  may,  if  desired,  be  considered  as  part  of  the  brigade. 

For  reasons  that  are  probably  unjust  the  governor  and  state  mili 
tary  authorities  are  less  successful  than  I  hoped,  and  I  know  that  I  can  get 
you  recruits  that  they  cannot.  I  wish  no  rank,  pay,  or  expenses  for  myself, 
and  will  freely  act  without  compensation.  I  care  not  who  are  the  field 
officers,  so  I  know  they  are  men  of  honor,  honesty  and  experience.  I  will 
only  ask  of  the  department  the  usual  rations,  pay  and  armament  and  equi 
page  for  the  men  ;  I  ask  nothing  for  myself,  will  undertake  upon  my  individ 
ual  responsibility  to  purchase  any  of  them  desired,  receiving  in  return  gov 
ernment  securities  therefor. 

I  will  so  execute  the  order  as  not  to  interfere  with  the  state  authori 
ties,  and  will  act  in  subordination  to  them.  I  will  freely  confer  with  the 
government  as  to  details,  but  would  rather  be  left  as  free  as  practicable  in 
the  selection  of  officers. 

S.-14 


210  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  hope,  my  dear  sir,  this  application  will  receive  your  sanction,  and  I 
will  stake  my  reputation  and  property  that  what  I  offer  shall  be  accom 
plished.  Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

On  the  same  day,  in  order  to  secure  the  active  cooperation 
of  Secretary  Chase,  I  wrote  him  as  follows: 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  September  24,  1861. 
Hox.  S.  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury : 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  have  to-day  written  to  General  Cameron,  asking  an 
order  allowing  me  to  recruit  a  brigade  in  this  part  of  Ohio.  I  know  I  can 
do  it.  I  ask  no  office,  rank,  pay,  or  expenses  for  myself,  and  will  under 
take  to  recruit  this  force  in  subordination  to  the  state  and  general  govern 
ment,  and  within  such  limits  as  may  be  allowed.  Whatever  may  be  the 
reason,  it  is  manifest  that  voluntary  enlistment  needs  the  spur  of  active  ex 
ertion  and  solicitation.  This  I  am  willing  to  give,  and,  from  offers  freely 
made  to  me  by  personal  acquaintances,  know  that  I  can  enlist  hundreds 
whom  the  state  authorities  cannot  reach. 

Can  I  ask  your  favorable  influence  and  cooperation  ?  I  will  pay  my 
own  expenses,  and  ask  only  rations,  tents  and  armament  for  the  men.  Any 
of  these  I  am  willing  to  purchase  upon  my  individual  credit,  receiving  in 
payment  government  securities.  I  pledge  you  my  reputation  and  all  I  am 
worth  to  accomplish  what  I  offer. 

If  it  is  objected  that  my  operation  will  interfere  with  state  enlistments, 
I  will  agree  to  subordinate  my  movements  to  the  orders  of  the  governor, 
but  for  the  good  of  the  service  I  hope  to  be  left  as  free  as  possible.  In  the 
selection  of  officers  I  should  want  to  be  especially  consulted,  so  as  to  insure 
the  honor,  probity  and  personal  habits  of  such  officers.  Further  than  this  I 
have  no  choice. 

If  this  meets  your  approbation  promptly  say  so  to  General  Cameron, 
and  let  him  set  me  to  work.  Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

About  the  same  time  I  had  arranged  with  Governor  Denni- 
son  for  a  plan  of  enlistment  which  enabled  the  recruits  to 
select  their  officers,  by  allowing  persons  securing  a  certain 
number  of  recruits  to  be  captains,  a  less  number  first  lieuten 
ants,  and  a  less  number  second  lieutenants.  The  governor  very 
kindly  agreed  that  he  would  commission  the  persons  selected 
in  this  way,  leaving  the  regimental  organization  to  be  com 
posed  of  the  best  material  that  could  be  found  anywhere.  On 
the  28th  of  September  I  issued  and  distributed,  mainly  in  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  211 

region  near  the  line  of  the  Pittsburg,  Fort  Wayne  &  Chicago 
railroad,  this  circular: 

"TO  THE  YOUNG  MEN  OF  OHIO. 

"I  am  authorized  by  the  governor  of  Ohio  to  raise  at  once  two  regi 
ments  of  infantry  and  a  battery  of  artillery,  and  a  squadron  of  cavalry. 

"  I  am  also  authorized  to  recommend  one  lieutenant  for  each  company, 
who  shall  at  once  receive  their  commission  and  be  furnished  with  proper 
facilities  for  enlisting.  I  am  now  ready  to  receive  applications  for  such 
appointments,  accompanied  with  evidence  of  good  habits  and  character,  the 
age  of  applicant,  and  his  fitness  and  ability  to  recruit  a  company. 

"  Major  Win.  McLaughlin  will  command  the  squadron  of  cavalry. 

"  The  company  officers  will  be  designated  by  the  soldiers  of  each  com 
pany,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  governor. 

"The  field  officers  are  not  yet  designated,  but  shall  be  men  of  expe 
rience,  and,  if  possible,  of  military  education. 

"The  soldiers  shall  have,  without  diminution,  all  they  are  entitled  to  by 
law. 

"Danger  is  imminent.  Promptness  is  indispensable.  Let  the  people 
of  Ohio  now  repay  the  debt  which  their  fathers  incurred  to  the  gallant  peo 
ple  of  Kentucky  for  the  defense  of  Ohio  against  the  British  and  Indians. 
They  now  appeal  to  us  for  help  against  an  invasion  more  unjustifiable  and 
barbarous. 

"Letters  can  be  addressed  to  me,  marked  "Free,"  at  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

JOHN  SHERMAN." 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  September  28,  1861. 

The  matter  thus  rested  until  after  the  election  on  the  9th  of 
October,  when  squads  rapidly  formed  into  companies,  and  with 
in  twenty  days  Camp  Buckingham  was  opened  near  Mansfield. 

In  the  performance  of  this  self-imposed  duty,  I  encountered 
but  one  difficulty,  and  at  one  time  a  very  serious  one,  the 
selection  of  regimental  officers,  and  especially  of  commanders 
of  regiments.  I  knew  that  military  warfare  was  an  art,  a  trade, 
an  occupation,  where  education,  experience  and  preparation 
are  absolutely  essential  to  effective  service.  The  materials  for 
soldiers  abound  everywhere,  but  without  discipline,  order, 
obedience,  and  severe  drilling  men  are  not  soldiers.  It  was  my 
desire  to  secure  for  the  commanders  of  regiments  two  gradu 
ates  of  West  Point.  I  made  application  directly  to  Washington 
for  various  details  of  officers  of  the  regular  army,  so  that  the 
soldiers  in  Camp  Buckingham  might  have  experienced  drill 
masters  from  the  beginning.  I  failed  to  receive  an  answer, 


212  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  went  to  Washington,  earnestly  impressed  with  the  impor 
tance  of  my  mission,  and  determined,  if  possible,  that  these 
men  enlisted  by  me  should  not  be  placed  in  the  front  of  the 
enemy  until  they  had  had  all  the  benefit  they  could  derive 
from  military  discipline  and  drilling.  When  I  arrived  I  found 
that  Secretary  Cameron  was  indisposed  to  interfere  with  the 
purely  military  details  of  the  army,  while  General  Scott,  a 
brave  old  soldier  whom  I  always  loved  and  admired,  was  firmly 
of  the  opinion  that  the  favorable  result  of  the  war  depended 
upon  strengthening  the  regular  army,  maintaining  its  force 
and  discipline,  and  especially  retaining  its  valuable  officers. 
The  regular  army,  almost  disbanded  at  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
was  gradually  filling  up  upon  the  basis  of  a  new  organization 
and  long  enlistments,  but  it  was  idle,  it  seemed  to  me,  to  expect 
that  the  young  men  of  the  country  would  enlist  in  the  regular 
service.  While  ready  to  respond  to  the  call  of  their  country 
in  its  actual  peril,  they  had  no  purpose  to  become  regular  sol 
diers  for  life.  It  appeared  to  me,  therefore,  that  the  manifest 
policy  of  the  government  should  be  to  allow  the  regular  army 
to  be  gradually  absorbed  into  the  volunteer  service,  where  the 
young  officers  educated  at  the  expense  of  the  government 
might  impart  instruction  to  regiments  and  brigades,  instead  of 
to  squads  and  companies.  I  spoke  to  General  Scott  about  this, 
and  the  result  of  my  interview  was  very  unpleasant.  I  fear  we 
both  lost  our  temper,  though  I  never  ceased  to  respect  the  old 
general  for  the  great  service  he  had  rendered  his  country;  but 
his  day  was  past. 

After  consulting  Major  Garesche,  Assistant  Adjutant  General, 
as  to  the  names  of  officers,  I  then  applied  to  the  President,  ex 
plained  to  him  fully  the  situation  of  affairs,  my  promise,  the 
gathering  of  the  soldiers  in  Camp  Buckingham,  their  inexpe 
rience,  and  want  of  drill  masters,  their  ardent  patriotism,  stated 
my  interview  with  General  Scott,  and  appealed  to  him  to  help 
me  out  of  the  dilemma. 

I  never  shall  forget  the  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  for  he 
did  not  hesitate,  but  sent  for  Major  Garesche,  and  gave  me  the 
coveted  order  before  I  left  him,  directing  the  Secretary  of  War 
to  detail  two  second  lieutenants,  James  William  Forsyth,  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  213 

Ohio,  and  Charles  Garrison  Harker,  of  New  Jersey,  and  Sergeants 
Bradley  and  Sweet,  of  the  regular  army,  for  service  in  the  Ohio 
Volunteers,  under  my  direction.  This  order  was  the  key  that 
unlocked  the  difficulty  and  gave  to  the  force  the  elements  of 
military  discipline.  At  the  same  time  the  requisite  orders 
were  given  for  uniforms,  arms  of  the  best  pattern,  cannon, 
horses  and  various  equipments. 

I  then  procured  the  detail  of  Major  Robert  S.  Granger, 
of  the  United  States  army,  to  command  the  camp  and  to  or 
ganize  the  force.  He  had  graduated  as  a  cadet  from  Ohio, 
was  one  of  the  officers  of  the  regular  army  surrendered  by 
General  Twiggs  to  the  State  of  Texas  before  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  and  had  given  his  parole  not  to  serve  in  the  army 
until  exchanged.  Though  this  was  not  held  to  apply  to  the 
enlistment  of  volunteers  he  so  construed  his  parole  as  to  pre 
vent  him  from  serving  in  his  regiment  until  duly  exchanged. 
When  this  was  done  he  entered  the  service  and  was  rapidly 
promoted  to  Major  General  of  Volunteers. 

Within  sixty  days  2,340  young  men  of  Ohio  were  formed 
into  the  64th  and  65th  regiments,  the  6th  battery  of  artillery, 
and  McLaughlin's  squadron  of  cavalry,  armed  with  the  best 
arms  then  in  the  service,  uniformed,  equipped  and  partly 
drilled  as  soldiers,  ready  to  march,  and  actually  marching, 
to  the  seat  of  war.  No  better  material  for  soldiers,  and  no 
better  soldiers  in  fact,  ever  enlisted  in  any  cause  or  any  service. 

I  insert  a  letter  from  General  Garfield  written  when  he  was 
in  command  of  this  brigade : 

HEADQUARTERS,  20TH  BRIGADE,  ) 

IN  THE  FIELD,  6  MILES  FROM  CORINTH,  Miss.,  MAY  17,  1862.  J 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Washington,  D.  C. 

DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  am  now  in  command  of  the  20th  Brigade,  composed  of 
the  64th  and  65th  Ohio  (the  regiments  raised  by  yourself)  and  the  13th 
Michigan  and  51st  Indiana  Regiments.  I  have  sent  forward  to  Washington 
the  name  of  Lt.  D.  G.  Swain  (65th  Ohio)  of  Salem,  O.,  for  appointment  as 
A.  A.  Gen.  on  my  staff.  He  is  an  excellent  officer,  and  his  nomination  has 
been  approved  by  Gen.  Buell.  I  will  be  particularly  obliged  to  you  if  you 
will  aid  in  securing  his  appointment  as  soon  as  possible.  The  whole  army 
advances  toward  Corinth  this  morning. 

Very  respectfully  yours,  J.  A.  GARFIELD, 

Brig.  Gen.  Vols.,  U.  S.  A. 


014  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

When  General  Sherman  was  in  Louisville  in  October,  1861, 
he  was  called  upon  by  Secretary  Cameron,  and  they  engaged 
in  a  general  discussion  of  the  military  situation.  General 
Sherman  said  that  for  aggressive  movements,  the  United  States 
would  require  200,000  men.  This  was  so  far  beyond  the  ideas 
of  the  time  that  he  was  regarded  as  crazy,  and  was  soon  after 
relieved  from  his  command  by  General  Buell.  Secretary  Cam 
eron  was  blamed  for  this,  but  his  letter  to  me,  here  inserted, 
shows  that  he  was  absent  from  Washington  when  the  order 
was  made : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  November  14,  1861. 

SIR:  —  Your  letter  of  the  10th  inst.  is  received.  General  Sherman 
was  recalled  from  the  command  in  Kentucky  during  my  absence  at  the 
north  on  official  business.  Since  my  return  on  the  llth,  I  have  not  had 
time  to  make  any  inquiries  concerning  the  cause  of  the  change,  but  I  feel 
certain  it  was  not  from  any  want  of  confidence  in  the  patriotism  or  capacity 
of  your  brother.  He  has  been  ordered  to  Missouri,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  Major  General  Halleck,  of  the  regular  army,  and  the  fact  that 
he  has  been  so  assigned  is  evidence  of  the  confidence  reposed  in  him. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War. 


CHAPTER  XL 
PASSAGE  OF  THE  LEGAL  TENDER  ACT  IN  1862. 

*  My  Interview  with  Lincoln  About  Ohio  Appointments  —  Governmental  Expenses 
Now  Aggregating  Nearly  $2,000,000  Daily— Secretary  Chase's  Annual  Report 
to  Congress  in  December,  1861  —  Treasury  Notes  a  Legal  Tender  in  Pay 
ment  of  Public  and  Private  Debts  — Beneficial  Results  from  the  Pas 
sage  of  the  Bill— The  War  Not  a  Question  of  Men  but  of  Money  — 
Proposed  Organization    of  National  Banks— Bank  Bills  Not 
Taxed  — Local  Banks  and  Their  Absorption  by  the  Govern 
ment  —  The  1862  Issue  of   $150,000,000  in  "  Green 
backs  " — Legal  Tender  Act  a  Turning  Point  in 
Our  Financial  History  —  Compensation 
of    Officers  of   the  Government. 

ABOUT  this  time  I  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln 
which  may  be  of  interest.  In  making  the  local  ap 
pointments  in  Ohio  he  was  naturally  governed  largely 
by  his  strong  affinities  for  old  Whig  associates  in  Con 
gress,  of  one  of  whom,  General  Schenck,  he  was  especially  fond. 
I  thought  some  of  his  appointments  in  Ohio  were  not  judicious, 
and  concluded  I  would  go  to  him  and  make  a  general  com 
plaint  of  the  distribution  of  these  offices.  I  felt  that  he  failed  to 
consider  the  fact  that  the  Republican  party  contained  many  men 
who  had  not  belonged  to  the  Whig  party.  I  requested  an  inter 
view  with  him  which  was  promptly  granted,  and  called  at  his 
office  one  evening.  He  was  seated  in  an  easy  chair  and  seemed 
to  be  in  excellent  humor.  I  proceeded  to  complain  of  some  of 
his  appointments  in  Ohio  and  as  I  progressed  the  expression  of 
his  face  gradually  changed  to  one  of  extreme  sadness.  He  did 
not  say  a  word,  but  sank  in  his  chair,  placing  his  feet  upon  the 
table,  and  looking,  as  I  thought,  the  picture  of  despair.  I  pro 
ceeded  with  my  complaint  until  I  began  mentally  to  reproach 
myself  for  bothering  the  President  of  the  United  States  with 
so  unimportant  a  matter  as  the  choice  of  persons  to  fill  local 
offices  in  Ohio,  when  the  country  was  in  the  throes  of  revolution. 

(210 


216  RECOLLECTIONS 

Finally  I  told  him  I  felt  ashamed  to  disturb  him  with  such  mat 
ters  and  would  not  bother  him  again  with  them.  His  face  bright 
ened,  he  sat  up  in  his  chair  and  his  whole  manner  changed,  until 
finally  he  almost  embraced  me.  He  then  told  me  many  interest 
ing  stories  of  his  short  service  in  Congress  and  of  the  men  with 
whom  he  was  brought  in  contact.  The  close  of  the  interview 
was  very  pleasant  and  I  kept  my  promise  to  him  about  his 
appointments. 

When  Congress  convened  on  the  2nd  of  December,  1861, 
the  financial  condition  of  the  government  was  more  alarming 
than  at  any  other  period  during  the  war. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  ample  and  complete  au 
thority,  given  him  by  the  act  of  July,  1861,  to  borrow  money 
on  the  credit  of  the  government,  but  he  could  not  deal  with  the 
system  of  state  banks  then  existing  in  the  several  states.  He 
was  forbidden,  by  the  sub-treasury  act  of  1846,  to  receive  notes 
of  state  banks  and  was  required  to  receive  into  and  pay  from 
the  treasury  only  the  coin  of  the  United  States  ;  but  by  the 
act  of  August  5,  1861,  he  was  permitted  to  deposit  to  the  credit 
of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  in  such  solvent  specie- 
paying  banks,  as  he  might  select,  any  of  the  moneys  obtained 
from  loans,  the  moneys  thus  deposited  to  be  withdrawn  only 
for  transfer  to  the  regularly  authorized  depositaries,  or  for  the 
payment  of  public  dues,  including  certain  notes  payable  on 
demand,  as  he  might  deem  expedient.  He  had,  however,  no 
authority  to  receive  from  individuals  or  banks  any  money 
but  coin. 

The  coin  received  from  the  Boston,  New  York,  and  Phila 
delphia  banks,  in  payment  of  their  subscriptions  to  the  govern 
ment  loans,  to  the  amount  of  nearly  $150,000,000,  had  to  be 
sent  to  every  point  in  the  United  States  to  meet  public  obliga 
tions,  and,  when  thus  scattered,  was  not  readily  returned  to 
the  banks,  thus  exhausting  their  resources  and  their  ability  to 
loan  again. 

The  demand  notes,  authorized  by  the  act  of  July  17,  1861, 
were  also  paid  out  by  the  treasury;  but  from  time  to  time 
were  presented  for  redemption  in  coin  or  in  payment  of  cus 
toms  duties  to  the  exclusion  of  coin,  and  thus  both  the  banks 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  217 

and  the  government  were  greatly  crippled,  the  tanks  suspend 
ing  specie  payments  on  the  80th  day  of  December,  1861. 

At  this  time  an  army  of  500,000  Union  soldiers  was  in  the 
field,  and  a  powerful  navy,  with  vast  stores  of  artillery  and 
ammunition,  had  been  created.  In  providing  for  their  suste 
nance,  comfort  and  equipment  the  government  had  been 
obliged  to  incur  expenses  far  exceeding  in  magnitude  any 
which  had  been  hitherto  known  in  its  history,  aggregating 
nearly  $2,000,000  per  day. 

It  was  apparent  that  a  radical  change  in  existing  laws 
relating  to  our  currency  must  be  made,  or  the  govern 
ment  would  practically  be  unable  to  make  the  current  dis 
bursements  on  account  of  the  war,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  Union  would  be  unavoidable,  notwithstanding  the  im 
mense  resources  of  the  country  which  had  then  hardly  been 
touched. 

The  annual  report  of  Secretary  Chase  reached  Congress  on 
the  10th  of  December,  having  been  delayed  by  the  press  of 
business.  So  much  of  it  as  related  to  the  currency  was  the 
basis  of  the  long  debates  that  followed.  The  circulation  of 
the  banks  of  the  United  States  on  the  1st  of  January,  1861, 
was  reported  at  $202,000,767.  Of  this  $152,000,000,  in  round 
numbers,  was  in  the  loyal  states,  including  West  Virginia,  and 
$50,000,000  in  the  rebel  states,  the  whole  constituting  a  loan 
without  interest  from  the  people  to  the  banks,  costing  the  lat 
ter  only  the  expense  of  issue  and  redemption  and  the  interest 
on  the  specie  kept  on  hand  for  the  latter  purpose.  The  secre 
tary  called  especial  attention  to  the  organization  and  nature  of 
these  banks,  and  questioned  whether  a  currency  of  banks  is 
sued  by  local  institutions  under  state  laws  was  not  in  fact  pro 
hibited  by  the  national  constitution.  He  said : 

"  Such  emissions  certainly  fall  within  the  spirit,  if  not  within  the  letter, 
of  the  constitutional  prohibition  of  the  emission  of  *  bills  of  credit '  by  the 
states,  and  of  the  making  by  them  of  anything  except  gold  and  silver  coin 
a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts.  However  this  may  be,  it  is  too  clear 
to  be  reasonably  disputed  that  Congress,  under  its  constitutional  powers  to 
lay  taxes,  to  regulate  commerce,  and  to  regulate  the  value  of  coin,  possesses 
ample  authority  to  control  the  credit  circulation  which  enters  so  largely  into 


218  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  transaction  of  commerce,  and  affects  in  so  many  ways  the  value  of  coin. 
In  the  judgment  of  the  secretary,  the  time  has  arrived  when  Congress 
should  exercise  this  authority." 

He  described  with  great  force  the  weakness  of  the  state 
banking  system,  and  the  repeated  losses  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States  on  account  of  the  failure  of  such  banks.  He 
recommended  two  plans  by  either  of  which  he  held  that  these 
banks  might  be  absorbed,  and  a  national  currency  be  substi 
tuted  in  the  place  of  their  issues.  One  plan  proposed  the  grad 
ual  withdrawal  from  circulation  of  the  notes  of  private  corpo 
rations,  and  the  issue  in  their  stead  of  United  States  notes, 
payable  in  coin  on  demand,  in  amounts  sufficient  for  the  useful 
ends  of  a  representative  currency.  The  other  proposed  a  sys 
tem  of  national  banks  authorized  to  issue  notes  for  circulation 
under  national  direction,  to  be  secured  as  to  prompt  converti 
bility  into  coin  by  the  pledge  of  the  United  States  bonds  and 
other  needful  regulations.  He  discussed  these  two  plans  at 
length,  but  concluded  by  recommending  a  system  of  national 
banks,  the  advantages  of  which  would  be  uniformity  in  cur 
rency,  uniformity  in  security,  an  effectual  safeguard  against 
depreciation,  and  protection  from  losses  from  discounts  and  ex 
changes.  He  expressed  the  opinion  that  such  notes  would  give 
to  the  government  the  further  advantage  of  a  large  demand 
for  government  securities,  of  increased  facilities  for  obtaining 
the  loans  required  for  the  war,  a  reduction  of  interest,  and  a 
participation  by  the  government  in  the  profit  of  circulation 
without  risking  the  perils  of  a  great  money  monopoly.  It  will 
be  noticed  that  the  secretary  nowhere  suggested  the  suspension 
of  coin  payments,  or  making  the  notes  a  legal  tender  in  pay 
ment  of  public  and  private  debts,  or  the  redemption  in  coin  of 
the  bank  notes  to  be  issued. 

These  recommendations  were  referred  to  the  committee  of 
ways  and  means  of  the  House,  and  by  it  to  a  sub-committee, 
of  which  Elbridge  G.  Spaulding,  of  New  York,  was  chairman. 
Undoubtedly  we  owe  to  him,  more  than  to  any  other  individual 
Member,  the  important  and  radical  changes  made  in  our  cur 
rency  system  by  the  act  reported  by  him  to  the  House  and 
amended  in  the  Senate.  Mr.  Spaulding  perceived  the  objection 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  219 

to  the  recommendations  of  Secretary  Chase  that  they  did  not 
provide  for  any  payments  but  in  coin,  or  call  for  a  suitable 
provision  that  the  notes  when  issued  should  be  a  legal  tender 
for  public  and  private  debts,  or  for  their  reissue  in  case  of  pay 
ment,  nor  did  they  provide  for  the  absorption  of  the  demand 
notes  outstanding,  which  were,  on  their  face,  payable  on  de 
mand,  an  obligation  that  could  not  be  ignored  without  severely 
impairing  the  public  credit.  It  was  also  apparent  that  the  sys 
tem  of  national  banks  proposed  by  the  secretary  could  not  be 
organized  and  put  in  effective  force  for  a  year  or  more,  and 
that  in  the  meantime  the  state  banks  would  be  in  a  condition 
of  suspension,  without  coin  or  the  possibility  of  obtaining  it, 
and,  with  no  effective  money  which  the  people  were  bound  to 
receive,  or  which  the  government  could  receive,  it  would  have 
been  difficult  to  carry  on  the  operations  of  the  war. 

The  first  bill  introduced  by  Mr.  Spaulding,  on  the  30th  of 
December,  met  some  of  these  difficulties.  It  provided  for  the 
issue  of  $50,000,000  treasury  notes,  payable  on  demand,  the 
notes  to  be  receivable  for  all  debts  and  demands  due  to  or  by 
the  United  States,  to  be  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  all  debts, 
public  or  private,  within  the  United  States,  and  exchangeable 
at  their  face  value,  the  same  as  coin,  at  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  offices  of  the  assistant  treasurers  in 
New  York,  Boston,  Philadelphia,  St.  Louis,  and  Cincinnati,  for 
any  of  the  coupon  or  registered  bonds  which  the  secretary 
was  authorized  to  issue.  It  also  contained  this  provision: 
"  Such  treasury  notes  may  be  reissued  from  time  to  time  as 
the  exigencies  of  the  public  service  may  require,"  the  first  au 
thority  ever  given  for  the  reissue  of  treasury  notes  after  re 
demption. 

On  the  7th  of  January,  1862,  Mr.  Spaulding  reported  the  bill 
to  the  House  with  some  important  changes,  and  it  soon  became 
the  subject  of  a  long  and  interesting  debate.  On  the  22nd  of 
January,  Secretary  Chase  returned  Mr.  Spaulding's  bill  to  him 
and  suggested  some  modifications,  referring  to  the  legal  tender 
clause  as  follows,  being  his  first  reference  to  that  clause: 

"Regretting  exceedingly  that  it  is  found  necessary  to  resort  to  the 
measure  of  making  fundable  notes  of  the  United  States  a  legal  tender,  but 


220  RECOLLECTIONS 

heartily  desiring  to  cooperate  with  the  committee  in  all  measures  to  meet 
existing  necessities  in  the  most  useful  and  least  hurtful  to  the  general  in 
terest,  I  remain,"  etc. 

In  a  letter  to  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  on  the 
29th  of  January,  the  secretary  said: 

"The  condition  of  the  treasury  certainly  needs  immediate  action  on  the 
subject  of  affording  provision  for  the  expenditures  of  the  government,  both 
expedient  and  necessary.  The  general  provisions  of  the  bill  submitted  to 
me  seem  to  me  well  adapted  to  the  end  proposed.  There  are,  however, 
some  points  which  may,  perhaps,  be  usefully  amended. 

"  The  provision  making  United  States  notes  a  legal  tender  has  doubt 
less  been  well  considered  by  the  committee,  and  their  conclusion  needs  no 
support  from  any  observation  of  mine.  I  think  it  my  duty,  however,  to 
say,  that  in  respect  to  this  provision  my  reflections  have  conducted  me  to 
the  same  conclusions  they  have  reached.  It  is  not  unknown  to  them  that 
I  have  felt,  nor  do  I  wish  to  conceal  that  I  now  feel,  a  great  aversion  to 
making  anything  but  coin  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts.  It  has  been 
my  anxious  wish  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  such  legislation.  It  is,  however, 
at  present  impossible,  in  consequence  of  the  large  expenditures  entailed  by 
the  war,  and  the  suspension  of  the  banks,  to  procure  sufficient  coin  for  dis 
bursements  ;  and  it  has,  therefore,  become  indispensably  necessary  that  we 
should  resort  to  the  issue  of  United  States  notes.  .  .  .  Such  discrimi 
nation  should,  if  possible,  be  prevented ;  and  the  provision  making  the  notes 
a  legal  tender,  in  a  great  measure  at  least,  prevents  it,  by  putting  all  citi 
zens,  in  this  respect,  on  the  same  level,  both  of  rights  and  duties." 

On  the  3rd  of  February  the  secretary  wrote  to  Mr.  Spaulding 
as  follows: 

"  Mr.  Seward  said  to  me  on  yesterday  that  you  observed  to  him  that  my 
hesitation  in  coming  up  to  the  legal  tender  proposition  embarrassed  you, 
and  I  am  very  sorry  to  observe  it,  for  my  anxious  wish  is  to  support  you  in 
all  respects. 

"  It  is  true  that  I  came  with  reluctance  to  the  conclusion  that  the  legal 
tender  clause  is  a  necessity,  but  I  came  to  it  decidedly,  and  I  support  it 
earnestly.  I  do  not  hesitate  when  I  have  made  up  my  mind,  however  much 
regret  I  may  feel  over  the  necessity  of  the  conclusion  to  which  I  come." 

On  the  5th  of  February  the  secretary  became  more  urgent, 
and  wrote  to  Mr.  Spaulding  the  following  brief  note: 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  —  I  make  the  above  extract  from  a  letter  received  from 
the  collector  of  New  York  this  morning.  It  is  very  important  the  bill 
should  go  through  to-day,  and  through  the  Senate  this  week.  The  public 
exigencies  do  not  admit  of  delay.  Yours  truly, 

Hox.  E.  G.  SPAULDING.  S.  P.  CHASE. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  221 

It  will  thus  be  perceived  that,  whatever  may  have  been  the 
constitutional  scruples  of  Secretary  Chase  in  respect  to  the 
legal  tender  clause,  he  yielded  to  it  under  the  pressure  of  neces 
sity,  and  expressed  no  dissent  from  it  until,  as  chief  justice,  his 
opinion  was  delivered  in  the  case  of  Hepburn  vs.  Griswold,  in 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

The  bill,  much  modified  from  the  original,  passed  the  House 
of  Eepresentatives  by  the  decided  vote  of  yeas  93,  nays  59.  As  it 
passed  the  House  it  contained  authority  to  issue,  on  the  credit 
of  the  United  States,  United  States  notes  to  the  amount  of 
$150,000,000,  not  bearing  interest,  payable  to  bearer  at  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States,  at  Washington  or  New  York. 
It  provided  that  $50,000,000  of  said  notes  should  be  in  lieu  of 
the  demand  treasury  notes  authorized  by  the  act  of  July  17, 
1861,  and  that  said  demand  notes  should  be  taken  up  as  rapidly 
as  practicable.  It  provided  that  the  treasury  notes  should  be 
receivable  in  payment  of  all  taxes,  duties,  imports,  excise,  debts 
and  demands  of  all  kinds  due  to  the  United  States,  and  all 
debts  and  demands  owing  by  the  United  States  to  individ 
uals,  corporations  and  associations  within  the  United  States, 
and  should  be  lawful  money  and  a  legal  tender,  in  payment  of 
all  debts,  public  and  private,  within  the  United  States. 

This  bill  came  to  the  Senate  on  the  7th  of  February.  It 
was  followed  on  the  same  day  by  a  letter  from  Secretary  Chase 
to  Mr.  Fessenden,  as  follows: 

SIR: — The  condition  of  the  treasury  requires  immediate  legislative  pro 
vision.  What  you  said  this  morning  leads  me  to  think  that  the  bill  which 
passed  the  House  yesterday  will  hardly  be  acted  upon  by  the  Senate  this 
week.  Until  that  bill  shall  receive  the  final  action  of  Congress,  it  seems 
advisable  to  extend  the  provisions  of  the  former  acts,  so  as  to  allow  the  issue 
of  at  least  $10,000,000  in  United  States  notes,  in  addition  to  the  f  50,000,000 
heretofore  authorized.  I  transmit  a  bill  framed  with  that  object,  which  will, 
I  trust,  meet  your  approval  and  that  of  Congress.  Immediate  action  on  it  is 
exceedingly  desirable. 

The  request  for  authority  to  issue  $10,000,000  additional 
demand  notes  was  immediately  granted,  and  the  bill  was  passed 
without  opposition. 

The  currency  bill  was  considered  in  the  committee  on  finance 
of  the  Senate,  and  four  important  and  radical  amendments 


222 


RECOLLECTIONS 


were  reported  by  that  committee.    These  amendments  were  as 

follows : 

First— That  the  legal  tender  notes  should  be  receivable  for 
all  claims  and  demands  against  the  United  States,  of  every  kind 
whatsoever,  "  except  for  interest  on  bonds  and  notes,  which  shall  be 

paid  in  coin." 

Second— That  the  secretary  might  dispose  of  United  States 
bonds,  "  at  the  market  value  thereof,  for  coin  or  treasury  notes." 

Third — A  new  section  authorizing  deposits  in  the  sub-treas 
uries  at  five  per  cent.,  for  not  less  than  thirty  days,  to  the  amount 
of  $25,000,000,  for  which  certificates  of  deposit  might  be  issued. 

Fourth— An  additional  section,  No.  5,  "  that  all  duties  on 
imported  goods  and  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  public  lands,"  etc., 
should  be  set  apart  to  pay  coin  interest  on  the  debt  of  the 
United  States  ;  and  one  per  cent,  for  a  sinking  fund,  etc. 

It  was  felt  that  if  no  provision  was  made  for  the  payment 
of  the  interest  on  the  bonds  in  coin,  they  would  depreciate 
more  and  more,  while  such  payment  would  tend,  as  it 
did,  to  maintain  them  nearer  to  the  specie  standard.  In 
order  to  obtain  coin  for  the  payment  of  interest,  provision 
was  made  that  all  duties  on  imported  goods,  and  the  proceeds 
of  the  sale  of  public  lands,  should  be  payable  in  coin  and  be  set 
apart  to  pay  coin  interest  on  the  debt  of  the  United  States,  and 
one  per  cent,  for  a  sinking  fund  to  provide  for  ultimate  redemp 
tion  of  the  bonds.  These  amendments  were  considered  of 
prime  importance.  It  was  felt  that  the  duty  on  imported 
goods  should  not  be  lessened  by  any  depreciation  of  our  local 
currency.  Such  importations  were  based  upon  coin  values,  and 
the  tax  levied  upon  them  was  properly  required  to  be  paid  in 
coin.  This  security  of  coin  payment  enabled  the  government 
to  sell  the  bonds  at  a  far  higher  rate  than  they  would  have 
commanded  without  it,  and  tended  also  to  limit  the  deprecia 
tion  of  United  States  notes.  The  bill  and  amendments  were 
reported  on  the  12th,  and  became  the  subject  of  what  was 
regarded  as  a  very  able  debate. 

There  was  decided  opposition  in  the  Senate  to  the  legal  ten- 
der  clause,  headed  by  Mr.  Fessenden.  Mr.  Collamer,  who  also 
was  opposed  to  it,  made  a  motion  to  strike  it  out.  Upon  that 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  223 

subject  I  made  my  first  lengthy  speech  in  the  Senate,  a  few 
extracts  from  which  I  insert : 

"  The  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Vermont  now  for  the  first  time  pre 
sents  to  the  Senate  the  only  question  upon  which  the  members  of  the  com 
mittee  of  finance  had  any  material  difference  of  opinion,  and  that  is,  whether 
the  notes  provided  for  in  this  bill  shall  be  made  a  legal  tender  in  payment 
of  public  and  private  debts.  Upon  this  point  I  will  commence  the  argu 
ment  where  the  Senator  from  Maine  left  it. 

"  In  the  first  place,  I  will  say,  every  organ  of  financial  opinion — if  that  is 
a  correct  expression — in  this  country  agrees  that  there  is  such  a  necessity,  in 
case  we  authorize  the  issue  of  demand  notes.  You  commence  with  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  who  has  given  this  subject  the  most  ample  considera 
tion.  He  declares,  not  only  in  his  official  communications  here,  but  in  his 
private  intercourses  with  the  members  of  the  committee,  that  this  clause  is 
indispensably  necessary  to  the  security  and  negotiability  of  these  demand 
notes.  We  all  know  from  his  antecedents,  from  his  peculiar  opinions,  that 
he  would  probably  be  the  last  man  among  the  leading  politicians  of  our 
country  to  yield  to  the  necessity  of  substituting  paper  money  for  coin.  He 
has  examined  this  question  in  all  its  length  and  breadth.  He  is  in  a  position 
where  he  feels  the  necessity.  He  is  a  statesman  of  admitted  ability,  and  dis 
tinguished  in  his  high  position.  He  informs  us  that,  without  this  clause,  to 
attempt  to  circulate  as  money  the  proposed  amount  of  demand  notes  of  the 
United  States,  will  prove  a  fatal  experiment. 

"  In  addition  to  his  opinion,  we  have  the  concurring  opinion  of  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the  city  of  New  York.  With  almost  entire  una 
nimity  they  have  passed  a  resolution  on  the  subject,  after  full  debate  and 
consideration.  That  resolution  has  been  read  by  your  secretary.  You  have 
also  the  opinion  of  the  committee  of  public  safety  of  the  city  of  New  York, 
composed  of  distinguished  gentlemen,  nearly  all  of  whom  are  good  finan 
ciers,  who  agree  fully  in  the  same  opinion.  I  may  say  the  same  in  regard 
to  the  Chambers  of  Commerce  of  the  city  of  Boston,  of  the  city  of  Philadel 
phia,  and  of  almost  every  recognized  organ  of  financial  opinion  in  this 
country.  They  have  said  to  us,  in  the  most  solemn  form,  that  this  measure 
was  indispensably  necessary  to  maintain  the  credit  of  the  government,  and 
to  keep  these  notes  anywhere  near  par.  In  addition,  we  have  the  deliberate 
judgment  and  vote  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  After  a  full  debate, 
in  which  the  constitutionality,  expediency  and  necessity  of  this  measure 
were  discussed,  in  which  all  the  objections  that  have  been  made  here,  and 
many  more,  were  urged,  the  House  of  Representatives,  by  a  large  vote, 
declared  that  it  was  necessary  to  issue  United  States  notes,  and  that  this 
clause  was  indispensable  to  their  negotiation  and  credit. 

"A  hard  necessity  presses  the  government.  $100,000,000  is  now  due 
the  army,  and  $250,000,000  more  up  to  July  first.  The  banks  of  New 
York,  Boston  and  Philadelphia,  have  exhausted  their  capitals  in  making 
loans  to  the  government.  They  have  already  tied  up  their  capital  in  your 


224  RECOLLECTIONS 

bonds.  Among  others,  Mr.  Vail,  the  cashier  of  the  Bank  of  Commerce,  the 
largest  bank  corporation  in  the  United  States,  and  one  that  has  done  much 
to  sustain  the  government,  appeared  before  the  finance  committee,  and 
stated  explicitly  that  the  Bank  of  Commerce,  as  well  as  other  banks  of 
New  York,  could  aid  the  government  no  further,  unless  your  proposed  cur 
rency  was  stamped  by,  and  invested  with,  the  attributes  of  lawful  money, 
which  they  could  pay  to  others  as  well  as  receive  themselves. 

"  Bonds  cannot  be  sold  except  at  a  great  sacrifice,  because  there  is  no 
money  to  buy  them.  As  soon  as  the  banks  suspended,  gold  and  silver 
ceased  to  circulate  as  money.  You  cannot  sell  your  bonds  for  gold  and 
silver,  which  is  the  only  money  that  can  now  be  received  under  the  sub- 
treasury  law.  This  currency  made  a  legal  tender  was  necessary  to  aid  in 
making  further  loans.  I  insisted  that  the  bill  was  constitutional.  The 
Senator  from  Vermont  has  read  extracts  from  the  debates  in  the  national 
convention,  and  from  Story's  "Commentaries,"  tending  to  show  that  Congress 
cannot  authorize  the  issue  of  bills  of  credit.  But  I  submit  to  him  that  this 
question  has  been  settled  by  the  practice  of  the  government.  We  issued 
such  bills  during  the  War  of  1812,  during  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  at  the 
recent  session  of  Congress.  We  receive  them  now  for  our  services  ;  we  pay 
them  to  our  soldiers  and  our  creditors.  These  notes  are  payable  to  bearer ; 
they  pass  from  hand  to  hand  as  currency;  they  bear  no  interest.  If  the  argu 
ment  of  that  Senator  is  true,  then  all  these  notes  are  unauthorized.  The 
Senator  admits  that  when  we  owe  a  debt  and  cannot  pay  it,  we  can  issue 
a  note.  But  where  does  he  find  the  power  to  issue  a  note  in  the  constitution? 
Where  does  he  find  the  power  to  prescribe  the  terms  of  the  note,  to  make  it 
transferable,  receivable  for  public  dues?  He  draws  all  these  powers  as  in 
cidents  to  the  power  to  borrow  money.  According  to  his  argument,  when 
we  pay  a  soldier  a  ten  dollar  demand  bill,  we  borrow  ten  dollars  from  the 
soldier ;  when  I  apply  to  the  secretary  of  the  Senate  for  a  month's  pay,  I  loan 
the  United  States  $250.  This  certainly  is  not  the  view  we  take  of  it  when  we 
receive  the  money.  On  the  other  hand,  we  recognize  the  fact  that  the  gov 
ernment  cannot  pay  us  in  gold.  We  receive  notes  as  money.  The  govern 
ment  ought  to  give,  and  has  the  power  to  give,  to  that  money,  all  the  sanc 
tion,  authority,  value,  necessary  and  proper,  to  enable  it  to  borrow  money. 
The  power  to  fix  the  standard  of  money,  to  regulate  the  medium  of  ex 
changes,  must  necessarily  go  with,  and  be  incident  to,  the  power  to  reg 
ulate  commerce,  to  borrow  money,  to  coin  money,  to  maintain  armies  and 
navies.  All  these  high  powers  are  expressly  prohibited  to  the  states  and 
also  the  incidental  power  to  omit  bills  of  credit,  and  to  make  anything  but 
gold  and  silver  a  legal  tender.  But  Congress  is  expressly  invested  with 
all  these  high  powers,  and,  to  remove  all  doubt,  is  expressly  authorized  to  use 
all  necessary  and  proper  means  to  carry  these  powers  into  effect. 

"If  you  strike  out  the  legal  tender  clause  you  do  so  with  a  knowledge 
that  these  notes  will  fall  dead  upon  the  money  market  of  the  world.  When 
you  issue  demand  notes,  and  announce  to  the  world  your  purpose  not  to  pay 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  225 

any  more  gold  and  silver,  you  then  tender  to  those  who  have  furnished  you 
provisions  and  services  this  paper  money.  What  can  they  do  ?  They  can 
not  pay  their  debts  with  it ;  they  cannot  support  their  families  with  it,  with 
out  a  depreciation.  The  whole  then  depends  on  the  promise  of  the  govern 
ment  to  pay  at  some  time  not  fixed  on  the  note.  Justice  to  our  creditors 
demands  that  it  should  be  a  legal  tender ;  it  will  then  circulate  all  over  this 
country,  and  it  will  be  the  lifeblood  of  the  whole  business  of  the  country, 
and  it  will  enable  capitalists  to  buy  your  bonds.  The  only  objection  to  the 
measure  is  that  too  much  may  be  issued.  He  did  not  believe  the  issue  of 
$150,000,000  would  do  any  harm.  It  is  only  a  mere  temporary  expedi 
ent. 

"  I  have  thus,  Mr.  president,  endeavored  to  reply  to  the  constitutional 
argument  of  the  Senator  from  Vermont.  Our  arguments  must  be  submitted 
finally  to  the  arbitration  of  the  courts  of  the  United  States.  When  I  feel 
so  strongly  the  necessity  of  this  measure,  I  am  constrained  to  assume  the 
power,  and  refer  our  authority  to  exercise  it  to  the  courts.  I  have  shown,  in 
reply  to  the  argument  of  the  Senator  from  Maine,  that  we  must  no  longer 
hesitate  as  to  the  necessity  of  this  measure.  That  necessity  does  exist, 
and  now  presses  upon  us.  I  rest  my  vote  upon  the  proposition  that  this  is 
a  necessary  and  proper  measure  to  furnish  a  currency  —  a  medium  of  ex 
change  —  to  enable  the  government  to  borrow  money,  to  maintain  an  army 
and  support  a  navy.  Believing  this,  I  find  ample  authority  to  authorize  my 
vote.  We  have  been  taught  by  recent  fearful  experience  that  delay  and 
doubt  in  this  time  of  revolutionary  activity  are  stagnation  and  death.  I 
have  sworn  to  raise  and  support  your  armies  ;  to  provide  for  and  maintain 
your  navy  ;  to  borrow  money  ;  to  uphold  your  government  against  all  ene 
mies,  at  home  and  abroad.  That  oath  is  sacred.  As  a  Member  of  this 
body,  I  am  armed  with  high  powers  for  a  holy  purpose,  and  I  am  author 
ized —  nay,  required  —  to  vote  for  all  laws  necessary  and  proper  for  execut 
ing  these  high  powers,  and  to  accomplish  that  purpose.  This  is  not  the 
time  when  I  would  limit  these  powers.  Rather  than  yield  to  revolutionary 
force,  I  would  use  revolutionary  force.  Here  it  is  not  necessary,  for  the 
framers  of  the  constitution  did  not  assume  to  foresee  all  the  means  that  might 
be  necessary  to  maintain  the  delegated  powers  of  the  national  government. 
Regarding  this  great  measure  as  a  necessary  and  proper  one,  and  within  our 
power  to  enact,  I  see  plain  before  me  the  path  of  duty,  and  one  that  is  easy 
to  tread." 

The  motion  to  strike  out  the  legal  tender  clause  in  the  bill 
was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  yeas  17,  nays  22.  The  amendments 
proposed  by  the  finance  committee  were  agreed  to  substan 
tially  as  reported  by  the  committee.  The  bill  finally  passed 
by  a  vote  of  yeas  30,  nays  7.  The  House  agreed  to  the  amend 
ment  providing  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  bonds  and 


>.— 15 


226  RECOLLECTIONS 

notes  in  coin,  and  disagreed  to  the  remaining  amendments,  and 
these  were  referred  to  a  committee  of  conference,  composed  of 
Messrs.  Fessenden,  Sherman,  and  Carlisle  of  West  Virginia,  of 
the  Senate,  and  Messrs.  Stevens,  Horton  and  Sedgwick,  of  the 
House.  The  conference  met,  and,  after  two  or  three  days  of 
full  discussion,  the  material  parts  of  the  disagreements  between 
the  two  Houses  were  settled.  The  provision  that  coin  only  be 
received  for  duties  on  imports,  and  that  it  be  held  as  a  fund  to 
pay  the  interest  on  the  bonded  debt,  was  retained.  The  report 
of  the  conference  was  agreed  to  by  both  Houses,  and  on  the 
same  day  the  bill  was  approved  by  the  President.  Thus,  the 
legal  tender  act,  after  a  most  able  and  determined  opposition, 
became  a  law  on  the  25th  of  February,  1862. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  measure  the  beneficial  results  that 
rapidly  followed  the  passage  of  this  bill.  The  public  credit  was 
greatly  strengthened  by  the  provision  for  the  payment  of  inter 
est  in  coin  furnished  by  duties  on  imported  goods.  The  legal 
tender  clause  was  acquiesced  in  by  all  classes,  and  we  had,  for 
the  first  time,  in  circulation  national  paper  money  as  the  actual 
standard  of  value.  It  was  silent  as  to  time  of  its  payment, 
but  each  note  contained  a  promise  of  the  United  States  to  pay 
a  specific  sum,  and  the  implied  obligation  was  to  pay  in  coin  as 
soon  as  practicable. 

^  On  the  llth  of  July,  1862,  a  further  issue  of  $150,000,000 
United  States  treasury  notes  (or  "greenbacks,"  as  they  were 
commonly  called  from  their  color)  of  the  same  description  was 
authorized,  and  subsequent  issues  increased  the  total  amount 
to  $450,000,000,  the  extreme  limit.  By  the  act  of  March  31, 
1863,  fractional  currency  was  authorized  to  an  amount  not 
exceeding  $50,000,000,  to  take  the  place  of  fractional  silver 
coins,  which  had  entirely  disappeared  from  circulation,  and  this 
amount  was  issued. 

The  passage  of  the  legal  tender  act  was  the  turning  point 
of  our  physical  and  financial  history.  Less  than  a  year  before 
the  government  was  bankrupt ;  our  bonds  bearing  six  per  cent, 
interest  were  sold  at  a  discount;  our  national  expenditures 
exceeded  our  receipts ;  loans  could  only  be  made  upon  the  basis 
of  coin,  and  this  coin  was  disappearing  from  circulation.  We 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  227 

had  to  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  bankers  to  accept  the  de 
mand  notes  of  the  United  States  as  money,  with  no  prospect  of 
being  able  to  pay  them.  Our  regular  army  was  practically  dis 
banded  by  the  disloyalty  of  many  of  its  leading  officers.  Wash 
ington  was  then  practically  in  a  state  of  siege,  forcing  me,  in 
May,  1861,  to  go  there  at  the  heels  of  the  7th  regiment  of  New 
York  militia,  avoiding  the  regular  channels  of  travel.  The 
city  of  Baltimore  was  decked  under  the  flag  of  rebellion. 
Through  the  State  of  Maryland,  loyal  citizens  passed  in  dis 
guise,  except  by  a  single  route  opened  and  defended  by  military 
power.  The  great  State  of  Kentucky,  important  as  well  from 
its  central  position  as  from  the  known  prowess  and  courage  of 
its  people,  hung  suspended  in  doubt  between  loyalty  and  seces 
sion.  In  the  State  of  Missouri,  St.  Louis  was  the  only  place  of 
unquestioned  loyalty,  and  even  there  we  regarded  it  a  fortu 
nate  prize  that  we  were  able  to  take  the  public  arms  from  a 
government  arsenal.  The  whole  State  of  Virginia,  with  the 
single  exception  of  Fortress  Monroe,  was  in  the  possession  of 
the  revolutionary  force. 

But  from  the  passage  of  the  legal  tender  act,  by  which 
means  were  provided  for  utilizing  the  wealth  of  the  country  in 
the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  the  tide  of  war  turned  in  our 
favor.  Delaware,  after  a  short  hesitation,  complied  with  the 
proclamation  of  the  President.  Maryland  had,  by  clear  and 
repeated  votes  and  acts,  arrayed  herself  on  the  side  of  the 
Union.  Her  rebellious  sons  who  fought  against  the  old  flag 
could  not  tread  in  safety  on  a  single  foot  of  the  soil  of  that 
state.  Western  Virginia,  the  eastern  peninsula,  and  many  ports 
on  the  eastern  coast,  were  securely  reclaimed.  The  State  of 
Kentucky  had  distinctly,  by  the  vote  of  her  people,  and  by  the 
action  of  all  her  constituted  authorities,  proclaimed  her  loy 
alty,  and  her  sons  were  fighting  side  by  side  with  the  soldiers 
of  other  states  to  expel  traitors  who,  in  her  days  of  doubt, 
had  seized  upon  a  small  portion  of  her  soil,  which  they  still 
occupied.  In  the  State  of  Missouri  the  constituted  authorities, 
organized  by  a  convention  of  the  people  duly  elected,  were  sus 
tained  by  physical  power  in  nearly  all  the  state,  and  the  rebel 
lion  there  was  subsiding  into  bands  of  thieves,  bridge  burners, 


RECOLLECTIONS 

and  small  parties  of  guerrillas,  who  could  soon  be  readily  con 
trolled  by  local  militia.  In  nearly  every  rebellious  state,  the 
government  had  secured  a  foothold,  and  an  army  of  half  a 
million  men,  armed,  organized  and  disciplined,  impatiently 
awaited  the  word  of  command  to  advance  the  old  banner  of 
our  country  against  every  foe  that  stood  in  its  way.  Where 
does  the  history  of  nations  present  an  example  of  greater  phys 
ical  weakness  followed  so  soon  by  greater  physical  strength? 
When  have  results  more  wonderful  been  accomplished  in  eight 
months? 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1862  we  were  physically  strong 
but  financially  weak.  Therefore,  I  repeat,  the  problem  of  this 
contest  was  not  as  to  whether  we  could  muster  men,  but 
whether  we  could  raise  money.  There  was  great  wealth  in 
the  country  but  how  could  it  be  promptly  utilized?  To  that 
question  the  diligent  attention  of  Congress  was  applied.  The 
banks  which  had  aided  us  with  money  were  crippled  and  had 
suspended  coin  payments.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was 
begging  at  the  doors  of  both  Houses  for  means  to  meet  the 
most  pressing  demands.  On  the  15th  of  January,  1862,  the 
London  "Post,"  the  organ  of  Lord  Palmerston,  said: 

"  The  monetary  intelligence  from  America  is  of  the  most  important  kind. 
National  bankruptcy  is  not  an  agreeable  prospect,  but  it  is  the  only  one  pre 
sented  by  the  existing  state  of  American  finance.  What  a  strange  tale  does 
not  the  history  of  the  United  States  for  the  past  twelve  months  unfold? 
What  a  striking  moral  does  it  not  point  ?  Never  before  was  the  world 
dazzled  by  a  career  of  more  reckless  extravagance.  Never  before  did  a 
flourishing  and  prosperous  state  make  such  gigantic  strides  towards  effecting 
its  own  ruin." 

The  legal  tender  act,  with  its  provision  for  coin  receipts  to 
pay  interest  on  bonds,  whatever  may  be  said  to  the  contrary 
by  theorists,  was  the  only  measure  that  could  have  enabled  the 
government  to  carry  on  successfully  the  vast  operations  of  the 
war.  Our  annual  expenditures  at  that  time  were  four  times 
the  amount  of  our  currency;  were  three  times  the  aggregate 
coin  of  the  country;  were  greater  than  any  ever  borne  by  any 
nation  in  ancient  or  in  modern  times.  The  highest  expendi 
ture  of  Great  Britain  during  her  war  with  Napoleon,  at  a  time 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  229. 

when  her  currency  was  inflated,  when  she  made  the  Bank  of 
England  notes  a  legal  tender,  was  but  £100,000,000. 

Anticipating  these  enormous  expenditures  I  introduced  a 
bill  which  became  a  law  on  the  31st  of  July,  1861,  which  pro 
vided  for  a  commission  to  examine  and  report  as  to  the  com 
pensation  of  all  offices  for  the  government,  the  commission  to 
be  composed  of  two  Members  of  the  Senate,  three  Members  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  one  officer  of  the  navy,  and  one 
officer  of  the  army,  who  were  directed  to  examine  and  report, 
as  soon  as  practicable,  a  fair  and  just  compensation  for  each 
officer  of  the  government,  and  such  regulations  as  would  secure 
a  more  economical  collection  of  the  revenue.  When  this  bill 
was  pending  I  stated  its  purpose  and  my  hope  to  accomplish  a 
reduction  of  the  expenditures  of  the  government,  or,  at  least, 
an  equalization  of  the  salaries  then  paid  to  the  different  offi 
cers.  We  sought  economy  by  the  reduction  of  expenses.  I 
was  chairman  of  this  commission,  and  Senator  Clark,  of  New 
Hampshire,  was  my  associate.  The  commission  collected  a 
mass  of  information,  and  upon  it  based  several  bills  intro 
duced  in  the  second  session  of  the  37th  Congress.  Some  of 
these  were  made  nugatory  by  the  rise  of  prices,  measured  in 
most  cases  by  the  fall  in  the  value  of  our  currency,  but  many 
of  their  provisions  were  ingrafted  into  other  bills  that  became 
laws. 

The  organization  of  national  banks,  authorized  to  issue  cir 
culating  notes,  is  so  intimately  connected  with  legal  tender 
United  States  notes  that  I  think  it  proper  to  consider  them  in 
connection,  though  the  banking  law  did  not  pass  until  1863.  The 
two  forms  of  currency,  one  issued  directly  by  the  government 
as  lawful  money  of  the  United  States  and  a  legal  tender,  and 
the  other  issued  by  private  corporations,  but  secured  by  bonds 
of  the  United  States,  constitute  a  system  of  national  currency 
which,  organized  in  the  midst  of  war,  was  an  important  aid  to 
the  government  in  its  great  struggle,  and  when  placed  at  par 
with  coin  by  the  resumption  act  has  proven  to  be  the  best 
paper  money  created  by  legislation  in  this  or  any  other  country. 

The  issue  of  circulating  notes  by  state  banks  had  been  the 
fruitful  cause  of  loss,  contention  and  bankruptcy,  not  only  of 


230  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

the  banks  issuing  them,  but  of  all  business  men  depending  upon 
them  for  financial  aid.  Inflation  and  apparent  prosperity  were 
often  followed  by  the  closing  of  one  bank  and  distrust  of  all 
others.  The  notes  of  a  broken  bank  were  rarely  paid,  the  as 
sets  of  such  bank  being  generally  applied  to  the  payment  of 
other  liabilities,  leaving  the  loss  to  fall  on  the  holders  of  the 
notes,  mostly  innocent  persons  of  limited  means.  This  led  to 
the  adoption  in  1846  of  the  sub-treasury  system,  by  which  all 
payments  to  the  treasury  were  required  to  be  in  coin,  to  be 
held  until  required  for  disbursements  .on  government  account. 
This  protected  the  United  States,  but  it  did  not  save  the  people 
from  loss,  as,  from  necessity,  they  were  compelled  to  use  bank 
bills  authorized  by  the  several  states,  varying  in  value  and  se 
curity,  and  chiefly  limited  in  circulation  to  the  state  in  which 
issued.  With  a  narrow  view  of  the  powers  of  the  national 
government,  Congress  had  repeatedly  refused  to  authorize  a 
national  bank,  a  policy  I  heartily  approve,  not  from  a  doubt  of 
the  power  of  Congress  to  grant  such  a  charter,  but  from  the 
danger  of  intrusting  so  vast  a  power  in  a  single  corporation, 
with  or  without  security.  This  objection  did  not  lie  against 
the  organization  of  a  system  of  national  banks  extending  over 
the  country,  which  required  every  dollar  of  notes  issued  to  be 
secured  by  a  larger  amount  of  bonds  of  the  United  States,  to 
be  deposited  in  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  thus  saving 
the  note  holder  from  all  possibility  of  loss. 

Secretary  Chase,  in  his  report  of  December  9,  1861,  recom 
mended  that  a  tax  be  imposed  upon  notes  issued  by  state  banks 
and  also  that  Congress  should  exercise  its  authority  to  estab 
lish  a  system  of  national  banks,  with  proper  safeguards  and 
limitations.  A  bill  was  introduced  for  the  latter  purpose  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  1861,  but,  owing  to  the  ur 
gency  for  legislation  on  war  measures,  it  was  not  acted  upon. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
ABOLISHMENT  OF  THE  STATE  BANKS. 

Measures  Introduced  to  Tax  Them  out  of  Existence  —  Arguments  That  Induced 
Congress  to  Deprive  Them  of  the  Power  to  Issue  Their  Bills  as  Money— Bill 
to  Provide  a  National  Currency  —  Why  Congress  Authorized  an  Issue  of 
$400,000,000,  of  United  States  Notes  —  Issue  of  5-20  and  10-40 
Bonds  to  Help  to  Carry  on  the  War— High  Rates  of  Inter 
est  Paid— Secretary  Chase's  Able  Management  of  the 
Public  Debt— Our  Internal  Revenue  System— Re 
peal  of  the  Income  Tax  Law  —  My  Views 
on  the  Taxability  of  Incomes. 

LONG  before  I  became  a  Member  of    Congress  I  had 
carefully  studied    the   banking    laws  of   the   several 
states.    The  State  of  Ohio  adopted,  in   1846,  an  im 
proved  system  of  banking.    My  study  and  experience 
as  a  lawyer  in  Ohio  convinced  me  that  the  whole  system  of 
state  banks,  however  carefully  guarded,  was  both  unconstitu 
tional  and  inexpedient  and  that  it  ought  to  be  overthrown. 
When  I  entered  Congress  I  was  entirely  prepared,  not  only  to 
tax  the  circulation  of  state  banks,  but  to  tax  such  banks  out  of 
existence.    But,  while  this  feeling  prevailed  in  the  west,  the 
opposite   feeling  prevailed  in  the  New  England  and  Middle 
States,  where  their  banking  system  had  been  so  improved  that 
bank  failures  were  rare,  and  bank  bills  were  protected  by  mu 
tual  guaranties. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had,  in  two  annual  messages, 
proposed  a  tax  on  the  circulation  of  bank  bills.  He  believed 
that  the  existing  bank  circulation  prevented  or  embarrassed  the 
process  of  funding,  by  which  alone  the  bonds  of  the  United 
States  could  be  absorbed.  He  was  forbidden  by  law  to  receive 
bank  bills  in  exchange  for  bonds  or  for  any  purpose,  so  that  the 
current  money  of  the  people  was  not  available  for  the  pur 
chase  of  bonds.  This  was  an  additional  argument  for  taxing 
the  state  banks  out  of  existence.  I  introduced  a  measure  for 

(231) 


2^->  RECOLLECTIONS 

this  purpose  as  an  amendment  to  the  revenue  bill,  but  it 
was  postponed  to  save  it  from  defeat. 

I  introduced  a  bill  in  January,  1863,  containing  two  sec 
tions,  the  first  to  levy  a  tax  of  two  per  cent,  per  annum  on 
the  circulation  of  all  bank  bills,  and  the  second  to  provide  for  a 
tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  all  fractional  currency  under  one  dollar 
issued  by  corporations  or  individuals.  Upon  this  bill  I  made  a 
carefully  prepared  speech,  not  only  defending  the  proposed  tax, 
but  declaring  my  purpose  to  urge  a  gradual  increase  of  the  tax 
until  all  state  bank  bills  were  excluded  from  circulation.  As 
the  reversal  of  this  policy  is  threatened  I  feel  justified  in 
briefly  restating  the  argument  that  induced  Congress  to  de 
prive  all  state  banks  of  the  power  to  issue  their  bills  as 
money. 

I  drew  the  distinction  between  the  ordinary  powers  of 
banking  and  the  issue  of  bank  bills.  I  said  that  the  business  of 
banking  proper  consisted  in  loaning  money,  discounting  bills, 
facilitating  exchanges  of  productions  by  the  agency  of  com 
mercial  paper,  and  in  receiving  and  disbursing  the  deposits  of 
individuals.  The  issue  of  bank  bills  was  an  exclusive  privilege 
conferred  only  on  a  few  corporations.  It  was  a  privilege  that 
an  individual  could  not  enjoy.  No  person  could  issue  his  bills 
in  the  form  of  paper  money  without  a  corporate  franchise 
granted  him  and  his  associates,  either  by  a  general  banking 
law,  or  by  an  act  of  incorporation.  All  the  business  of  banking 
might  be  exercised  by  private  individuals  except  this  franchise. 
There  was  no  reason  why  any  one  individual  or  a  partnership 
might  not  carry  on  all  the  business  incident  to  banking  except 
this  one  of  issuing  bills  to  circulate  as  money.  The  largest 
banking  houses  in  the  world  did  not  exercise  the  privilege  of 
issuing  bills.  The  strongest  banks  in  the  United  States,  such 
as  the  Bank  of  Commerce  of  New  York,  had  but  little  or  no 
circulation,  while  the  weakest  banks  supported  themselves  and 
made  profit  by  issuing  the  largest  quantity  of  bills  authorized. 
The  law  then  existing  taxed  heavily  the  business  of  banking 
proper.  All  commercial  paper— checks,  drafts,  orders,  bills  of 
exchange,  protests,  bonds — every  instrument  that  was  used  in 
the  ordinary  process  of  banking — was  heavily  taxed,  while  bank 


.       OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

bills  were  not  taxed  at  all.  A  private  banker  doing  business 
had  to  pay  a  license  of  $100,  but  a  bank  of  circulation  was  ex 
pressly  exempted  from  the  necessity  of  procuring  a  license. 
The  tax  law,  as  it  stood,  had  this  significant  provision :  "  But 
not  to  include  incorporated  banks  legally  authorized  to  issue 
notes  as  circulation."  Every  commercial  instrument  was 
required  to  pay  a  stamp  tax,  but  this  did  not  attach  to 
a  bank  bill.  Bank  notes  issued  for  circulation  were  expressly 
excepted.  The  only  tax  levied  upon  banks  of  circulation 
was  a  tax  of  three  per  cent,  on  the  net  income.  This  tax 
could  be  deducted  from  the  dividend  of  the  stockholders.  This 
discrimination  in  favor  of  the  banks  of  circulation  ran  through 
all  the  tax  laws,  while  other  corporations,  such  as  railroad 
companies,  insurance  companies  and  the  like,  were  subject  to 
heavy  taxes. 

The  profits  of  banking  were  then  very  great.  The  aver 
age  profits  of  the  banks  of  New  York  were  twelve  and  one- 
half  per  cent,  per  annum.  The  burdens  imposed  upon  the 
banks  by  their  charters  were  lessened  by  the  suspension  of  spe 
cie  payments.  When  the  banks  had  to  keep  in  their  vaults 
coin  to  the  amount  of  one-third  of  their  circulation,  and  were 
liable  to  be  called  upon  any  day  for  the  redemption  of  their 
notes  in  gold  and  silver,  they  might  claim  exemption  from 
taxes  on  their  circulating  notes.  But  during  the  suspension  of 
coin  payment  there  was  no  such  liability.  Whether  right  or 
wrong  the  banks  suspended  specie  payments,  and  increased 
their  currency  without  paying  either  principal  of  it  or  interest, 
or  tax  on  it,  though  in  direct  violation  of  law  in  some  states. 

I  referred  in  my  speech  to  an  interview  which  was  sought 
by  the  bankers  of  our  chief  commercial  cities  with  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  to  which  they  invited  the  financial  commit 
tees  of  the  two  Houses  to  hear  their  propositions  for  carrying 
on  the  financial  operations  of  the  government.  We  all  went 
to  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  proposi 
tion  was  there  made  that  the  United  States  should  issue  no 
paper  money  whatever,  that  the  specie  clause,  as  it  is  called,  of 
the  sub-treasury  act  should  be  repealed,  and  that  we  should 
carry  on  the  war  upon  the  basis  of  the  paper  money  of  the 


234  RECOLLECTIONS 

banks,  legalizing  the  suspension  of  specie  payments,  and  that 
the  government  should  issue  no  paper  except  upon  an  interest 
of  six  per  cent.,  or  higher  if  the  money  markets  of  the  world 
demanded  more.  That  was  their  plan  of  finance,  the  plan  sub 
stantially  adopted  in  the  War  of  1812,  and  which  had  been  con 
demned  by  every  statesman  since  that  time,  a  plan  of  carry 
ing  on  the  operations  of  our  government  by  an  association  of 
banks  over  which  Congress  had  no  control,  and  which  could 
issue  money  without  limit  so  far  as  national  laws  affected  it. 
That  was  the  scheme  presented  to  us  by  very  intelligent 
gentlemen  engaged  in  the  banking  business.  They  were 
honest  and  in  earnest,  but  it  appeared  to  me  as  pretentious 
and  even  ludicrous. 

It  was  claimed  that  a  tax  on  banks  interfered  with  vested 
rights.  I  said  that  all  taxes  that  were  levied  by  the  govern 
ment  were  to  maintain  vested  rights,  liberty  and  life.  All  these 
corporate  franchises  were  held  subject  to  the  power  of  taxation 
in  Congress,  which  was  sometimes  necessary  to  be  exercised  in 
the  most  potent  manner  in  order  to  maintain  the  government. 
The  states  could  not,  by  an  act  of  incorporation,  place  their 
property  beyond  the  power  of  Congress.  The  only  question  was 
what  rate  of  taxation  ought  to  be  adopted.  The  rate  proposed— 
two  per  cent. — I  insisted  was  not  too  high,  because  it  was 
only  one-third  of  the  profit  derived  from  the  issue  of  paper 
money  without  interest,  the  principal  of  which  was  not  paid 
in  coin.  I  stated  distinctly  that  the  purpose  of  the  bill  was 
not  merely  to  levy  a  reasonable  tax  on  banks,  but  also  to  in 
duce  them  to  withdraw  their  paper,  in  order  to  substitute  for 
it  a  national  currency.  I  then  reviewed  in  considerable  detail 
the  history  of  our  currency  legislation,  from  the  act  chartering 
the  first  bank  of  the  United  States  to  the  beginning  of  our 
Civil  War,  showing  the  view  taken  by  the  most  eminent 
statesmen  of  our  country  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  uni 
form  national  currency  as  the  highest  object  of  legislation. 
Mr.  Madison  said  in  his  message  : 

"  It  is,  however,  essential  to  every  modification  of  the  finances  that  the 
benefits  of  a  uniform  national  currency  should  be  restored  to  the  community. 
The  absence  of  the  precious  metals  will,  it  is  believed,  be  a  temporary  evil ; 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  235 

but,  until  they  can  again  be  rendered  the  general  medium  of  exchange,  it 
devolves  on  the  wisdom  of  Congress  to  provide  a  substitute  which  shall 
equally  engage  the  confidence  and  accommodate  the  wants  of  the  citizens 
throughout  the  Union." 

I  said  that  when  coin,  the  best  of  currency,  was  driven  out 
of  circulation,  by  the  existence  of  war  or  extraneous  circum 
stances,  it  was  the  duty  of  Congress  to  provide  a  substitute.  In 
1816  Congress  did  this  by  establishing  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States.  Most  of  the  state  banks  shortly  afterward  exploded, 
and  almost  their  entire  issue  outstanding  at  the  time  fell  as  a 
loss  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The  Bank  of  the 
United  States  did  furnish  for  a  while  a  stable  currency.  After 
its  charter  expired  in  1836,  the  controversy  was  between  gold 
and  silver,  and  paper  money  as  a  currency.  Nearly  all  the 
statesmen  of  that  time  believed  it  was  necessary  to  have  a  na 
tional  currency  in  some  form,  but  there  was  a  party  in  the 
country  that  believed  the  only  true  national  currency  was  gold 
and  silver  coin.  After  a  controversy  that  I  would  not  review, 
the  sub-treasury  system  was  finally  adopted.  The  government 
had  then  no  occasion  to  borrow  money.  Its  debt  was  paid  off 
and  there  was  a  large  surplus  in  the  treasury,  which  was  dis 
tributed  among  the  states.  The  agency  of  a  United  States 
bank  was  no  longer  necessary  to  sustain  the  public  credit.  The 
object  then  was  to  secure  a  safe  deposit  and  custody  of  the 
public  revenues.  The  state  banks  failed  to  furnish  a  safe  re 
deemable  currency.  In  1837  their  notes  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  people,  depreciated  and  dishonored,  if  not  entirely  worth 
less.  Therefore,  I  thought  wisely,  the  sub-treasury  system  was 
adopted,  by  which  gold  and  silver  coin  was  the  only  money 
received  or  paid  out  by  the  government.  I  believed  that  such 
was  a  true  policy  in  the  absence  of  national  banks.  I  also 
stated  that  if  peace  were  restored  to  our  country,  we  ought, 
as  soon  as  possible,  to  go  back  to  the  basis  of  gold  and  silver 
coin,  but,  in  the  meantime,  we  must  meet  the  exigencies  of 
the  hour.  Paper  money  was  then  a  necessity.  Gold  and 
silver  were  hoarded.  War  always  had  led,  and  always  would 
lead,  to  the  hoarding  of  the  precious  metals.  Gold  and  sil 
ver  flee  from  a  state  of  war.  All  nations  in  the  midst  of 


236  RECOLLECTIONS 

great  wars  have  been  compelled  to  resort  to  paper  money. 
It  was  resorted  to  by  our  fathers  during  the  Kevolution.  It 
was  only  by  the  use  of  paper  money  that  England  main 
tained  her  wars  with  Napoleon.  At  several  periods  during 
these  wars  gold  and  silver  were  at  a  greater  premium  in 
England  than  they  were  in  this  country. 

I  then  proceeded  to  discuss  the  power  of  Congress  to  issue 
paper  money.  I  quoted  an  extract  from  the  report  of  Mr. 
Dallas,  in  December,  1815,  in  which  he  said  : 

"  By  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  Congress  is  expressly  vested 
with  the  power  to  coin  money,  to  regulate  the  value  of  domestic  and  foreign 
coin  in  circulation,  and  (as  a  necessary  implication  from  positive  provisions) 
to  emit  bills  of  credit ;  while  it  is  declared  by  the  same  instrument  that  '  no 
state  shall  coin  money,  or  emit  bills  of  credit.'  The  constitutional  authority 
to  emit  bills  of  credit  has  also  been  exercised  in  a  qualified  and  limited 
manner.  .  .  . 

"  The  constitutional  and  legal  foundation  of  the  monetary  system  of  the 
United  States  is  thus  distinctly  seen  ;  and  the  power  of  the  federal  gov 
ernment  to  institute  and  regulate  it,  whether  the  circulating  medium  con 
sist  of  coin  or  of  bills  of  credit,  must,  in  its  general  policy,  as  well  as  in  the 
terms  of  its  investment,  be  deemed  an  exclusive  power." 

These  extracts  from  a  document  of  great  ability,  state  the 
whole  question  in  a  few  words.  Congress  has  the  power  to 
regulate  commerce  ;  Congress  has  the  power  to  borrow  money, 
which  involves  the  power  to  emit  bills  of  credit ;  Congress  has 
the  power  to  regulate  the  value  of  coin.  These  powers  are 
exclusive.  When,  by  the  force  of  circumstances  beyond  our 
control,  the  national  coin  disappears,  either  because  of  war 
or  of  other  circumstances,  Congress  alone  must  furnish  the 
substitute.  No  state  has  the  power  to  interfere  with  this  ex 
clusive  authority  in  Congress  to  regulate  the  national  currency, 
or,  in  other  words,  to  provide  a  substitute  for  the  national 
coin. 

I  next  stated  the  objections  to  local  banks.  The  first  was 
the  great  number  and  diversity  of  bank  charters.  There  were 
1,642  banks  in  the  United  States,  established  by  the  laws  of 
twenty-eight  different  states,  and  these  laws  were  as  diverse,  I 
might  say,  as  the  human  countenance.  We  had  the  state  bank 
system  with  its  branches.  We  had  the  independent  system, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  237 

sometimes  secured  by  local  bonds,  sometimes  by  state  bonds, 
sometimes  by  real  estate,  sometimes  by  a  mixture  of  these.  We 
had  every  diversity  of  the  bank  system  in  this  country  that  has 
been  devised  by  the  wit  of  man,  and  all  these  banks  had  the 
power  to  issue  paper  money.  With  this  multiplicity  of  banks, 
depending  upon  different  organizations,  it  was  impossible  to 
have  a  uniform  national  currency,  for  its  value  was  constantly 
affected  by  their  issues.  There  was  no  common  regulator ; 
they  were  dependent  on  different  systems.  The  clearing  house 
system  adopted  in  the  city  of  New  York  applied  only  to  that 
city.  There  was  no  check  or  control  over  these  banks.  There 
was  a  want  of  harmony  and  concert  among  them.  Whenever 
a  failure  occurred,  such  as  that  of  the  Ohio  Life  Insurance  and 
Trust  Company,  it  operated  like  a  panic  in  a  disorganized  army ; 
all  of  the  banks  closed  their  doors  at  once  and  suspended  specie 
payments. 

Another  objection  to  these  local  banks  was  that  of  their 
unequal  distribution  among  the  states.  In  New  England  the 
circulation  of  the  banks  was  about  $50,000,000,  while  in  Ohio,  a 
state  with  three-fourths  of  the  population  of  all  New  England, 
it  was  but  $9,000,000.  The  contrast,  if  made  with  other  states, 
was  still  more  marked.  I  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
circulation  of  banks  in  the  eastern  states  had  then  reached 
about  $130,000,000,  and  of  that  amount,  $40,000,000  was  circu 
lating  in  the  west.  If  these  notes  were  driven  out  of  circula 
tion  and  the  United  States  notes  substituted,  a  contribution 
would  be  made  to  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  of  $2,400,- 
000  a  year,  for  the  mere  interest  of  a  currency  which  the  west 
did  not  prefer,  but  was  compelled  to  use. 

I  called  attention  to  the  loss  to  the  people  by  counterfeiting, 
which  could  not  be  avoided  when  we  had  such  a  multitude  of 
banks.  It  then  required  experts  to  detect  counterfeits.  It 
was  impossible  to  prevent  counterfeiting.  An  expert  could 
save  the  banks,  but  the  loss  fell  upon  the  people.  By  the  sub 
stitution  of  national  currency  we  substantially  could  lose  noth 
ing  by  counterfeiting.  The  notes  would  be  few  in  kind,  only 
three  or  four  of  them,  all  issued  by  the  United  States,  all  of  a 
uniform  character,  that  could  not  be  counterfeited.  I  described, 


238  RECOLLECTIONS 

with  some  detail,  the  loss  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  by 
bills  of  broken  banks,  computed  then  to  be  equivalent  to  five 
per  cent,  per  annum  of  all  the  bills  issued.  On  an  average,  every 
twenty  years  the  entire  bank  circulation  ceased  to  exist  or 
deteriorated. 

The  loss  of  exchange  from  the  west  to  the  east  on  local  cur 
rency  was  one  per  cent.  This  loss  was  usually  made  a  gain  to 
themselves  by  the  bankers  and  "shavers."  Under  the  most 
favorable  state  of  trade  between  the  east  and  west  an  ex 
change  of  one  per  cent,  was  demanded  for  drafts  and  bills  of 
exchange.  With  a  national  currency,  uniform  and  equal 
throughout  the  country,  this  cost  for  exchange  would  not  exist 
or  would  be  greatly  reduced.  I  called  attention  to  the  then 
increasing  volume  of  local  currency  in  the  United  States. 
When  the  United  States  had  issued  $250,000,000  of  notes,  the 
banks  had  largely  increased  their  circulation.  This  tended  to 
depreciate  both  United  States  and  bank  notes. 

I  discussed  at  similar  length  the  proposition  that,  as  the 
states  were  forbidden  by  the  constitution  to  authorize  the  issue 
of  bills  of  credit,  they  were  equally  forbidden  to  authorize  cor 
porations  to  issue  circulating  notes,  which  were  bills  of  credit. 
Upon  this  point  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  authorities  were  abso 
lutely  conclusive.  That  position  was  taken  by  the  most  emi 
nent  members  of  the  constitutional  convention,  by  Joseph 
Story  in  his  "  Commentaries,"  by  Daniel  Webster,  and  other 
great  leaders  of  both  parties  since  that  time.  It  was  in  refer 
ence  to  these  bills  that  Mr.  Webster  used  the  language  often 
quoted: 

"  A  disordered  currency  is  one  of  the  greatest  of  political  evils.  It  under 
mines  the  virtues  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  social  system,  and 
encourages  propensities  distinctive  of  its  happiness.  It  wars  against  indus 
try,  frugality,  and  economy  ;  and  it  fosters  the  evil  spirits  of  extravagance 
and  speculation.  Of  all  the  contrivances  for  cheating  the  laboring  classes  of 
mankind,  none  has  been  more  effectual  than  that  which  deludes  them  with 
paper  money.  This  is  the  most  effectual  of  inventions  to  fertilize  the  rich 
man's  field  by  the  sweat  of  the  poor  man's  brow.  Ordinary  tyranny,  oppres 
sion,  excessive  taxation,  these  bear  lightly  on  the  happiness  of  the  mass  of 
the  community,  compared  with  a  fraudulent  currency,  and  the  robberies  com 
mitted  by  depreciated  paper." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  239 

In  speaking  of  the  bank  circulation  then  afloat  in  the 
country,  he  further  said: 

"  It  is  further  to  be  observed  that  the  states  cannot  issue  bills  of  credit ; 
not  that  they  cannot  make  them  a  legal  tender,  but  that  they  cannot  issue 
them  at  all.  Is  not  this  a  clear  indication  of  the  intent  of  the  constitution  to 
restrain  the  states,  as  well  from  establishing  a  paper  circulation  as  from  inter 
fering  with  the  metallic  circulation?  Banks  have  been  created  by  states 
with  no  capital  whatever,  their  notes  being  put  into  circulation  simply  on  the 
credit  of  the  state  or  the  state  law.  What  are  the  issues  of  such  banks  but 
bills  of  credit  issued  by  the  state?  I  confess,  Mr.  president,  that  the  more  I 
reflect  on  this  subject,  the  more  clearly  does  my  mind  approach  the  conclusion 
that  the  creation  of  state  banks,  for  the  purpose  and  with  the  power  of  circu 
lating  paper,  is  not  consistent  with  the  grants  and  prohibitions  of  the 
constitution." 

I  insisted  that  if  there  was  no  money  in  this  country  but 
United  States  notes,  the  process  of  funding  would  be  going  on 
day  by  day.  Whenever  there  was  too  great  an  accumulation 
of  these  notes  they  would  be  converted  into  bonds;  the  opera 
tion  would  go  on  quietly  and  silently.  I  quoted  the  authority 
of  Secretary  Chase  that  it  was  his  deliberate  judgment,  after 
watching  this  process  with  all  his  conceded  ability,  that  but  for 
the  influence  of  this  local  bank  paper  he  would  be  able  to  carry 
on  the  war  without  the  issue  of  more  paper  money,  that  the 
currency  then  outstanding  and  that  which  by  law  he  was  au 
thorized  to  issue  would  be  sufficient  to  carry  it  on.  Such  a  cur 
rency  would  lead  to  the  conversion  of  the  notes  into  bonds,  and 
by  this  process  the  people  would  absorb  the  national  loan  and 
enable  him  to  carry  on  the  government  without  any  sacrifice 
to  them. 

It  was  not  strange  that  Mr.  Jefferson,  near  the  close  of  the 
War  of  1812,  stated  more  clearly  than  I  could  do  the  conflict 
between  local  bank  paper  and  United  States  notes.  He,  who 
during  his  whole  life  was  so  mindful  of  the  rights  of  the  states, 
and  so  jealous  of  paper  money,  in  brief  and  terse  language  des 
ignated  the  only  way  in  which  our  country  could  carry  on  war. 
In  his  letter  to  Mr.  Cooper,  dated  September  10,  1814,  just  at 
the  close  of  the  war,  he  said: 

"  The  banks  have  discontinued  themselves.  We  are  now  without  any 
medium,  and  necessity,  as  well  as  patriotism  and  confidence,  will  make  us  all 
eager  to  receive  treasury  notes,  if  founded  on  specific  taxes. 


240  RECOLLECTIONS 

"  Congress  may  now  borrow  of  the  public,  and  without  interest,  all  the 
money  they  may  want,  to  the  amount  of  a  competent  circulation,  by  merely 
issuing  their  own  promissory  notes  of  proper  denominations  for  the  larger 
purposes  of  circulation,  but  not  for  the  small.  Leave  that  door  open  for  the 
entrance  of  metallic  money.  .  .  .  Providence  seems,  indeed,  by  a 
special  dispensation,  to  have  put  down  for  us,  without  a  struggle,  that  very 
paper  enemy  which  the  interest  of  our  citizens  long  since  required  ourselves 
to  put  down,  at  whatever  risk. 

"  The  work  is  done.  The  moment  is  pregnant  with  futurity,  and  if  not 
seized  at  once  by  Congress,  I  know  not  on  what  shoal  our  bark  is  next  to  be 
stranded.  The  state  legislatures  should  be  immediately  urged  to  relinquish 
the  right  of  establishing  banks  of  discount.  Most  of  them  will  comply,  on 
patriotic  principles,  under  the  convictions  of  the  moment,  and  the  non-com 
plying  may  be  crowded  into  concurrence  by  legitimate  devices." 

I  also  quoted  another  extract  to  show  that  this  matter 
filled  the  mind  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  He  said: 

"  Put  down  the  banks,  and  if  this  country  could  not  be  carried  through 
the  longest  war,  against  her  most  powerful  enemy,  without  ever  knowing  the 
want  of  a  dollar,  without  dependence  on  the  traitorous  classes  of  her  citizens, 
without  bearing  hard  on  the  resources  of  the  people,  or  loading  the  public 
with  an  indefinite  burthen  of  debt,  I  know  nothing  of  my  countrymen.  Not 
by  any  novel  project,  not  by  any  charlatanry,  but  by  ordinary  and  well-ex 
perienced  means  ;  by  the  total  prohibition  of  all  paper  at  all  times,  by  reason 
able  taxes  in  war,  aided  by  the  necessary  emissions  of  public  paper  of  circu 
lating  size,  this  bottomed  on  special  taxes,  redeemable  annually  as  this 
special  tax  comes  in,  and  finally  within  a  moderate  period — even  with  the 
flood  of  private  paper  by  which  we  were  deluged — would  the  treasury  have 
ventured  its  credit  in  bills  of  circulating  size,  as  of  five  or  ten  dollars,  etc., 
they  would  have  been  greedily  received  by  the  people  in  preference  to 
bank  paper." 

On  the  26th  of  January,  1863,  I  introduced  in  the  Senate  a 
bill  to  "provide  a  national  currency,  secured  by  a  pledge  of 
United  States  stocks,  and  for  the  circulation  and  redemption 
thereof."  This  bill  took  the  usual  course,  was  referred  to  the 
committee  on  finance,  was  reported  favorably  with  a  number 
of  amendments,  and  was  fully  debated  in  the  Senate.  On  the 
9th  of  February,  1863,  a  cursory  debate  occurred  between  Mr. 
Collamer,  of  Vermont,  and  myself,  which  indicated  a  very 
strong  opposition  to  the  passage  of  the  banking  bill.  Various 
amendments  were  proposed  and  some  adopted.  I  became  sat 
isfied  that  if  a  strong  effort  was  not  made  the  bill  would  either 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  241 

be  defeated  or  postponed.  I,  then,  without  preparation,  made 
a  long,  and,  as  I  think,  a  comprehensive,  speech  covering  the 
general  subject  and  its  principal  details.  It  was  the  only  speech 
of  considerable  length  that  was  made  in  favor  of  the  bill  in  the 
Senate.  There  seemed  to  be  a  hesitancy  in  passing  a  measure 
so  radical  in  its  character  and  so  destructive  to  the  existing 
system  of  state  banks. 

I  said  the  importance  of  the  subject  under  consideration 
demanded  a  fuller  statement  than  had  as  yet  been  made  of 
the  principle  and  object  of  the  bill.  It  was  the  misfortune  of 
war  that  we  were  compelled  to  act  upon  matters  of  grave 
importance  without  that  mature  deliberation  that  would  be 
secured  in  peaceful  times.  The  measure  affected  the  property 
of  every  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  yet  our  action  for 
good  or  evil  must  be  concluded  within  a  few  days  or  weeks  of 
that  session.  We  were  to  choose  between  a  permanent  system 
designed  to  establish  a  uniform  national  currency  based  upon 
the  public  credit,  limited  in  amount,  and  guarded  by  all  the 
restraints  which  the  experience  of  men  had  proved  necessary, 
and  a  system  of  paper  money  without  limit  as  to  amount, 
except  for  the  growing  necessities  of  war. 

I  narrated  the  history  of  the  bill,  of  its  introduction  in  De 
cember,  1861,  its  urgent  recommendation  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  in  two  annual  reports,  and  the  conditions  that 
then  demanded  immediate  action  upon  it.  I  stated  the  then 
financial  condition  of  the  country.  Gold  was  at  a  premium  of 
between  fifty  and  sixty  per  cent,  and  was  substantially  banished 
from  circulation.  We  were  in  the  midst  of  war,  when  the  ne 
cessities  of  the  government  required  us  to  have  large  sums  of 
money.  We  could  not  choose  as  to  the  mode  in  which  we  should 
get  that  money.  If  we  pursued  the  ordinary  course,  the  course 
that  had  been  sufficient  in  times  of  peace  to  raise  money,  of 
putting  our  bonds  into  the  market  and  selling  them  for  what 
they  would  bring,  it  would  be  at  a  great  sacrifice.  We  knew 
this  from  the  history  of  other  nations  and  from  our  own  expe 
rience.  We  therefore  must  look  for  some  system  of  finance 
that  would  give  us  all  the.  aid  possible,  either  in  the  form  of 
paper  money  or  by  the  agencies  of  associated  banks.  We  knew 

S.—16 


242  RECOLLECTIONS 

very  well  that  after  the  war  was  over  the  government  would 
still  be  largely  in  need  of  money. 

I  then  reviewed  the  various  financial  measures  since  the 
commencement  of  the  war.  We  were  then  in  the  peculiar 
condition  of  a  nation  involved  in  war  without  any  currency 
whatever  which  by  law  could  be  used  in  the  ordinary  trans 
actions  of  the  public  business.  Gold  was  withdrawn  by  the 
suspension  of  specie  payments.  The  money  of  the  banks  could 
not  be  used  because  the  laws  of  the  United  States  forbade  it, 
and  we  were  without  any  currency  whatever.  Under  these 
circumstances,  Congress  had  authorized  the  issue  of  $400,000,- 
000  of  United  States  notes.  That  this  measure  was  wise 
but  few  would  controvert.  We  were  compelled,  by  a  necessity 
as  urgent  as  could  be  imposed  upon  any  legislature,  to  issue 
these  notes.  To  the  extent  to  which  they  were  issued  they 
were  useful;  they  were  a  loan  by  the  public  and  without  inter 
est;  they  were  eagerly  sought  by  our  people;  they  were  taken 
by  our  enemies  in  the  south,  by  our  friends  in  the  north;  they 
were  taken  in  the  east  and  the  west.  They  furnished  the  best 
substitute  for  gold  and  silver  that  could  then  be  devised,  and  if 
we  could  limit  United  States  notes  to  the  amount  then  author 
ized  by  law  they  would  form  a  suitable  and  valuable  currency. 

We  had  but  four  expedients  from  which  to  choose.  First, 
to  repeal  the  sub-treasury  act  and  use  the  paper  of  local  banks 
as  a  currency;  second,  to  increase  largely  the  issue  of  United 
States  notes;  third,  to  organize  a  system  of  national  banking, 
and  fourth,  to  sell  the  bonds  of  the  United  States  in  the  open 
market.  I  discussed  each  of  these  expedients  in  considerable 
detail.  The  practical  objection  to  the  further  issue  of  United 
States  notes  was  that  there  was  no  mode  of  redemption;  they 
were  safe ;  they  were  of  uniform  value,  but  there  was  no  mode 
pointed  out  by  which  they  were  to  be  redeemed.  No  one  was 
bound  to  redeem  them.  They  were  receivable  but  not  convert 
ible.  They  were  debts  of  the  United  States  but  could  not  be 
presented  anywhere  for  redemption.  No  man  could  present 
them  except  for  the  purpose  of  funding  them  into  the  bonds 
of  the  United  States.  They  were  not  convertible  into  coin. 
They  lacked  that  essential  element  in  currency. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  243 

Another  objection  was  that  they  were  made  the  basis  of 
state  bank  issues.  Under  the  operation  of  the  act  declaring 
United  States  notes  to  be  a  legal  tender,  the  state  bank  circula 
tion  had  increased  from  $120,000,000  to  $167,000,000.  The  banks 
sold  their  gold  at  a  large  premium,  and  placed  in  their  vaults 
United  States  notes  with  which  to  redeem  their  own  notes. 
While  the  government  had  been  issuing  its  paper  money  some 
of  the  banks  were  inflating  the  currency,  by  issuing  paper 
money  on  the  basis  of  United  States  money.  Illustrations  of 
this  inflation  were  given  of  existing  banks,  showing  enormous 
issues  based  upon  a  comparatively  small  amount  of  legal  tender 
notes.  The  issue  of  United  States  notes  by  the  government, 
and  the  making  them  a  legal  tender,  was  made  the  basis  of  an 
inflated  bank  circulation  in  the  country,  and  there  was  no 
way  to  check  this  except  by  uniting  the  interest  of  the  govern 
ment,  the  banks,  and  the  people,  together,  by  one  uniform  com 
mon  system. 

I  said  that  during  war  local  banks  were  the  natural  enemies 
of  a  national  currency.  They  were  in  the  War  of  1812.  When 
ever  specie  payment  was  suspended,  the  power  to  issue  a  bank 
note  was  the  same  as  the  power  to  coin  money.  The  power 
granted  to  the  Bank  of  France  and  the  Bank  of  England  to 
issue  circulating  notes  was  greatly  abused  during  the  period  of 
war.  It  was  a  power  that  ought  never  to  be  exercised  except  by 
the  government,  and  only  when  the  state  was  in  danger.  It  was 
the  power  to  coin  money,  because  when  a  bank  issued  its  bill 
without  the  restraint  of  specie  payments,  it  substantially 
coined  money  and  false  money.  This  was  a  privilege  that  no 
nation  could  safely  surrender  to  individuals  or  banks.  Upon 
this  point  I  cited  a  number  of  authorities,  not  only  in  our  own 
country,  but  in  Europe.  While  I  believed  that  no  system  of 
paper  money  should  depend  upon  banks,  I  was  far  from  object 
ing  to  their  agency.  They  were  useful  and  necessary  mediums 
of  exchange,  indispensable  in  all  commercial  countries.  The 
only  power  they  derived  from  corporation  not  granted  to  all 
citizens  was  to  issue  notes  as  money,  and  this  power  was  not 
necessary  to  their  business  or  essential  to  their  profit.  Their 
business  connected  them  with  the  currency,  and  whether  it 


244  RECOLLECTIONS 

should  be  gold  or  paper  they  were  deeply  interested  in  its  credit 
and  value.  Was  it  not  then  possible  to  preserve  to  the  govern 
ment  the  exclusive  right  to  issue  paper  money,  and  yet  not 
injuriously  affect  the  local  banks?  This  was  the  object  of 
that  bill. 

But,  it  was  asked,  why  look  at  all  to  the  interest  of  the 
banks,  why  not  directly  issue  the  notes  of  the  government, 
and  thus  save  to  the  people  the  interest  on  the  debt  repre 
sented  by  the  notes  in  circulation?  The  only  answer  to 
this  was  that  history  taught  us  that  the  public  faith  of  a 
nation  alone  is  not  sufficient  to  maintain  a  paper  currency. 
There  must  be  a  combination  between  the  interests  of  private 
individuals  and  the  government.  Our  revolutionary  currency, 
continental  money,  depreciated  until  it  became  worthless. 
The  assignatsof  France,  issued  during  her  revolutionary  period, 
shared  the  same  fate.  Other  European  countries  which  relied 
upon  government  money  alone  had  a  similar  experience.  An 
excessive  issue  of  paper  money  by  the  government  would  pro 
duce  bankruptcy  and  repudiation,  not  only  of  the  notes  issued, 
but  of  bonds  also.  The  government  of  the  United  States  had 
in  circulation  nearly  $400,000,000  United  States  notes.  We 
had  a  bank  circulation  of  $160,000,000.  If  we  increased  our 
circulation,  as  was  then  proposed,  it  would  create  an  inflation 
that  would  evidently  lead  to  the  derangement  of  all  business 
affairs  in  the  country.  Whatever  might  be  the  hazards,  we 
had  to  check  this  over  expansion  and  over  issue.  If  a  further 
issue  of  United  States  notes  were  authorized,  it  would  be  at 
once  followed  by  the  issue  of  more  bank  paper,  and  then  we 
would  have  the  wildest  speculation.  Hitherto  the  inflation 
had  not  extended  to  many  articles.  Eeal  estate  had  not  been 
much  affected  by  it. 

The  question  then  occurred  whether  the  bank  bill  proposed 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  introduced  by  me  into 
the  Senate,  would  tend  to  secure  a  national  currency  beyond 
the  danger  of  inflation.  This,  the  principal  question  involved, 
was  discussed  at  length.  I  contended  that  the  notes  issued 
would  be  convertible  into  United  States  notes  while  the  war 
lasted,  and  afterwards  into  coin ;  that  the  currency  would  be 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  245 

uDiform,  of  universal  credit  in  every  part  of  the  United  States, 
while  the  bank  bills,  which  it  would  supersede,  were  current 
only  in  the  states  in  which  they  were  issued.  It  would  furnish 
a  market  for  our  bonds  by  requiring  them  to  be  held  as  the  se 
curity  for  bank  notes,  and  thus  advance  the  value  of  the  bonds. 
The  state  bank  bills  would  be  withdrawn,  and  the  state  banks 
would  be  converted  into  national  banks  with  severe  restrictions 
as  to  the  amount  of  notes  issued,  and  these  only  issued  to  them 
by  the  general  government  upon  ample  security.  The  similar 
ity  of  notes  all  over  the  United  States  would  give  them  a  wider 
circulation.  I  insisted  that  the  passage  of  the  bill  would  pro 
mote  a  sentiment  of  nationality. 

The  policy  of  this  country  ought  to  be  to  make  everything 
national  as  far  as  possible.  If  we  were  dependent  on  the  United 
States  for  a  currency  and  a  medium  of  exchange,  we  would  have 
a  broader  and  more  prosperous  nationality.  The  want  of  such 
nationality,  I  then  declared,  was  one  of  the  great  evils  of  the 
times ;  and  it  was  that  principle  of  state  rights,  that  bad  senti 
ment  that  had  elevated  state  authority  above  the  great  na 
tional  authority,  that  had  been  the  main  instrument  by  which 
our  government  was  sought  to  be  overthrown.  Another  im 
portant  advantage  the  banks  would  derive  from  this  system,  I 
urged,  would  be  that  their  notes  would  be  guarded  against  all 
frauds  and  all  alterations.  There  would  be  but  five  or  six 
kinds  of  notes  in  the  United  States,  instead  of  the  great  diver 
sity  there  was  then.  In  1862  the  number  of  banks  existing 
was  1,500,  and  the  number  whose  notes  were  not  counterfeited 
was  253.  The  number  of  kinds  of  "imitations"  was  1,861. 
The  number  of  kinds  of  "  alterations  "  was  3,039.  The  number 
of  kinds  of  "spurious"  was  1,685.  This  was  the  kind  of  cur 
rency  that  was  proposed  to  be  superseded.  Under  the  new 
system,  the  banks  would  be  relieved  from  all  this  difficulty. 

Other  advantages  to  the  banks  would  be  that  they  might  be 
come  depositories  of  the  public  money,  that  their  notes,  being 
amply  secured,  would  be  received  in  all  payments  due  to  or 
from  the  United  States,  while  the  notes  of  the  state  banks  could 
not  be  so  received,  as  they  were  dishonored  and  disgraced  from 
the  beginning,  being  refused  by  the  national  government. 


246  RECOLLECTIONS 

This  is  an  imperfect  view  of  the  question  as  it  was  then 
presented  to  my  mind.  I  knew  the  vote  upon  the  passage  of 
the  bill  would  be  doubtful.  The  New  England  Senators,  as  a 
rule,  voted  for  the  bill,  but  Senators  Collamer  and  Foote  had 
taken  decided  grounds  against  it,  and  it  was  believed  that  Mr. 
Anthony  and  his  colleague  would  do  likewise.  I  informed 
Secretary  Chase  of  my  doubt  as  to  the  passage  of  the  bill,  and 
especially  whether  Mr.  Anthony  would  vote  for  it ;  without  his 
vote  I  did  not  think  it  would  pass.  Mr.  Chase  called  at  the 
Senate  and  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Anthony,  in  my  presence, 
in  which  he  urged  him  strongly,  on  national  grounds,  to  vote 
for  the  bill,  without  regard  to  local  interests  in  his  own  state. 
His  remarks  made  an  impression  upon  Mr.  Anthony  who 
finally  exclaimed  that  he  believed  it  to  be  his  duty  to  vote  for 
the  bill,  although  it  would  be  the  end  of  his  political  career. 
When  the  vote  was  taken  his  name  was  the  first  recorded  in 
favor  of  the  bill.  It  passed  by  a  vote  of  23  yeas  and  21  nays,  so 
that  I  was  entirely  correct  that  if  he  had  voted  against  the  bill 
it  would  have  been  defeated  by  a  tie  vote. 

These  two  measures,  the  absorption  of  the  state  banks,  and 
the  establishment  of  the  system  of  national  banks,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  legal  tender  act,  were  the  most  important 
financial  measures  of  the  war,  and,  tested  by  time,  have  fully 
realized  the  anticipations  and  confident  assurance  of  their 
authors. 

This  system  of  national  banks  has  furnished  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States  a  currency  combining  the  national  faith 
with  the  private  stock  and  private  credit  of  individuals.  They 
have  a  currency  that  is  safe,  uniform,  and  convertible.  Not 
one  dollar  of  the  notes  issued  by  national  banks  has  been  lost 
by  any  person  through  the  failure  of  a  bank.  We  have  a 
currency  limited  in  amount,  restrained  and  governed  by  law, 
checked  by  the  power  of  visitation  and  by  the  limitation  of 
liabilities,  safe,  uniform,  and  convertible  in  every  part  of  the 
country.  Every  one  of  these  conditions  prophesied  by  me  has 
been  literally  realized. 

Next  in  importance  to  a  national  currency  was  the  problem 
of  the  public  debt.  The  issue  of  $50,000,000,  demand  notes, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  247 

authorized  in  1861,  was  a  forced  expedient  to  meet  immediate 
demands.  A  prudent  man,  engaged  in  business,  would  not  bor 
row  money  payable  on  call  unless  he  had  securities  which  he 
could  immediately  convert  into  money.  Such  liabilities  are 
proper  in  a  stock  exchange  or  in  a  gambling  operation,  to  be 
settled  by  the  receipt  or  payment  of  balances  on  the  rise  or 
fall  in  the  market  of  stocks  or  produce.  These  demand  notes 
gave  Secretary  Chase  more  trouble  than  any  other  security, 
and  they  were  finally  absorbed  in  the  payment  of  customs 
duties. 

On  the  17th  of  July,  1861,  Congress  authorized  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  to  borrow,  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States,  within  twelve  months,  $250,000,000,  for  which  he  was 
authorized  to  issue  bonds,  coupon  or  registered,  or  treasury 
notes,  the  bonds  to  bear  interest  not  exceeding  seven  per  cent., 
payable  semi-annually,  irredeemable  for  twenty  years.  The 
treasury  notes  were  to  be  of  any  denominations  fixed  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  not  less  than  fifty  dollars,  and  to  be 
payable  three  years  after  date,  with  interest  at  the  rate  of 
seven  and  three-tenths  per  cent,  per  annum,  payable  semi-annu 
ally.  He  was  also  authorized  to  issue,  in  exchange  for  coin, 
as  a  part  of  the  loan  of  $250,000,000,  treasury  notes  payable 
on  demand,  already  referred  to,  or  treasury  notes  bearing 
interest  at  the  rate  of  three  and  sixty-five  hundredths  per 
cent,  per  annum,  and  payable  in  one  year  from  date  and  ex 
changeable  at  any  time  for  treasury  notes  of  fifty  dollars  and 
upwards.  These  forms  of  security  were  the  most  burdensome 
that  were  issued  by  the  government  during  the  war.  The 
terms  of  these  securities  were  somewhat  altered  by  the  act 
approved  August  5,  1861. 

These  laws  were  superseded  by  the  act  of  February  28, 1862, 
which  may  be  regarded  as  the  most  important  loan  law  passed 
during  the  war.  It  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
issue,  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  $150,000,000  of  United 
States  notes,  commonly  called  greenbacks,  already  described. 
Of  these,  $50,000,000  were  to  be  in  lieu  of  the  demand  treasury 
notes  authorized  to  be  issued  by  the  act  of  July,  1861,  above  re 
ferred  to.  It  also  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 


248  RECOLLECTIONS 

issue  $500,000,000  of  coupon,  or  registered,  bonds,  redeemable  at 
the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  five  years,  and  payable 
twenty  years  from  date,  bearing  interest  at  the  rate  of  six  per 
cent,  per  annum,  payable  semi-annually.  These  are  what  were 
known  as  the  5-20  bonds.  In  reference  to  these  securities,  Sec 
retary  Chase,  in  his  report  of  December  4,  1862,  said: 

"These  measures  have  worked  well.  Their  results  more  than  fulfilled 
the  anticipations  of  the  secretary.  The  rapid  sale  of  the  bonds,  aided  by 
the  issue  of  United  States  notes,  furnished  the  means  necessary  for  the  con 
duct  of  the  war  during  that  year." 

On  the  3rd  of  March,  1863,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was 
authorized  to  borrow,  from  time  to  time,  on  the  credit  of  the 
United  States,  a  sum  not  exceeding  $300,000,000  for  the  current 
fiscal  year,  and  $600,000,000  for  the  next  fiscal  year,  payable  in 
coin,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  government,  after  such  periods  as 
may  be  fixed  by  the  secretary,  not  less  than  ten,  or  more  than 
forty,  years  from  date.  These  bonds,  known  as  the  10-40's, 
bearing  five  per  cent,  interest,  were  exempt  from  taxation  by 
or  under  state  or  municipal  authority.  This  act  also  provided 
for  the  issue  of  a  large  increase  of  non-interest  bearing  treasury 
notes,  which  were  made  lawful  money  and  a  legal  tender  in 
payment  of  all  debts,  public  or  private,  within  the  United 
States,  except  for  duties  on  imported  goods  and  interest  on  the 
public  debt.  Additional  10-40  bonds  were  authorized  by  the 
act  of  June  30,  1864.  But  it  may  be  said  that  the  5-20  and  10- 
40  bonds  became  the  well-known,  recognized  securities  of  the 
United  States,  the  sale  of  which  at  par,  in  connection  with  the 
treasury  notes  of  different  forms,  furnished  the  United  States 
the  money  to  carry  on  the  war.  In  the  sale  of  these  securities 
the  secretary  was  actively  assisted  by  the  banks  and  bankers 
of  the  United  States,  and  especially  by  Jay  Cooke,  who  was  the 
most  effective  agent  of  the  government  in  the  sale  of  5-20 
bonds. 

Secretary  Chase,  in  his  report  of  December  10,  1863,  dis 
cussed  at  length  the  objects  to  be  kept  studiously  in  view  in 
the  creation  of  debt  by  negotiations  of  loans  or  otherwise:  First, 
moderate  interest;  second,  general  distribution;  third,  future 
controllability;  and,  fourth,  Incidental  utility. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  249 

The  first  loans  were  made  upon  the  extravagant  rate  of  in 
terest  of  seven  and  three-tenths  per  cent.  The  reason  for  this 
was  the  fact  that  there  was  no  currency  the  secretary  could 
receive  in  exchange  for  bonds.  As  already  stated,  specie  pay 
ments  were  suspended  by  the  banks  December  31,  1861.  He 
was  forbidden  by  law  to  receive  bank  bills,  and  he  knew  that 
Congress  would  not  and  ought  not  to  repeal  this  law.  After  such 
suspension  coin  was  scarce  and  difficult  to  obtain.  Afterwards, 
when  the  legal  tender  notes  were  authorized  and  issued,  he 
sold  his  bonds  bearing  six  per  cent,  interest  at  par  for  notes, 
but  these  notes  had  already  largely  depreciated  compared  with 
coin.  Still,  they  were  money,  readily  taken  for  all  supplies, 
and  enabled  him  to  sell  securities  running  a  shorter  period. 
A  diversity  of  securities  maturing  at  different  times  were  ex 
changed  for  notes,  and  finally  he  was  able  to  sell  five  per  cent, 
bonds  at  par,  so  that,  on  the  30th  of  September,  1863,  two 
months  previous  to  his  report,  securities  and  notes  then  out 
standing  amounted  to  $1,222,113,559.  The  first  bonds  were  ir 
redeemable  for  twenty  years.  The  second  bonds  were  redeem 
able  in  five,  but  payable  in  twenty,  years.  The  third  bonds, 
bearing  five  per  cent,  interest,  were  redeemable  after  ten  years. 
It  will  be  perceived  that  under  this  arrangement  the  rate  of 
interest  on  securities  issued  was  constantly  reduced.  The 
notes  received  in  payment  of  bonds  depreciated  or  advanced  in 
sympathy  with  the  progress  of  our  armies  and  the  prospects  of 
success.  The  general  purpose  was  to  secure  as  low  a  rate  of  in 
terest  as  possible,  to  distribute  the  securities  among  the  largest 
number  of  persons  possible,  to  provide  the  best  mode,  time  and 
terms  for  redemption,  and  to  put  the  securities  in  such  form  as 
to  be  used  as  a  currency.  No  one  can  question  the  wisdom  of 
the  management  of  the  public  debt  by  Secretary  Chase. 

The  origin  and  development  of  the  present  system  of  inter 
nal  taxes  must  be  interesting  to  every  student  of  finance.  The 
policy  of  the  government  had  been  to  confine,  as  far  as  possible, 
national  taxes  to  duties  on  imports,  and,  in  ordinary  times, 
this  source  of  revenue,  exclusively  vested  in  the  United  States, 
together  with  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  public  lands,  was 
ample  to  defray  the  current  expenses  of  the  government. 


250  RECOLLECTIONS 

During  and  shortly  after  the  War  of  1812  resort  was  had  to 
direct  taxes  apportioned  among  the  states  respectively,  and  to 
internal  taxes  authorized  by  the  constitution  under  the  name  of 
excises,  but  the  necessities  of  the  treasury  becoming  more 
urgent,  and  the  reliance  on  the  public  credit  becoming  more 
hazardous,  Congress,  at  the  special  session  which  convened  in 
May,  1813,  determined  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  system  of 
internal  revenue,  selecting  in  particular  those  subjects  of  taxa 
tion  which  would  be  least  burdensome.  These  taxes  were  at 
first  limited  to  one  year,  but  were  extended  from  time  to  time, 
BO  that  they  acquired  the  name  of  "war  taxes."  A  direct  tax 
of  $3,500,000  was  laid  upon  the  United  States,  and  apportioned 
among  the  states  respectively  for  the  year  1814.  Taxes  were 
imposed  on  sugar  refined  in  the  United  States,  on  carriages,  on 
licenses  to  distillers  of  spirituous  liquors,  and  other  forms  of 
internal  production.  It  was  estimated  that  the  internal  taxes 
and  the  direct  tax  would  yield  $3,500,000.  For  the  fiscal  year 
ending  June  30,  1815,  internal  taxes  yielded  $5,963,000.  In  1816 
they  yielded  $4,396,000.  In  1817  they  yielded  $2,676,000,  after 
which  there  was  no  revenue  from  internal  taxes  except  from 
the  collection  of  arrears,  amounting  in  1818  to  $947,946,  the 
law  providing  for  such  taxes  having  expired  by  limitation.  A 
comparison  between  the  receipts  from  this  source  then  and  the 
receipts  subsequently  derived  from  internal  revenue,  is  a  sig 
nificant  indication  of  the  difference  in  population  and  wealth 
between  1812  and  1862. 

When  the  Civil  War  commenced  and  the  necessity  of  a  large 
increase  of  revenue  became  apparent,  Secretary  Chase,  in  his 
report  to  Congress  of  the  date  of  July  4,  1861,  called  attention 
to  the  necessity  of  provision  for  a  gradual  increase  in  the  rev 
enue  to  maintain  the  public  credit,  and  to  meet  the  current 
demands.  His  recommendation  as  to  internal  taxes  has  already 
been  referred  to.  The  act  of  August  5,  1861,  previously  men 
tioned,  levied  a  direct  tax  of  $20,000,000  and  an  income  tax. 
This  act  proved  to  be  a  crude  and  imperfect  measure,  and  it 
was  modified  or  superseded  by  the  act  of  July  1,  1862.  This 
act,  carefully  framed,  was  the  basis  of  the  present  system  of 
internal  revenue.  It  created  a  new  office  in  the  treasury 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

department,  to  be  called  the  office  of  commissioner  of  internal 
revenue.  No  less  than  thirteen  acts  of  Congress  were  passed 
prior  to  August  1,  1866,  enlarging  and  defining  the  duties  of 
the  office,  and  prescribing  the  taxes  imposed  by  these  several 
laws.  When  this  act  was  first  framed  we  anticipated  much 
greater  difficulties  in  the  collection  of  the  tax  than  actually 
occurred.  We  had  doubts  whether  the  taxation  imposed  by 
this  law  would  be  patiently  submitted  to  by  our  constituents, 
but  these  misgivings  soon  disappeared  and  the  taxes  imposed 
by  that  act  were  cheerfully  and  promptly  paid.  I  gave  to  the 
study  and  consideration  of  this  act,  and  the  various  amendatory 
acts,  a  large  portion  of  my  time.  At  the  end  of  the  war  internal 
taxes  were  cheerfully  paid  by  the  people,  and  yielded  far  more 
revenue  to  the  government  than  the  customs  duties  and  all 
other  sources  of  revenue  combined. 

The  receipts  from  internal  revenue  for  the  first  four  years 
under  this  law  were  as  follows : 

For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1863 $37,640,787 

For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1864 117,145,748 

For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1865 211,129,529 

For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1866 310,906,984 

These  taxes  were  mainly  upon  spirits,  tobacco  and  beer, 
but  they  also  included  stamp  taxes  of  various  kinds,  special 
taxes  on  particular  industries,  and  income  taxes,  so  that  prac 
tically  nearly  all  forms  of  domestic  manufactures  were  subject 
to  a  greater  or  less  tax,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  article. 
So  sweeping  were  the  provisions  that  it  was  frequently  a  mat 
ter  of  joke  as  well  as  comment. 

Some  one  remarked  to  Senator  Collamer  that  everything  was 
taxed  except  coffins.  He  rejoined:  "  Don't  say  that  to  Sherman 
or  he  will  have  them  on  the  tax  list  before  night !" 

The  general  prosperity  that  existed  during  the  war  under 
such  a  burden  of  taxation  was  frequently  a  matter  of  surprise. 
The  truth  is  that  all  productive  industries  were  active  because 
of  the  enormous  demand  made  by  the  army  for  supplies  of  all 
kinds,  and  everyone  who  was  willing  to  work  could  find  plenty 
of  employment.  The  depreciation  of  the  currency  caused  by 
the  war  did  not  embarrass  anyone,  as  the  interest  on  securities 


252 


RECOLLECTIONS 


was  promptly  paid  in  coin,  and  greenbacks  were  the  favorite 
currency  of  the  people.  The  people  did  not  stop  to  inquire  the 
causes  of  the  nominal  advance  in  prices  ;  they  only  knew 
that  the  United  States  note  was  cheerfully  received  in  every 
part  of  the  United  States  as  the  current  money  of  the  country. 
At  the  beginning  the  tax  on  whisky  was  20  cents  per  gallon,  but 
it  was  gradually  increased  until  it  reached  $2  a  gallon,  when 
frauds  and  illicit  distilling  became  serious  evils.  The  tax  was 
then  reduced  to  90  cents  a  gallon. 

When  I  became  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  I  was  impressed 
with  the  magnitude  of  illicit  distilling,  even  after  the  rate  was 
reduced.  At  that  time  several  hundred  men,  mostly  in  the 
mountain  regions  of  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee,  were  under 
arrest  for  violation  of  the  laws  against  illicit  distilling.  A  del 
egation  of  them,  accompanied  by  Senator  Ransom,  appeared 
before  me,  and  I  heard  their  apologies  for  distilling,  and  their 
complaints  against  the  officers.  We  entered  into  a  formal  en 
gagement  by  which  they  agreed  to  stop  illicit  distilling  upon 
condition  that  they  should  be  relieved  of  punishment  for  their 
past  acts,  and,  so  far  as  I  could  learn,  they  substantially  observed 
their  obligation.  As  a  rule,  they  were  rough  mountaineers  who 
regarded  whisky  as  a  prime  necessity  of  life,  and  thought  they 
ought  to  be  allowed  to  convert  their  grain  into  something 
better. 

As  the  necessity  for  excessive  taxation  diminished  after  the 
war  was  over,  taxes  on  various  articles  were  gradually  repealed, 
until,  in  1894,  they  consisted  of  practically  four  items,  spirits, 
tobacco,  fermented  liquors,  and  oleomargarine.  These  are  the 
figures  for  two  years : 


Objects  of  Taxation. 

Receipts  during  fiscal  years 
ending  June  30  — 

1893. 

1894. 

Spirits  . 

$94,720,260.55 
31,889,711.74 
32,548,983.07 
1.670.643.50 

$85,259,252.25 
28,617,898.62 
31,414,788.04 
1.723.479.90 

Tobacco  

Fermented    Liquors  

Oleomargarine  . 

OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

In  respect  to  these  taxes,  that  on  oleomargarine  was  not  in 
tended  as,  nor  is  it,  a  very  material  revenue  tax.  The  purpose 
was  especially  to  prevent  the  fraudulent  imitation  of  butter  by 
using  an  extract  of  beef.  The  tax  on  spirits,  tobacco  and  beer 
ought  to  be  retained  as  the  best  objects  of  taxation  either  of 
domestic  or  imported  goods.  Neither  of  these  is  an  article  of 
necessity,  but  all  are  used  purely  to  gratify  an  appetite,  in 
many  cases  indulged  to  excess. 

All  civilized  nations  have  come  to  regard  these  articles  as 
the  best  subjects  of  taxation.  To  the  extent  that  whisky  is 
used  as  a  beverage  it  is  hurtful  in  its  influence  upon  the  indi 
vidual  and  upon  society  at  large.  It  is  the  cause  of  innumer 
able  crimes,  of  poverty  and  distress  in  the  family  and  home. 
Still,  it  is  an  appetite  that  will  be  gratified,  however  severe 
may  be  the  laws  against  its  use,  and  while  this  habit  exists  the 
tax  upon  whisky,  by  limiting  the  quantity  consumed,  is  benefi 
cial  to  society  at  large.  It  is  true  that  alcohol,  the  base  of 
whisky,  is  useful  in  the  arts  and  in  the  preparation  of  medi 
cines  and  vinegar.  If  some  feasible  plan  could  be  prescribed 
by  which  alcohol  or  spirits  thus  used  could  be  freed  from  tax,  it 
would  be  right  to  exempt  it,  but  no  such  plan  has  been  found 
that  includes  security  against  frauds  being  practiced  to  evade 
the  tax  on  whisky.  The  tax  on  tobacco  and  cigars  is  a  moder 
ate  one,  but  the  consumption  of  them  is  far  less  dangerous 
than  of  spirits  in  their  influence  upon  society.  The  tax  on  the 
cheaper  form  of  tobacco  and  cigars  is  comparatively  small  and 
does  not  add  materially  to  the  cost  of  tobacco  in  any  of  its 
forms.  No  complaint  is  made  of  it.  Its  consumption  is  so 
general  that  the  tax  is  fairly  distributed  and  falls  mainly  upon 
the  richer  classes,  as  the  tax  is  increased  in  proportion  to  the 
value  of  the  tobacco.  Beer,  a  beverage  of  almost  universal  use, 
yields  the  large  sum  of  $30,000,000  a  year,  at  the  rate  of  one 
dollar  a  barrel.  This  does  not  cause  a  preceptible  increase  of 
the  cost  to  the  consumer,  but  rather  tends  to  maintain  the 
good  quality  of  beer  by  the  surveillance  of  the  officers  of  in 
ternal  revenue.  No  general  complaint  has  been  made  of 
this  tax.  All  internal  taxes  are  collected  at  less  cost  than  any 
other  form  of  taxation  devised,  and  should  be  maintained 


254  RECOLLECTIONS 

as  long  as  the  expenses  growing  out  of  the  war  shall  remain 
unpaid. 

The  patience  and  even  cheerfulness  with  which  the  people 
of  the  United  States  submitted  to  this  severe  taxation  on  their 
domestic  productions,  was  a  matter  of  surprise,  not  only  among 
our  own  people,  but  in  European  countries.  In  1867,  accom 
panied  by  Mr.  Adams,  our  minister  to  England,  I  had  the  pleas 
ure  of  breakfasting  with  Mr.  Gladstone  at  his  official  residence, 
and  he  referred  to  the  ease  with  which  we  collected,  without 
complaint,  taxes  so  burdensome  as  ours  then  were.  He  asked 
me  if  it  was  true  that  we  collected  $1,600,000  annually  from  a 
tax  on  matches.  I  told  him  that  we  not  only  did  so  but  that  I 
had  never  heard  a  word  of  complaint,  and  the  quality  of 
matches  was  vastly  improved  w^hile  their  price  was  actually 
reduced.  He  threw  up  his  hands  and  said  that  the  people  of 
England  would  not  submit  to  such  tax  and  if  any  ministry 
would  propose  it,  it  would  soon  be  out  of  power.  Strange  to 
say  an  administration  of  which  Mr.  Gladstone  was  at  the  head 
did  subsequently  propose  such  a  tax,  but  it  was  so  severely 
arraigned  that  it  was  at  once  abandoned. 

The  income  tax,  varied  somewhat  in  terms  from  year  to 
year,  continued  in  force  until  1870,  when  it  was  proposed  to  re 
peal  it  as  no  longer  necessary.  By  the  terms  of  the  then  exist 
ing  law  it  expired  in  1872.  I  urged  as  strongly  as  I  could  its 
retention  at  least  until  the  time  expired,  but  it  was  repealed. 
I  then  believed,  and  now  believe,  that  a  moderate  income  tax, 
levied  on  all  incomes  above  the  sum  of  $1,000,  or  above  a  sum 
that  will  supply  the  ordinary  wants  of  an  average  family  in 
the  United  States  with  the  necessaries  of  life,  should  be  levied, 
to  be  suspended,  increased  or  diminished,  from  year  to  year, 
according  to  the  exigencies  of  the  public  service.  In  the  pres 
ent  condition  of  affairs,  I  doubt  the  expediency  of  such  a  tax, 
especially  in  view  of  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  recently  rendered. 

The  distinction  made  by  that  court  between  incomes  from 
rent  of  land  and  other  incomes  seems  narrow  and  technical. 
A  tax  upon  the  value  of  land  is  a  direct  tax,  and  must  be 
apportioned  among  the  states  according  to  population,  but  it 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  .255 

does  not  follow  that  a  tax  on  income  from  land  is  a  direct  tax. 
An  income  means  that  gain  which  results  from  business,  or 
property,  of  any  kind,  from  the  proceeds  of  a  farm,  the  profits 
derived  from  trade  and  commerce,  and  from  any  occupation  or 
investment.  In  common  language  the  word  income  applies  to 
money  received  from  any  source.  It  may  be  qualified  as  gross 
income  and  net  income.  It  may  be  limited  by  words  defining 
the  source  of  the  income,  as,  from  land,  merchandise  or  bank 
ing,  but,  in  its  general  sense,  it  means  gross  savings  from  all 
sources.  When  received  in  money  it  is  an  income  and  not 
until  then.  An  income  tax  was  paid,  and  cheerfully  paid,  by 
American  citizens  during  and  since  the  war,  in  vast  sums,  and 
it  did  not  occur  to  citizen,  lawyer  or  judge  that  the  con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  made  a  distinction  between 
incomes  from  rents  and  income  from  notes  or  bonds.  The 
states  tax  both  land  and  bonds.  Why  may  not  the  United 
States  tax  income  from  each  alike?  Many  of  the  largest 
incomes  in  the  United  States  are  derived  from  rents.  To 
except  them  by  technical  reasoning  from  a  general  tax  on 
incomes  will  tend  to  disparage  the  Supreme  Court  among 
"  plain  people."  If  incomes  from  rents  must  be  excepted,  then 
no  income  tax  ought  to  be  assessed.  This  decision,  if  adhered 
to,  may  cripple  the  government  in  times  of  emergency.  If 
made  when  the  income  tax  was  first  imposed,  it  would  have 
reduced  the  national  revenue  $347,000,000,  for  no  income  tax 
would  have  been  enacted  if  rents  were  excluded  from  taxable 
incomes. 

I  do  not  propose  to  narrate  the  numerous  internal  revenue 
laws,  which  have  been  enacted  and  modified  at  every  session 
of  Congress  since  1861,  or  the  innumerable  objects  of  taxation 
embraced  in  them,  for  such  a  narrative  would  fill  too  much 
space.  The  discussion  of  these  laws  occupied  a  large  portion 
of  the  time  of  Congress.  The  articles  or  productions  subject 
to  taxation  included  for  a  time  nearly  everything  for  the  use 
of  man.  I  trust  the  time  is  far  distant  when  such  sweeping 
internal  taxation  will  be  required  again,  but  if  it  should  come, 
the  Congress  of  that  day  can  find  in  our  experience  resources 
more  bountiful  than  Aladdin's  lamp. 


256  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Direct  taxes,  to  be  apportioned  among  the  states,  are  not 
likely  to  be  again  assessed  after  the  experience  we  had  as  to 
the  last  direct  tax.  Besides  the  difficulty  of  collecting  it,  there 
is  the  palpable  objection  that  it  is  an  unequal,  and  therefore 
an  unjust,  tax.  New  states,  and  especially  agricultural  states, 
have  not  the  same  ability  to  pay  direct  taxes  as  older  commer 
cial  and  manufacturing  states,  having  within  them  great  cities 
with  accumulated  wealth,  in  the  form  of  stocks,  bonds  and 
patents. 

The  office  of  commissioner  of  internal  revenue  has  fortu 
nately  been  filled,  as  a  rule,  by  gentlemen  of  standing  and  char 
acter  of  a  high  order  of  intelligence,  and  their  work  has  been 
of  a  great  service  to  the  United  States.  This  important  bureau 
ought  to  be,  and  no  doubt  will  be,  retained  as  a  part  of  the  or 
ganized  machinery  of  the  government,  and  the  taxes  collected 
by  it  will  be  necessary  as  long  as  our  public  debt  remains,  and 
until  the  list  of  pensioners  will  be  obliterated  by  the  hand  of 
time. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
LINCOLN'S  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION. 

Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  Abolished  —  Law  Goes  Into  Effect  on  April 
10,   1862  — Beginning  of  the  End  of  Slavery— Military  Measures  in   Congress 
to  Carry  on  the  War— Response  to  the  President's  Call— Beneficial  Effects 
of  the  Confiscation  Act  — Visits  to  Soldiers'  Camps— Robert  S.  Granger 
as  a  Cook  — How  I  Came  to  Purchase  a  Washington  Residence- 
Increase  of  Compensation  to  Senators  and  Members  and  Its 
Effect  —  Excitement  in   Ohio    Over  Vallandigham's  Ar 
rest—News  of  the  Fall  of  Vicksburg  and  Defeat  of 
Lee  at  Gettysburg— John  Brough  Elected  Gov 
ernor  of  Ohio  — Its  Effect  on  the  State. 

ANOTHER  question  of  grave  political  significance  was 
presented  to  the  37th  Congress  early  in  this  session, 
that  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia.     I  had  from  the  beginning  declared  my  opposi 
tion  to  any  interference  with  slavery  in  the  District,  but  the 
changed  condition  of  the  country  demanded  a  change  of  public 
policy  in  this  respect.     Slavery  was  made  the  pretext  for,  and, 
I  believe,  was,  the  real  cause  of  the  war.     It  had  a  foothold  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  but  it  existed  there  in  its  mildest 
form.     By  the  census  of  1860  there  were,  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia,  11,107  free  negroes,  3,181  slaves,  and  60,785  white  peo 
ple.     It  was  considered  the  paradise  of    free  negroes,  where 
they  were  almost  exclusively  employed  as  laborers  in  house 
hold  service. 

When  the  war  broke  out  a  considerable  number  of  slaves 
ran  away  from  disloyal  masters  in  Virginia  and  Maryland, 
seeking  safety  within  our  lines  and  finding  employment  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  As  the  war  approached,  most  of  the 
slaves  in  the  District  were  carried  away  by  their  owners  into 
Virginia,  and  other  southern  states,  so  that  in  1862  it  was  esti 
mated  there  were  not  more  than  1,500,  and  probably  not 
1,000,  slaves  in  the  District,  while  the  number  of  free  negroes 

S.— 17  (257) 


258  RECOLLECTIONS 

increased  to  15,000.  As  a  matter  of  course,  when  Virginia  se 
ceded  no  attempt  was  made  to  recapture  runaway  slaves  from 
that  state,  and  they  became  practically  free.  It  was  known 
that  there  was  at  that  time  a  strong  disposition  in  Maryland  to 
try  the  experiment  of  emancipation,  and  it  was  believed  that 
after  the  war  was  over  Virginia  would  adopt  the  same  policy. 
Little  doubt  was  felt  as  to  the  power  of  Congress  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  District,  should  such  a  course  be  deemed  expe 
dient.  By  the  constitution  Congress  was  invested  with  ex 
press  "power  to  exercise  exclusive  legislation,  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,  over  such  district  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular 
states,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat  of 
government  of  the  United  States."  This  power  had  been 
recognized  by  the  most  eminent  statesmen  of  our  country, 
and  also  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Until 
Mr.  Calhoun  doubted  or  denied  the  power  it  was  not  ques 
tioned  by  any  considerable  number.  The  real  question  was 
whether  that  was  the  time  for  emancipation.  I  endeavored  to 
give  to  the  subject  careful  consideration,  and  came  to  the  con 
clusion  that  it  was  expedient  then  to  emancipate  the  very  few 
slaves  in  the  District,  fewer  than  there  had  been  at  any  time 
within  forty  years,  and  fewer  than  would  likely  be  in  case  the 
war  should  end.  I  believed  also  that  the  social  influence  of 
Washington,  and  the  wealth  and  property  controlled  and 
owned  in  a  great  measure  by  slaveholding  residents  there,  had 
been  always  against  the  government  of  the  United  States  and 
in  favor  of  the  Rebellion.  While  slavery  existed  it  was  a  con 
stant  source  of  annoyance  and  irritation.  The  great  mass  of 
our  constituents  were  opposed  to  slavery,  morally,  socially  and 
politically.  They  felt  that  it  was  wrong  and  would  not  change 
their  opinion.  As  long  as  slavery  existed  in  the  District,  where 
Congress  had  the  power  to  abolish  it,  agitation  and  excitement 
would  be  ceaseless.  The  great  body  of  the  people  of  the  north 
ern  states  were  opposed  to  the  institution  theoretically,  as 
were  very  many  of  the  most  intelligent  people  of  the  southern 
states.  I  felt  that  now  was  the  time  when  this  moral  conviction 
should  be  heard  and  heeded  by  the  national  legislature.  I  felt 
that  we  were  bound  to  consult  the  material  interest  of  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  259 

people  of  the  District,  and  that  emancipation  would  add  to  the 
value  of  their  property  and  also  add  to  the  population  of  the 
city.  The  abolition  of  slavery  would  bring  to  the  city  intelli 
gent  mechanics  and  laboring  men  who  would  never  compete 
with  the  labor  of  slaves,  and  who,  finding  none  there  but 
freemen,  would  develop  the  great  advantages  of  the  city.  In 
a  speech  I  made  upon  the  subject  I  enlarged  upon  this  consid 
eration  and  said: 

"  I  see  no  reason  why  Washington,  with  a  free  population  and  as  a  free 
city,  situated  here  at  the  head  of  the  Potomac,  with  remarkable  facilities  of 
navigation,  with  great  conveniences  of  communication,  reaching  to  the  west 
by  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  the  political  capital  of  the  country, 
might  not  be  a  great  free  city,  illustrating  by  its  progress  the  operation  of 
free  institutions.  But  it  can  only  be  done  by  the  active,  interested  labor  of 
free  people.  Simply  as  a  municipal  regulation  it  would  be  wise  to  abolish 
slavery  in  this  District,  because  slavery  is  opposed  to  the  moral  convictions 
of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  this  country,  and  the  existence  of  slavery 
here  keeps  out  of  this  District  an  active,  loyal,  true,  manly,  generous  body 
of  laborers,  who  will  never  compete  in  their  labor  with  the  labor  of  slaves." 

There  was  another  reason  why  the  experiment  of  emancipa 
tion  could  be  best  tried  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Emanci 
pation  was  evidently  the  ultimate  end  of  this  question.  We 
had  the  power  to  try  the  experiment.  It  would  be  an  example 
likely  to  be  followed  at  the  close  of  the  war  by  many  of  the 
border  states.  I  therefore  made  up  my  mind  in  favor  of  the 
measure,  made  a  long  speech  for  the  bill  and  voted  for  it.  It 
became  a  law  on  April  10,  1862. 

At  that  early  day,  I  believed  that  it  was  the  duty  of  Con 
gress  to  confiscate  the  slaves  in  the  seceding  states  as  the  nat 
ural  result  of  the  war.  These  states  had  placed  themselves  in 
a  position  by  rebellion  where  they  had  no  constitutional  rights 
which  we  were  bound  to  observe.  The  war  being  open  and 
flagrant  to  break  up  the  Union,  they  were  not  entitled  to  the 
benefit  of  any  stipulation  made  in  their  favor  as  states  in  the 
Union.  I  also  favored  the  granting  of  aid  to  any  policy  of 
emancipation  that  might  be  adopted  in  the  border  states  of 
Maryland,  Kentucky  and  Missouri,  but  Congress  was  indisposed 
to  extend  the  provisions  of  the  then  pending  measure  beyond 
the  District  of  Columbia. 


2GO  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  on  September  22,  1862, 
issued  his  proclamation  containing  the  following  declaration: 

"  That  on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
eii^ht  hundred  and  sixty-three,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  any  state  or 
designated  part  of  a  state,  the  people  whereof  shall  be  in  rebellion  against 
the  United  States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforward,  and  forever,  free  ;  and  the 
executive  government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval 
authority  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  such  persons, 
and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to  repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any 
efforts  they  may  make  for  their  actual  freedom." 

This  was  carried  out  in  a  subsequent  proclamation  of  Janu 
ary  1,  1863,  in  which  the  President  declares: 

"  And  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  I  do  order 
and  declare  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves,  within  said  designated  states  and 
parts  of  states,  are,  and  henceforward  shall  be,  free  ;  and  that  the  executive 
government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval  authorities 
thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  said  persons." 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  slavery. 

In  following  the  important  financial  measures  of  the  37th 
Congress,  I  have  purposely  passed  by,  in  their  order  of  time, 
other  measures  of  vital  interest  that  were  acted  upon  in  that 
Congress.  The  military  measures  adopted  were  on  the  same 
grand  scale  as  the  financial  measures  I  have  referred  to.  In 
1861  the  United  States  contained  a  population  of  32,000,000 
people,  of  whom  about  10,000,000  were  in  the  seceding  states, 
some  of  whom  were  opposed  to  secession,  but  a  greater  number 
living  in  states  that  did  not  secede  were  in  hearty  sympathy 
with  the  rebellion.  No  preparation  for  war  had  been  made  in 
any  of  the  loyal  states,  while  in  the  disloyal  states  preparations 
had  been  made  by  the  distribution  of  arms  through  the  treach 
ery  of  Secretary  Floyd.  When  the  seceding  states  organized 
a  confederate  government,  the  executive  branch  of  the  gen 
eral  government  was  under  the  management  and  control  of 
those  who  favored  the  rebellion,  or  were  so  feeble  or  indifferent 
that  they  offered  no  resistance  whatever  to  such  organization. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  declared,  in  an  executive 
message,  that  the  general  government  had  no  power  to  coerce  a 
state.  On  the  accession  of  President  Lincoln,  the  confederate 
government  was  better  organized  for  resistance  than  the  Union 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  261 

was  for  coercion.  When  war  actually  commenced,  the  capital 
at  Washington  was  practically  blockaded,  and  in  the  power  of 
the  Confederates. 

The  response  of  the  loyal  states  to  the  call  of  Lincoln  was 
perhaps  the  most  remarkable  uprising  of  a  great  people  in  the 
history  of  mankind.  Within  a  few  days  the  road  to  Washing- 
ington  was  opened,  but  the  men  who  answered  the  call  were 
not  soldiers,  but  citizens,  badly  armed,  and  without  drill  or  dis 
cipline.  The  history  of  their  rapid  conversion  into  real  sol 
diers,  and  of  the  measures  adopted  by  Congress  to  organize,  arm 
and  equip  them,  does  not  fall  within  my  province.  The  battles 
fought,  the  victories  won,  and  the  defeats  suffered,  have  been 
recorded  in  the  hundred  or  more  volumes  of  "  The  Eecords  of 
the  Eebellion,"  published  by  the  United  States.  The  principal 
events  of  the  war  have  been  told  in  the  history  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  by  Nicolay  and  Hay,  and  perhaps  more  graphically  by 
General  Grant,  General  Sherman,  General  Sheridan,  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  Fitz  Hugh  Lee,  and  many  others  who  actively 
participated  in  the  war,  and  told  what  they  saw  and  knew  of  it. 

The  military  committees  of  the  two  Houses,  under  the 
advice  of  accomplished  officers,  formulated  the  laws  passed  by 
Congress  for  the  enlistment,  equipment  and  organization  of 
the  Union  armies.  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  was  chair 
man  of  the  committee  on  military  affairs  of  the  Senate,  and  he 
is  entitled  to  much  of  the  praise  due  for  the  numerous  laws  re 
quired  to  fit  the  Union  citizen  soldiers  for  military  duty.  His 
position  was  a  difficult  one,  but  he  filled  it  with  hearty  sym 
pathy  for  the  Union  soldiers,  and  with  a  just  regard  for  both 
officers  and  men. 

Among  the  numerous  bills  relating  to  the  war,  that  which 
became  the  act  to  suppress  insurrection,  to  punish  treason  and 
rebellion,  and  to  seize  and  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels,  ex 
cited  the  greatest  interest,  giving  rise  to  a  long  debate.  It  was 
founded  on  the  faulty  idea  that  a  territorial  war,  existing  be 
tween  two  distinct  parts  of  the  country,  could  be  treated  as  an 
insurrection.  The  law  of  nations  treats  such  a  war  as  a  con 
test  between  two  separate  powers,  to  be  governed  by  the  laws 
of  war.  Confiscation  in  such  a  war  is  not  a  measure  to  be 


RECOLLECTIONS 

applied  to  individuals  in  a  revolting  section,  but  if  the  revolt  is 
subdued,  the  property  of  revolting  citizens  is  subject  to  the 
will  of  the  conqueror  and  to  the  law  of  conquest.  The  appar 
ent  object  of  the  law  referred  to  was  to  cripple  the  power  of 
the  Confederate  States,  by  emancipating  slaves  held  in  them, 
whenever  such  states  fell  within  the  power  of  the  federal  army. 
This  object  was  accomplished  in  a  better  and  more  comprehen 
sive  way  by  the  proclamation  of  the  President.  The  confisca 
tion  act  had  but  little  influence  upon  the  result  of  the  war, 
except  that  it  gathered  at  the  wake  of  our  armies  in  the  south 
a  multitude  of  negroes  called  "contrabands,"  who  willingly 
performed  manual  labor,  but  were  often  an  incumbrance  and 
had  to  be  fed  and  protected. 

The  freedom  of  these  "  contrabands  "  was  the  result  of  the 
war,  and  not  of  the  confiscation  act.  In  the  later  period  of  the 
war,  they,  in  common  with  free  negroes  from  the  north,  were 
organized  into  regiments  commanded  by  white  men,  and  ren 
dered  valuable  service  to  the  Union  cause. 

When  the  confiscation  bill  was  pending,  on  the  23rd  of 
April,  1862,  I  made  a  speech  in  support  of  an  amendment  of 
fered  by  me  and  in  substance  adopted.  A  few  extracts  of  my 
speech  will  show  my  opinions  on  this  subject: 

"  Confiscation  is  not  only  justified  by  the  laws  of  war,  by  the  practice  of 
many  nations,  but  it  is  practiced  by  our  enemies  in  the  most  obnoxious  way. 
They  seize  all  kinds  of  property  of  loyal  citizens ;  they  destroy  contracts  ; 
confiscate  debts.  All  the  property  of  citizens  of  loyal  states  which  is  within 
a  disloyal  state  is  seized  without  exception,  and  that  whether  such  citizen  has 
aided  the  government  or  not.  They  also  seize  the  property  of  all  citizens  in 
disloyal  states  who  will  not  commit  an  act  of  treason  by  aiding  them.  •  Yet 
they  profess  to  be  governed  by  a  constitution  similar  to  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  rights  of  person  and  property.  They 
draw  the  distinction  between  the  laws  of  war  and  the  laws  of  peace.  .  .  . 

"Sir,  it  is  time  there  was  an  end  of  this.  We  are  at  war.  We  must 
destroy  our  enemies  or  they  will  destroy  us.  We  must  subdue  their  armies 
and  we  must  confiscate  their  property.  The  only  question  with  me  is  as  to 
the  best  measure  of  confiscation.  That  some  one  should  be  enacted,  and  that 
speedily,  is  not  only  my  conviction  of  duty,  but  it  will  be  demanded  by 
those  who  will  have  to  bear  the  burdens  of  this  war.  Now,  it  is  the  interest 
of  every  citizen  in  a  seceding  state  to  be  a  rebel.  If  a  patriot,  his  property 
is  destroyed.  If  a  rebel,  his  property  is  protected  alike  by  friend  and  foe. 


GENERAL  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  263 

Now,  the  burdens  of  the  war  will  fall,  by  heavy  taxation,  upon  loyal 
citizens,  but  rebels  are  beyond  our  reach.  How  long  can  we  conduct  such  a 
war?  Sir,  we  have  been  moderate  to  excess.  War  is  a  horrible  remedy, 
but  when  we  are  compelled  to  resort  to  it,  we  should  make  our  enemies  feel 
its  severity  as  well  as  ourselves. 

"  If  too  much  is  attempted  in  the  way  of  confiscation,  nothing  will  be 
accomplished.  If  nothing  is  confiscated,  you  array  against  you  all  who  wish 
in  a  civil  war  merely  to  preserve  their  property  and  to  remain  quiet.  This  is 
always  a  large  class  in  every  community.  If  rebellion  will  secure  their 
property  from  rebels  and  not  endanger  it  to  the  government,  they  are  rebels. 
Those  whose  position  or  character  have  secured  them  offices  among  the 
rebels  can  only  be  conquered  by  force.  Is  it  not,  therefore,  possible  to  frame 
a  bill  which  will  punish  the  prominent  actors  in  the  rebellion,  proclaim 
amnesty  to  the  great  mass  of  the  citizens  in  the  seceding  states,  and  separate 
them  from  their  leader?  This,  in  my  judgment,  can  be  done  by  confining 
confiscation  to  classes  of  persons.  The  amendment  I  propose  embraces  five 
classes  of  persons." 

The  confiscation  act  was  more  useful  as  a  declaration  of 
policy  than  as  an  act  to  be  enforced.  It  was  denounced  by 
Confederates  and  by  timid  men  in  the  north,  but  the  beneficial 
results  it  aimed  at  were  accomplished,  not  by  law,  but  by  the 
proclamation  of  the  President  and  by  the  armed  forces  of  the 
United  States. 

The  several  acts  providing  for  enrolling  and  calling  out 
the  national  forces  gave  rise  to  much  debate,  partly  upon  sec 
tional  lines.  The  policy  of  drafting  from  the  militia  of  the 
several  states,  the  employment  of  substitutes  and  the  payment 
of  bounties,  were  contested  and  defended.  I  insisted  that  if  a 
special  fund  for  hiring  substitutes  was  raised,  it  ought  to  be  by 
a  tax  upon  all  wealthy  citizens,  and  not  confined  to  the  man 
who  was  drafted.  These  and  numerous  questions  of  a  similar 
character  occupied  much  time,  and  created  much  feeling.  It 
is  now  hardly  worth  while,  in  view  of  the  results  of  the  war,  to 
revive  old  controversies.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  all  the 
laws  passed  to  organize  the  national  forces  and  call  out  the 
militia  of  the  several  states  in  case  of  emergency  contributed 
to  the  success  of  the  Union  armies.  I  do  not  recall  any  ex 
ample  in  history  where  a  peaceful  nation,  ignorant  of  military 
discipline,  becoming  divided  into  hostile  sections,  developed 
such  military  power,  courage  and  endurance  as  did  the  United 


264  RECOLLECTIONS 

States  and  Confederate  States  in  our  Civil  War.  Vast  armies 
were  raised  by  voluntary  enlistments,  great  battles  were  fought 
with  fearful  losses  on  both  sides,  and  neither  yielded  until  the 
Confederates  had  exhausted  all  their  resources  and  surrendered 
to  the  Union  armies  without  conditions,  except  such  as  were 
dictated  by  General  Grant — to  go  home  and  be  at  peace. 

During  the  entire  war  Washington  was  a  military  camp. 
Almost  every  regiment  from  the  north  on  the  way  to  the  army 
in  Virginia  stopped  for  a  time  in  Washington.  This  was  espe 
cially  the  case  in  1861.  It  was  usual  for  every  new  regiment  to 
march  along  Pennsylvania  avenue  to  the  White  House.  Among 
the  early  arrivals  in  the  spring  of  1861  was  a  regiment  from 
New  Hampshire,  much  better  equipped  than  our  western  regi 
ments.  My  colleague,  Ben  Wade,  and  I  went  to  the  White 
House  to  see  this  noted  regiment  pass  in  review7  before  Mr. 
Lincoln.  As  the  head  of  the  line  turned  around  the  north 
wing  of  the  treasury  department  and  came  in  sight,  the  eyes  of 
Wade  fell  upon  a  tall  soldier,  wearing  a  gaudy  uniform,  a  very 
high  hat,  and  a  still  higher  cockade.  He  carried  a  baton,  which 
he  swung  right  and  left,  up  and  down,  with  all  the  authority  of 
a  field  marshal.  Wade,  much  excited,  asked  me,  pointing  to 
the  soldier:  "Who  is  that?"  I  told  him  I  thought  that  was 
the  drum  major.  "Well,"  he  said,  "if  the  people  could  see 
him  they  would  make  him  a  general."  So  little  was  then 
known  of  military  array  by  the  wisest  among  our  Senators. 

It  was  quite  a  habit  of  Senators  and  Members,  during  the 
war,  to  call  at  the  camps  of  soldiers  from  their  respective 
states.  Secretary  Chase  often  did  this  and  several  times  I 
accompanied  him.  The  "  boys,"  as  they  preferred  to  be  called, 
would  gather  around  their  visitors,  and  very  soon  some  one 
would  cry  out  "a  speech,  a  speech,"  and  an  address  would  usu 
ally  be  made.  I  heard  very  good  speeches  made  in  this  way, 
and,  in  some  cases,  replied  to  by  a  private  soldier  in  a  manner 
fully  as  effective  as  that  of  the  visitor. 

In  the  early  period  of  the  war  the  private  soldier  did  not 
forget  that  he  was  as  good  as  any  man.  One  evening  Major, 
afterwards  Major-General,  Robert  S.  Granger  and  I  were  stroll 
ing  through  "  Camp  Buckingham,"  near  Mansfield,  Ohio,  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  265 

came  to  a  young  soldier  boiling  beans.  He  was  about  to  take 
them  off  the  fire  when  Granger  said:  "My  good  fellow,  don't 
take  off  those  beans;  they  are  not  done."  The  young  soldier 
squared  himself  and  with  some  insolence  said:  "Do  you  think 
I  don't  know  how  to  boil  beans?"  Granger,  with  great  kind 
ness  of  manner,  said:  "If  you  had  eaten  boiled  beans  in  the 
army  as  many  years  as  I  have  you  would  know  it  is  better  to 
leave  them  in  the  pot  all  night  with  a  slow  fire."  The  manner 
of  Granger  was  so  kindly  that  the  soldier  thanked  him  and  fol 
lowed  his  advice.  General  Granger  died  at  Zanesville,  Ohio, 
April  25,  1894,  after  having  been  on  the  retired  list  for  over 
twenty-one  years.  He  was  a  gallant,  as  well  as  a  skillful,  offi 
cer.  Peace  to  his  memory. 

It  was  my  habit,  while  Congress  was  in  session  during  the 
war,  to  ride  on  horseback  over  a  region  within  ten  miles  of 
Washington,  generally  accompanied  by  some  army  officer.  I 
became  familiar  with  every  lane  and  road,  and  especially  with 
camps  and  hospitals.  At  that  time  it  could  be  truly  said  that 
Washington  and  its  environs  was  a  great  camp  and  hospital. 
The  roads  were  generally  very  muddy  or  exceedingly  dusty. 
The  great  army  teams  cut  up  and  blocked  the  roads  which 
were  of  either  clay  or  sand,  but  the  air  was  generally  refresh 
ing  and  the  scenery  charming.  I  do  not  know  of  any  city  that 
has  more  beautiful  environs,  with  the  broad  Potomac  at  the 
head  of  tide  water,  the  picturesque  hills  and  valleys,  the 
woodland  interspersed  with  deciduous  and  evergreen  trees,  the 
wide  landscape,  extending  to  the  Blue  Ridge  on  the  west,  the 
low  lands  and  ridges  of  Maryland  and  the  hills  about  Mt. 
Vernon.  The  city  of  Washington,  however,  was  then  far  from 
attractive.  It  was  an  overgrown  village,  with  wide  unpaved 
avenues  and  streets,  with  61,000  inhabitants  badly  housed, 
hotels  and  boarding  houses  badly  kept,  and  all  depending  more 
or  less  upon  low  salaries,  and  employment  by  the  government. 
All  this  has  been  changed.  The  streets  and  avenues  have  been 
paved  and  extended.  The  old  site  is  now  well  filled  with  com 
fortable  mansions  and  business  blocks,  and  a  large  portion  of 
the  District  outside  of  the  city  is  being  occupied  with  villas 
and  market  gardens.  The  mode  of  living  has  greatly  changed. 


RECOLLECTIONS 

Before  and  during  the  war,  Senators  and  Members  lived  in 
boarding  houses  in  messes,  formed  of  families  of  similar  tastes 
and  opinions.  Society,  if  it  may  be  so  called,  was  chiefly  offi 
cial,  of  which  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  cabinet  officers 
were  the  head,  and  Senators  and  Members  of  Congress  were 
the  most  numerous  guests. 

When  I  entered  Congress  my  pay  as  a  Member  was  $8  a 
day  during  the  session,  and  it  was  said  we  had  "  roast  beef ; " 
but  we  paid  for  it  if  we  had  it.  At  the  close  of  the  34th  Con 
gress  the  compensation  was  increased  to  $3,000  a  year.  Dur 
ing  the  latter  part  of  the  war  and  afterwards,  prices  of  food, 
board  and  lodging  were  considerably  advanced. 

In  1864  I  offered  the  proprietor  of  Willard's  Hotel  my 
monthly  pay  of  $250  for  board  and  lodgings,  in  very  modest 
quarters,  for  my  wife  and  myself,  but  he  demanded  $300  a 
month.  This  led  me  to  purchase  a  house  in  which  to  live,  a 
change  which  I  have  never  regretted.  It  was  quite  the  fashion 
then  for  the  old  families,  who  were  in  full  sympathy  with  the 
Confederates,  to  underrate  property  (even  their  own)  in  Wash 
ington,  on  the  ground  that  when  the  Confederacy  was  acknowl 
edged  the  capital  would  be  removed,  and  real  estate  could, 
therefore,  be  obtained  upon  very  reasonable  terms. 

After  the  war  the  feverish  revival  of  business  growing  out 
of  our  expanded  currency  led  to  such  reckless  extravagance  in 
improvements  by  public  officials  in  Washington  that  for  a  time 
it  threatened  the  bankruptcy  of  the  city,  but,  as  this  leads  me 
in  advance  of  events,  I  will  recur  hereafter  to  the  Washington 
of  to-day. 

During  1870  Congress  passed  a  law  increasing  the  compen 
sation  of  Senators  and  Members  from  $3,000  to  $5,000  a  year, 
and  justified  this  increase  by  the  inflated  prices  of  everything 
measured  by  a  depreciated  currency.  There  would  have  been 
but  little  complaint  of  this  by  the  people  had  not  the  law  been 
made  retroactive.  It  was  made  to  take  effect  at  the  beginning 
of  that  Congress,  though  when  the  law  was  passed  Congress 
was  nearly  ended.  This  "back  pay/'  amounting  to  over 
$3,000,  was  very  unpopular,  and  led  to  the  defeat  of  many 
Members  who  voted  for  it.  At  home  they  were  called  "  salary 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  267 

grabbers."  Several  Senators  and  Members,  I  among  the  num 
ber,  declined  to  receive  the  back  pay.  But  it  was  said  that 
the  Congressmen  could  apply  for  it  at  any  time  in  the  future 
when  the  excitement  died  away.  This  led  me  to  write  Francis 
E.  Spinner,  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  to  ascertain  how  I 
could  cover  into  the  treasury  my  back  pay.  His  answer  was 
characteristic,  and  is  here  inserted.  Spinner,  long  since  dead, 
was  a  peculiar  character.  He  was  with  me  in  the  House  of 
Kepresentatives,  was  appointed  Treasurer  of  the  United  States 
by  President  Lincoln,  and  continued  as  such  until  1875.  He 
was  a  typical  officer,  bold,  firm  and  honest.  He  was  also  a  true 
friend,  a  model  of  fidelity  and  courage. 

TREASURY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  July  3,  1873.  ) 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  Your  letter  of  the  28th  ultimo  has  been  received. 

I  sympathize  with  you  most  fully.  I  too  have  had  my  share  of  lies  told 
on  me,  by  Dana  and  his  'Sun',  and  shall  be  disappointed  if  the  libels  are  not 
continued,  especially  if  I  do  right.  Really  you  have  a  white  elephant  on 
your  hands.  You  can  neither  take  the  back  pay,  nor  leave  it  where  it  is, 
nor  draw  it  and  redeposit  it,  without  subjecting  yourself  to  the  yelping  of 
the  damned  curs,  that  bark  at  the  heels  of  every  honest  man. 

If  you  will  turn  to  the  proviso  to  Section  5,  of  the  General  Appropria 
tion  Bill,  approved  July  12,  1870,  at  page  251,  volume  16,  of  the  Statutes  at 
Large,  you  will,  I  think,  be  satisfied  that  your  back  pay  would  never  lapse 
to  the  treasury.  Should  you  leave  it,  as  it  now  is,  I  think  it  would  at  all 
times  be  subject  to  your  order,  and  to  the  order  of  your  heirs  afterwards. 
The  department  has  decided  that  the  appropriations  for  the  pay  of  Members 
of  Congress  is  permanent.  The  papers  say  that  the  Comptroller  has  de 
cided  that  the  back  pay  would  lapse  in  two  years.  I  called  on  him  to-day, 
and  he  furnished  me  with  a  copy  of  his  opinion,  which  is  herewith  inclosed 
you,  and  wrote  me  a  note,  a  copy  of  which  is  also  inclosed,  in  which  he 
says  —  '  it  could  not  be  carried  back  until  after  two  years  ;  whether  it  can 
be  carried  back  is  another  question,  which  I  do  not  intend  to  decide.'  There 
are  two  ways  that  the  amount  can  be  carried  back  into  the  treasury :  First, 
by  drawing  out  the  amount,  and  redepositing  it ;  and  second,  by  directing 
the  secretary  of  the  senate,  by  written  order,  to  turn  the  amount  into  the 
treasury.  I,  of  course,  can't  advise  you  what  to  do. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

F.  E.  SPINNER,  Tr.,  U.  S. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

In  the  spring  of  1863,  the  financial  operations  of  the  govern 
ment  were  eminently  successful.  In  the  fall  of  1862,  Secretary 


268  RECOLLECTIONS 

Chase  endeavored  to  sell  the  $500,000,000  5-20  six  per  cent, 
bonds,  authorized  by  the  act  of  February  25,  1862,  through 
experienced  officers  in  New  York,  and  could  not  get  par  for 
them.  He  then  employed  Jay  Cooke,  of  Philadelphia,  to  take 
charge  of  this  loan,  and  within  a  year  it  was  sold  by  him,  to 
parties  all  over  the  country,  at  par.  The  entire  cost  of  placing 
the  loan  was  less  than  three-eighths  of  one  per  cent.  It  fur 
nished  the  greater  part  of  the  means  necessary  to  conduct  the 
war  during  1863. 

The  early  victories  of  Grant  at  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson 
had  rescued  Kentucky,  and  opened  up  the  Cumberland  and  Ten 
nessee  Eivers  to  the  heart  of  the  south.  The  battle  of  Shiloh, 
though  won  at  a  great  sacrifice,  inspired  the  western  army 
with  confidence,  and  gave  General  Sherman  his  first  opportu 
nity  to  prove  his  ability  as  a  soldier.  The  timid  handling  of 
that  army  by  Halleck  and  its  subsequent  dispersion  by  his  or 
ders,  and  the  general  operations  of  both  the  armies  of  the  west 
and  in  Virginia,  created  a  feeling  of  despondency  in  the  loyal 
states  which  was  manifested  in  the  elections  in  the  fall  of  1862. 
The  military  operations  in  the  early  part  of  1863  did  not  tend 
to  restore  confidence. 

At  this  period  I  received  the  following  letter  from  Secretary 
Stanton,  which  evidenced  his  appreciation  of  General  Sherman: 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  December  7,  1802. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAR  SIR  :  — The  general's  letter  is  returned  herewith,  having  been 
read  with  much  interest  and  great  admiration  of  his  wisdom  and  patriotism. 
If  our  armies  were  commanded  by  such  generals  we  could  not  fail  to  have  a 
speedy  restoration  of  the  authority  of  the  government,  and  an  end  of  the 
war. 

I  beg  you  to  give  him  my  warmest  regards,  and  no  effort  of  mine  will 
be  spared  to  secure  to  the  government  the  fullest  exercise  of  his  abilities, 
With  thanks  for  the  favor,  I  am,  Yours  truly, 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

The  attack  by  General  Sherman  upon  the  defenses  of  Vicks- 
burg  had  been  repulsed,  but  the  effect  of  this  had  been  counter 
acted  by  the  capture  of  Arkansas  post  with  over  5,000  prison 
ers.  General  Grant  had  failed  in  his  operations  in  Mississippi. 
General  Hooker  had  been  defeated  at  Chancellorsville,  and  Lee 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  269 

was  preparing  to  make  an  advance  into  Maryland  and  Penn 
sylvania. 

On  May  1,  1863,  Clement  L.  Vallandigham,  for  several  years 
a  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  in  a  speech  made  at  Mount 
Vernon,  denounced  the  government  with  great  violence,  and, 
especially,  an  order  issued  by  General  Ambrose  E.  Burnside, 
commanding  the  department  of  the  Ohio,  announcing  that  "all 
persons,  found  within  our  lines,  who  commit  acts  for  the  benefit 
of  the  enemies  of  our  country,  will  be  tried  as  spies  or  traitors, 
and  if  convicted  will  suffer  death."  Burnside  enumerated 
among  the  things  which  came  within  his  order,  the  writing  or 
carrying  of  secret  letters,  passing  the  lines  for  treasonable  pur 
poses,  recruiting  for  the  Confederate  service.  He  said  :  "The 
habit  of  declaring  sympathy  for  the  enemy  will  not  be  allowed 
in  this  department ;  persons  committing  such  offenses  will 
be  at  once  arrested,  with  a  view  to  being  tried  or  sent  beyond 
our  lines  into  the  lines  of  their  friends." 

Vallandigham  denounced  this  order  as  a  base  usurpation  of 
arbitrary  power ;  said  that  he  despised  it,  and  spat  upon  it,  and 
trampled  it  under  his  foot.  He  denounced  the  President,  and 
advised  the  people  to  come  up  together  at  the  ballot  box  and 
hurl  the  tyrant  from  his  throne.  Many  of  his  hearers  wore  the 
distinctive  badges  of  "copperheads"  and  "butternuts,"  and,  amid 
cheers  which  Vallandigham's  speech  elicited,  was  heard  a  shout 
that  Jeff.  Davis  was  a  gentleman,  which  was  more  than  Lin 
coln  was. 

This  speech  was  reported  to  General  Burnside.  Early  on 
the  4th  of  May  a  company  of  soldiers  was  sent  to  arrest  Val 
landigham,  and  the  arrest  was  made.  Arriving  at  Cincinnati, 
he  was  consigned  to  the  military  prison  and  kept  in  close  con 
finement.  This  event  caused  great  excitement,  not  only  in 
Cincinnati,  but  throughout  the  State  of  Ohio.  On  the  evening 
of  that  day  a  great  crowd  assembled  at  Dayton,  and  several 
hundred  men  moved,  hooting  and  yelling,  to  the  office  of  the 
Republican  newspaper,  and  sacked  and  then  destroyed  it  by 
fire.  Vallandigham  was  tried  by  a  military  commission,  which 
promptly  sentenced  him  to  be  placed  in  close  confinement  in 
some  fortress  of  the  United  States,  to  be  designated  by  the 


270  RECOLLECTIONS 

commanding  officer  of  the  department,  there  to  be  kept  during 
the  continuance  of  the  war.  Such  an  order  was  made  by  Gen 
eral  Burnside,  but  it  was  subsequently  modified  by  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  who  commuted  the  sentence  of  Vallandigham,  and  directed 
that  he  be  sent  within  the  Confederate  lines.  This  was  done 
within  a  fortnight  after  the  court-martial.  Vallandigham  was 
sent  to  Tennessee,  and,  on  the  25th  of  May,  was  escorted  by  a 
small  cavalry  force  to  the  Confederate  lines  near  Murfreesboro, 
and  delivered  to  an  Alabama  regiment. 

Vallandigham  made  a  formal  protest  that  he  was  within 
the  Confederate  lines  by  force,  and  against  his  will,  and  that  he 
surrendered  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  His  arrest  for  words  spoken, 
and  not  for  acts  done,  created  great  excitement  throughout 
Ohio  and  the  country.  A  public  meeting  was  held  in  New 
York  on  May  16,  which  denounced  this  action  as  illegal — as  a 
step  towards  revolution.  The  Democratic  leaders  of  Ohio  as 
sumed  the  same  attitude,  and  made  a  vigorous  protest  to  the 
President.  It  is  not  necessary  to  state  this  incident  more  fully. 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  in  their  history  of  Lincoln,  narrate  fully  the 
incidents  connected  with  this  arrest,  and  the  disposition  of  Val 
landigham.  The  letters  of  the  President  in  reply  to  Governor 
Seymour,  and  to  the  meeting  in  Ohio,  are  among  the  most  inter 
esting  productions  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  doubted  the  legality  of 
the  arrest.  He  quoted  the  provision  of  the  constitution  that 
the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  "  should  not  be  sus 
pended  unless,  in  cases  of  invasion  or  rebellion,  the  public  safety 
may  require  it."  He  had  suspended  the  privileges  of  that  writ 
upon  the  happening  of  contingencies  stated  in  the  constitution 
and,  therefore,  the  commanding  officer  was  justified  in  making 
the  arrest,  and  he  did  not  deem  it  proper  to  interfere  with  the 
order  of  the  commanding  officer. 

This  incident  was  made  more  important  when,  on  the  llth 
of  June,  the  Democratic  convention  of  the  State  of  Ohio  met 
at  Columbus  and  there  formally  nominated  Vallandigham  as 
the  candidate  of  that  party  for  Governor  of  Ohio.  This  pre 
sented  directly  to  the  people  of  that  state  the  question  of  the 
legality  and  propriety  of  the  arrest  of  Vallandigham.  The  Re 
publican  party  subsequently  met  arid  nominated  for  governor 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  271 

John  Brough,  a  life-long  Democrat,  but  in  thorough  sympathy 
with  the  Union  cause. 

It  is  difficult,  now,  to  describe  the  intense  excitement  in 
Ohio  over  the  issue  thus  made — at  times  breaking  into  violence. 
Vallandigham  was  received  with  great  favor  in  the  different 
cities  of  the  south,  and  finally,  embarking  on  board  of  a  vessel 
which  ran  the  blockade  at  Wilmington,  he  arrived  at  Bermuda 
on  the  22nd  of  June,  from  which  place  he  took  passage  to  Can 
ada,  arriving  at  Niagara  Falls  about  the  middle  of  July. 

The  feeling  of  anger  and  excitement  among  the  loyal  people 
of  Ohio  increased,  so  that  it  was  manifest  that  if  Vallandigham 
entered  the  state  he  would  be  in  great  danger,  and  a  quasi  civil 
war  might  have  arisen.  I  heard  men  of  character  and  influ 
ence  say  distinctly  that  if  Vallandigham  came  into  the  state  he 
would  be  killed,  and  they,  if  necessary,  would  kill  him.  It  was 
then  understood  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  disposed  to  allow  him  to 
enter  the  state.  Senator  Wade  and  I  met  at  Washington  and 
had  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Lincoln.  We  told  him  the  condi 
tion  of  feeling  in  Ohio,  and  of  our  confident  belief  that  if  his 
order  of  banishment  was  revoked,  it  would  result  in  riots  and 
violence,  in  which  Vallandigham  would  be  the  first  victim.  He 
gave  us  no  positive  assurance,  but  turned  the  conversation  by 
saying  that  he  thought  Vallandigham  was  safer  under  British 
dominion,  where  he  would  have  plenty  of  friends. 

In  June,  1863,  my  health  was  somewhat  impaired,  and  Mrs. 
Sherman  and  I  concluded  to  visit  New  England  for  a  change  of 
scene,  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  ocean  air.  We  visited  New 
port  in  advance  of  the  season  and  found  it  deserted.  We  went 
to  Boston,  and  there  heard  of  the  advance  of  Lee  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  the  fierce  contest  going  on  in  the  rear  of  Vicksburg. 
I  became  uneasy  and  started  for  home  with  the  intention  of 
proceeding  to  Vicksburg,  but  at  Cleveland  we  heard  the  glad 
tidings  of  great  joy,  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  and  the  defeat  of  Lee 
at  Gettysburg. 

These  victories,  occurring  on  the  same  day,  aroused  the  en 
thusiasm  and  confidence  of  the  loyal  people  of  the  United 
States,  especially  the  people  of  Ohio.  Instead  of  a  trip  to 
Vicksburg  I  was  soon  enlisted  in  the  political  canvass,  and 


272  RECOLLECTIONS 

this  for  nearly  three  months  occupied  my  attention.  Meet 
ings  were  held  in  every  county  and  in  almost  every  township 
of  the  state.  All  on  either  side  who  were  accustomed  to  speak 
were  actively  engaged.  My  opening  speech  was  made  at  Dela 
ware  on  the  29th  of  July.  I  was  intensely  interested  in  the 
canvass,  and  therefore  insert  a  few  paragraphs  from  that  speech, 
as  an  indication  of  the  state  of  feeling  existing  at  that  time  : 

"  The  political  campaign  in  Ohio  this  season  presents  some  singular 
features.  We  are  in  the  midst  of  a  great  civil  war,  in  which  it  is  safe  to 
say  that  one  million  of  men  are  now  arrayed  in  arms  against  each  other. 
There  are,  perhaps,  now,  from  Ohio,  one  hundred  thousand  of  her  best  and 
bravest  citizens  in  the  field,  in  hospitals  or  camps,  sharing  the  burdens  of 
war.  The  immediate  stake  involved  is  nothing  less  than  national  existence, 
while  the  ultimate  stake  involves  nothing  less  than  civil  liberty  for  genera 
tions  yet  to  come.  In  the  midst  of  this  contest  the  Democratic  party, 
through  its  most  eloquent  orators,  endeavor  to  make  a  personal  issue.  They 
propose  to  withdraw  our  armies,  to  abandon  the  war,  and  to  try  the  question 
whether  their  candidate  for  governor  has  been  legally  convicted  as  a  traitor 
to  his  country. 

"  We  are  assured  by  Mr.  Pugh,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  lieuten 
ant  governor,  who  is  one  of  the  most  eloquent  and  able  young  men  in  the 
state,  that  here  in  Ohio  we  have  been  subjected  to  a  tyranny  as  intolerable 
as  that  of  King  Bomba  of  Naples.  When  we  ask  for  evidence  of  this  tyr 
anny,  we  are  told  that  Clement  L.  Vallandigham  has  been  illegally  con 
victed  and  illegally  banished  ;  and  that  if  we  are  fit  to  be  free  we  must  stop 
and  examine  the  record  in  his  case,  and  not  be  turned  from  it  by  clamors 
about  prosecuting  the  war,  or  of  concluding  peace.  And  we  are  told  that 
if  we  don't  do  all  this  we  are  helpless  slaves  and  deserve  no  better  fate. 
Now,  as  I  do  not  desire  to  be  a  slave,  and  do  not  wish  the  people  of  my  na 
tive  state  to  be  slaves,  I  will  so  far  depart  from  my  usual  course  in  political 
discussion  as  to  examine  the  personal  issue  thus  made. 

"I  had  supposed,  fellow-citizens,  that  nowhere  in  the  wide  world  did 
people  live  as  free  from  oppression  as  in  the  State  of  Ohio.  But  the  Demo- 
cratic  party  has  sounded  the  alarm  that  our  liberties  were  jeopardized  in 
that  Mr.  Vallandigham  has  been,  as  they  assert,  illegally  convicted  and 
banished.  Before  alluding  to  matters  of  more  general  interest  I  propose  to 
consider  that  question. 

"The  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  was  convicted  by  a  military 
tribunal  for  aiding  the  enemy  with  whom  we  are  at  war.  For  this  he  was 
expelled  beyond  our  lines,  and  was  within  the  lines  of  the  enemy  when 
nominated  for  governor  of  Ohio.  By  the  judgment  of  a  military  tribunal, 
composed  mainly  of  his  political  friends,  approved  by  General  Burnside,  the 
chief  military  officer  within  the  state,  sanctioned  by  Judge  Leavitt — a  judge 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  273 

selected  by  Vallandigham  himself — of  the  United  States  court,  he  was  con 
victed  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment  during  the  war.  By  the  mercy  of  the 
President  he  was  released  from  imprisonment  and  sent  beyond  our  lines. 
While  thus  banished  as  a  convicted  traitor,  by  military  authority,  the  Demo 
cratic  party  of  the  State  of  Ohio  nominated  this  man  as  a  candidate  for 
governor,  and  you  are  called  upon  to  ratify  and  confirm  that  nomination,  to 
intrust  this  man,  convicted  as  a  traitor,  with  the  chief  command  of  our 
militia,  the  appointment  of  all  its  officers,  and  the  management  of  the  execu 
tive  authority  of  the  state  ;  and  that,  too,  in  the  midst  of  a  war  with  the  rebels 
he  was  convicted  of  aiding. 

"And  here  is  the  marked  distinction  between  the  two  parties.  The 
Union  party  strikes  only  at  the  rebels.  The  Democratic  party  strikes  only 
at  the  administration.  The  Union  party  insists  upon  the  use  of  every  means 
to  put  down  the  rebels.  The  Democratic  party  uses  every  means  to 
put  down  the  administration.  I  read  what  is  called  the  Democratic  Plat 
form,  and  I  find  nothing  against  the  rebels  who  are  in  arms  against  the  best 
government  in  the  world  ;  but  I  find  numerous  accusations  against  the 
authorities  of  the  government,  who  are  struggling  to  put  down  the  rebels. 
I  find  no  kindly  mention  of  the  progress  of  our  arms,  no  mention  of  victories 
achieved  and  difficulties  overcome  ;  no  mention  of  financial  measures  without 
a  parallel  in  their  success  ;  no  promise  of  support,  no  word  of  encourage 
ment  to  the  constituted  authorities  ;  no  allowance  made  for  human  error  ; 
not  a  single  patriotic  hope.  It  is  a  long  string  of  whining,  scolding  accusa 
tions.  It  is  dictated  by  the  spirit  of  rebellion,  and,  before  God,  I  believe  it 
originated  in  the  same  malignant  hate  of  the  constituted  authorities  as  has 
armed  the  public  enemies.  I  appeal  to  you  if  that  is  the  proper  way  to  sup 
port  your  government  in  time  of  war.  Is  this  the  example  set  by  Webster 
and  Clay,  and  the  great  leaders  of  the  Whig  party  when  General  Jackson 
throttled  nullification  ;  or  is  it  the  example  of  the  tories  of  the  Revolution?" 

Brough  visited,  I  think,  every  county  in  the  state.  Every 
where  his  meetings  were  large  and  enthusiastic,  but  it  must  be 
said  also  that  the  Democratic  meetings,  which  were  equally 
numerous,  were  very  largely  attended.  The  people  were  evi 
dently  anxious  to  hear  both  sides. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  campaign  I  accompanied  Mr. 
Brough  through  the  populous  central  counties  of  the  state.  We 
spoke,  among  other  places,  in  Newark,  Zanesville  and  Lancaster. 
The  meetings  were  not  merely  mass  meetings,  but  they  were  so 
large  that  no  human  voice  could  reach  all  those  present,  and 
speeches  were  made  from  several  stands  in  the  open  air,  each 
surrounded  by  as  many  as  could  hear.  This  indication  of  pub 
lic  feeling  was  somewhat  weakened  by  the  fact  that  the  Demo- 

S— 18 


274  RECOLLECTIONS 

cratic  meetings  were  also  very  large,  and  the  ablest  members 
of  that  party  were  actively  engaged  in  the  canvass.  The  "mar 
tyr"  in  Canada  was  the  hero  of  these  meetings,  and  his  compul 
sory  arrest  and  absence  from  the  state,  but  near  its  border,  was 
the  constant  theme  of  complaint.  It  was  observed  that  the  ri 
val  meetings  were  attended  by  men  of  both  parties  in  nearly 
equal  numbers,  so  that  it  was  difficult  to  form  an  opinion  of 
the  result.  Mr.  Brough  kept  a  memorandum  book  containing 
the  names  of  the  counties  in  the  state  and  the  estimated  ma 
jorities  for  or  against  him  in  each  county.  At  night,  when  the 
crowds  dispersed,  he  would  take  out  his  book,  and,  upon  the 
information  received  that  day,  would  change  the  estimate 
of  his  majorities.  In  view  of  the  enormous  attendance  at,  and 
interest  in,  the  Democratic  meetings,  he  was  constantly  lower 
ing  his  estimated  majority  on  the  home  vote,  until  finally  it  de 
clined  to  5,000,  with  the  army  vote  known  to  be  very  largely  in 
his  favor.  At  Lancaster,  where  he  had  lived  and  published  a 
strong  Democratic  paper  for  many  years,  and  where  I  was  born, 
he  carefully  analyzed  his  list,  and,  throwing  his  book  upon  the 
table,  emphatically  said  that  he  would  not  reduce  his  majority 
of  the  home  vote  one  vote  below  5,000.  The  Democratic  party, 
however,  seemed  confident  of  Vallandigham's  election.  The 
result  was  that  Brough  was  elected  by  the  unprecedented  ma 
jority  of  101,000,  of  which  62,000  was  on  the  home  vote  and 
39,000  on  the  vote  of  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  they  having  the 
privilege  of  voting. 

This  settled  once  for  all  the  position  of  Ohio,  not  only  on 
the  question  of  the  war,  but  on  the  determination  of  its  people 
to  support  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  use  of  all  the  powers  granted  by 
the  constitution  as  construed  by  him,  and  to  prosecute  the  war 
to  final  success.  Vallandigham  remained  in  Canada  until  June, 
1864,  when  he  returned  quietly  to  Ohio,  where  he  was  permit 
ted  to  remain.  His  presence  injured  his  party.  His  appear 
ance  in  the  national  convention  in  Chicago  in  1864,  and  active 
participation  in  its  proceedings,  and  his  support  of  General 
McClellan,  greatly,  I  think,  diminished  the  chances  of  the 
Democratic  ticket.  He  died  seven  years  later  by  an  accidental 
wound  inflicted  by  himself. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  275 

I  have  always  regarded  Brough's  election  in  Ohio  upon  the 
issue  distinctly  made,  not  only  as  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war, 
but  in  support  of  the  most  vigorous  measures  to  conduct  it,  as 
having  an  important  influence  in  favor  of  the  Union  cause 
equal  to  that  of  any  battle  of  the  war.  The  results  of  all  the 
elections  in  the  several  states  in  1863  were  decidedly  victories 
for  the  Union  cause,  and  especially  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
Ohio  and  Maryland. 


CHAPTER   XIV. 
A  MEMORABLE  SESSION  OF  CONGRESS. 

Dark  Period  of  the  War— Effect  of  the  President's  Proclamation  — Revenue  Bill 
Enacted  Increasing  Internal  Taxes  and  Adding  Many  New  Objects  of   Taxa 
tion—Additional  Bonds  Issued— General  Prosperity  in  the  North  Following 
the  Passage  of   New  Financial  Measures  —  Aid  for  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  Company  —  Land  Grants  to  the  Northern  Pacific  —  13th 
Amendment   to    the    Constitution  —  Resignation    of    Secretary 
Chase  — Anecdote  of  Governor  Tod  of  Ohio— Nomination  of 
William  P.    Fessenden   to  Succeed  Chase  —  The  Latter 
Made  Chief  Justice — Lincoln's  Second  Nomination  — 
Effect  of  Vallandigham's  Resolution  —  General 
Sherman's    March  to   the  Sea  — Second 
Session  of    the  38th  Congress. 

THE  38th  Congress  met  on  the  7th  of  December,  1863. 
The  Members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  were 
elected  in  the  fall  of  1862,  perhaps  the  darkest  period 
of  the  war  for  the  Union  cause.  The  utter  failure  of 
McClellan's  campaign  in  Virginia,  the  defeat  of  Pope  at  the 
second  battle  of  Bull  Run,  the  jealousies  then  developed  among 
the  chief  officers  of  the  Union  army,  the  restoration  of  McClel- 
lan  to  his  command,  the  golden  opportunity  lost  by  him  at  An- 
tietam,  the  second  removal  of  McClellan  from  command,  the 
slow  movement  of  Halleck  on  Corinth,  the  escape  of  Beaure- 
gard,  the  scattering  of  Halleck's  magnificent  army,  the  prac 
tical  exclusion  of  Grant  and  his  command,  and  the  chasing  of 
Bragg  and  Buell  through  Kentucky — these,  and  other  dis 
couraging  events,  created  a  doubt  in  the  public  mind  whether 
the  Union  could  be  restored.  It  became  known  during  the 
happening  of  these  events  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  determined 
upon  the  emancipation  of  slaves  in  states  in  rebellion  by  an 
executive  act.  He  said  to  the  artist,  F.  B.  Carpenter : 

"It  had  got  to  be  midsummer,  1862;  things  had  gone  on  from  bad  to 
worse,  until  I  felt  that  we  had  reached  the  end  of  our  rope  on  the  plan  of 
operations  we  had  been  pursuing  ;  that  we  had  about  played  our  last  card, 

(276) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  277 

and  must  change  our  tactics,  or  lose  the  game.  I  now  determined  upon 
the  adoption  of  the  emancipation  policy  ;  and  without  consultation  with, 
or  the  knowledge  of,  the  cabinet,  I  prepared  the  original  draft  of  the 
proclamation." 

Of  the  cabinet,  Blair  deprecated  this  policy  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  cost  the  administration  the  fall  elections.  Chase 
doubted  the  success  of  the  measure  and  suggested  another  plan 
of  emancipation,  but  said  that  he  regarded  this  as  so  much  bet 
ter  than  inaction  on  the  subject  that  he  would  give  it  his  en 
tire  support.  Seward  questioned  the  expediency  of  the  issue 
of  the  proclamation  at  that  juncture.  The  depression  of  the 
public  mind  consequent  upon  repeated  reverses  was  so  great 
that  he  feared  the  effect  of  so  important  a  step. 

In  consequence  of  this  opposition,  the  proclamation  was 
postponed.  On  the  22nd  of  September,  the  President,  having 
fully  made  up  his  mind,  announced  to  the  cabinet  his  purpose 
to  issue  the  proclamation  already  quoted.  What  he  did,  he 
said,  was  after  full  deliberation  and  under  a  heavy  and  solemn 
sense  of  responsibility. 

The  effect  of  this  proclamation  upon  the  pending  elections 
in  Ohio  was  very  injurious.  I  was  then  actively  engaged  in 
the  canvass  and  noticed  that  when  I  expressed  my  approbation 
of  the  proclamation,  it  was  met  with  coldness  and  silence. 
This  was  especially  so  at  Zanesville.  The  result  was  the  elec 
tion  in  Ohio  of  a  majority  of  Democratic  Members  of  Congress. 
This,  following  the  overwhelming  Republican  victory  in  1861, 
when  Tod  was  elected  governor  by  a  majority  of  55,203,  was 
a  revolution  which  could  only  be  ascribed  to  the  events  of  the 
war  and  to  the  issue  of  the  proclamation.  It  may  be  also 
partially  ascribed  to  the  discontent  growing  out  of  the  ap 
pointments,  by  Governor  Tod,  of  officers  in  the  volunteers. 
The  same  discontent  defeated  the  renomination  of  Governor 
Dennison  in  1861.  Such  is  the  usual  result  of  the  power  of 
appointment,  however  prudently  exercised. 

The  House  of  Representatives  was  promptly  organized  on 
the  7th  of  December,  1863,  by  the  election  of  Schuyler  Colfax 
as  speaker.  The  session  of  Congress  that  followed  was  per 
haps  the  busiest  and  most  important  one  in  the  history  of  our 


278  RECOLLECTIONS 

government.  The  number  of  measures  to  be  considered,  the 
gravity  of  the  subject-matter,  and  the  condition  of  the  country, 
demanded  and  received  the  most  careful  attention.  The  acts 
relating  to  the  organization  of  the  army  and  the  one  increasing 
the  pay  of  soldiers,  made  imperative  by  the  depreciation  of  our 
currency,  as  well  as  the  draft  and  conscription  laws,  received 
prompt  attention.  The  enrollment  act,  approved  February  24, 
1864,  proved  to  be  the  most  effective  measure  to  increase  and 
strengthen  the  army.  The  bounty  laws  were  continued  and 
the  amount  to  be  paid  enlarged.  The  laws  relating  to  loans, 
currency,  customs  duties  and  internal  taxes  required  more 
time  and  occupied  a  great  portion  of  the  session.  The  revenue 
bill  enacted  at  that  session  was  far  more  comprehensive  and 
the  rates  much  higher  than  in  any  previous  or  subsequent 
law.  It  provided  for  an  increase  of  all  internal  taxes  con 
tained  in  previous  laws,  and  added  many  new  objects  of  taxa 
tion,  so  as  to  embrace  nearly  every  source  of  revenue  provided 
for  by  American  or  English  laws,  including  stamp  duties  upon 
deeds,  conveyances,  legal  documents  of  all  kinds,  certificates, 
receipts,  medicines  and  preparations  of  perfumery,  cosmetics, 
photographs,  matches,  cards,  and  indeed  every  instrument  or 
article  to  which  a  stamp  could  be  attached.  It  also  provided 
for  taxes  on  the  succession  to  real  estate,  legacies,  distributive 
shares  of  personal  property,  and  a  tax  of  from  five  to  ten  per 
cent,  on  all  incomes  above  $600,  upon  all  employments,  upon 
all  carriages,  yachts,  upon  slaughtered  cattle,  swine  and  sheep, 
upon  express  companies,  insurance  companies,  telegraph  com 
panies,  theaters,  operas,  circuses,  museums  and  lotteries,  upon 
all  banks  and  bankers,  brokers,  and  upon  almost  every  article 
of  domestic  production.  It  placed  a  heavy  tax  upon  licenses, 
upon  dealers  in  spirits,  upon  brokers,  lottery-ticket  dealers  and 
almost  every  employment  of  life. 

It  largely  increased  the  tax  on  spirits,  ale,  beer,  porter,  and 
tobacco  in  every  form.  Not  content  with  this,  on  the  last  day 
of  the  session,  Congress  levied  a  special  income  tax  of  five  per 
cent.,  to  provide  for  the  bounties  promised  to  Union  soldiers. 
This  drastic  bill  occupied  the  attention  of  both  Houses  during 
a  considerable  portion  of  the  session,  and  became  a  law  only 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  279 

on  the  30th  of  June,  1864,  within  four  days  of  the  close  of  the 
session.  It  was  greatly  feared  that  the  law  would  create  dis 
content,  but  it  was  received  with  favor  by  the  people,  few  if 
any  complaints  being  made  of  the  heavy  burden  it  imposed. 
The  customs  duties  were  carefully  revised,  not  in  the  interest  of 
protection  but  solely  for  revenue.  Nearly  all  the  articles 
formerly  on  the  free  list  were  made  dutiable,  and  they  proved 
to  be  copious  sources  of  revenue,  especially  the  duties  on  tea, 
coffee,  spirits  of  all  kinds,  wines,  cigars,  and  tobacco  in  every 
form. 

During  that  session  Congress  passed  two  important  loan 
bills,  which  practically  confided  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  the  power  to  borrow  money  in  almost  any  form  that 
could  be  devised.  The  first  act,  approved  March  3,  1864,  au 
thorized  him  to  borrow,  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States, 
$200,000,000  during  the  current  fiscal  year,  redeemable  after 
any  period  not  less  than  five  years,  and  payable  at  any  period 
not  more  than  forty  years  from  date,  in  coin,  and  bearing  in 
terest  at  six  per  cent,  per  annum.  It  also  provided  for  the  issue 
of  $11,000,000  5-20  bonds  which  had  been  sold  in  excess  of  the 
$500,000,000  authorized  by  law.  By  the  act  approved  June  30, 
1864,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  authorized  to  borrow, 
on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  $400,000,000,  on  bonds  re 
deemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  a  period  of 
not  less  than  five,  nor  more  than  forty,  years  from  date,  bearing 
an  annual  interest  of  not  exceeding  six  per  cent.,  payable  semi- 
annually  in  coin.  He  was  authorized  to  receive  for  such  bonds 
lawful  money  of  the  United  States,  or,  at  his  discretion,  treas 
ury  notes,  certificates  of  indebtedness  or  certificates  of  deposit, 
issued  under  any  act  of  Congress.  These  bonds  were  similar  in 
general  description  to  the  5-20  bonds  already  provided  for,  but 
bore  interest  at  five  per  cent,  instead  of  six. 

By  these  measures  the  people  of  the  United  States  had 
placed  in  the  power  of  the  government  almost  unlimited 
sources  of  revenue,  and  all  necessary  expedients  for  borrowing. 
Strange  as  it  may  appear,  under  the  operation  of  these  laws 
the  country  was  very  prosperous.  All  forms  of  industry  hith 
erto  conducted,  and  many  others,  were  in  healthy  operation. 


280  RECOLLECTIONS 

Labor  was  in  great  demand  and  fully  occupied.  This  will 
account  for  the  passage  of  several  laws  that  would  not  be 
justified  except  in  an  emergency  like  the  one  then  existing. 
Among  these  was  an  act  to  encourage  immigration,  approved 
July  4,  1864.  This  act  grew  out  of  the  great  demand  for  labor 
caused  by  the  absence  of  so  many  men  in  the  army.  A  com 
mission  of  immigration  was  provided.  Immigrants  were  au 
thorized  to  pledge  their  wages,  for  a  term  not  exceeding  twelve 
months,  to  repay  the  expense  of  their  immigration.  These  con 
tracts  were  declared  to  be  valid  in  law  and  might  be  enforced 
in  the  courts  of  the  United  States  or  of  the  several  states  and 
territories.  It  provided  that  no  immigrant  should  be  compul- 
sorily  enrolled  for  military  service  during  the  existing  insur 
rection,  unless  such  immigrant  voluntarily  renounced,  under 
oath,  his  allegiance  to  the  country  of  his  birth,  and  declared 
his  intention  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.  This 
law  could  only  be  justified  by  the  condition  of  affairs  then 
existing. 

Another  law,  alike  indefensible,  but  considered  important 
at  the  time,  regulating  the  sale  of  gold,  was  approved  June  17, 
1864.  It  declared  unlawful  a  contract  for  the  purchase  or  sale 
and  delivery  of  any  gold  coin  or  bullion,  to  be  delivered  on  any 
day  subsequent  to  the  making  of  the  contract.  It  also  forbade 
the  purchase  or  sale  and  delivery  of  foreign  exchange,  to  be  de 
livered  at  any  time  beyond  ten  days  subsequent  to  the  making 
of  such  contract,  or  the  making  of  any  contract  for  the  sale 
and  delivery  of  any  gold  coin  or  bullion,  of  which  the  person 
making  such  contract  was  not  at  the  time  of  making  it  in 
actual  possession.  It  also  declared  it  to  be  unlawful  to  make 
any  loans  of  money  or  currency  to  be  repaid  in  coin  or  bullion 
or  to  make  any  loan  of  coin  or  bullion  to  be  repaid  in  currency. 
All  these  provisions  were  made  to  prevent  what  were  regarded 
as  bets  on  the  price  of  gold.  This  law,  however,  proved  to  be 
ineffective,  as  all  such  laws  interfering  with  trade  and  specula 
tion  must  be,  and  was  soon  repealed. 

The  national  banking  act,  which  passed  at  the  previous  ses 
sion,  was  carefully  revised  and  enacted  in  a  new  form,  and  it 
still  remains  in  force,  substantially  unchanged  by  subsequent 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  281 

laws.  By  this  new  act  the  office  of  comptroller  of  the  cur 
rency  was  created.  Under  its  provisions,  aided  by  a  heavy  tax 
on  the  circulating  notes  of  state  banks,  such  banks  were  con 
verted  into  national  banks  upon  such  conditions  as  secured  the 
payment  of  their  circulating  notes. 

The  financial  measures,  to  which  I  have  referred,  were  the 
work  of  the  committees  of  ways  and  means  of  the  House  and 
on  finance  in  the  Senate.  They  occupied  the  chief  attention  of 
both  Houses,  and  may  fairly  be  claimed  by  the  members  of 
those  committees  as  successful  measures  of  the  highest  impor 
tance.  I  was  deeply  interested  in  all  of  them,  took  a  very 
active  part  in  their  preparation  in  committee,  and  their  conduct 
in  the  Senate,  and,  with  the  other  members  of  the  committee, 
feel  that  the  measures  adopted  contributed  largely  to  the  final 
triumph  of  the  Union  cause.  Certainly,  the  full  power  of  the 
United  States,  its  credit  and  the  property  of  its  people  were  by 
these  laws  intrusted  to  the  executive  authorities  to  suppress 
the  rebellion. 

In  addition  to  military  and  financial  measures,  that  session 
was  prolific  in  many  other  measures  of  primary  importance. 
The  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  which  had  been  char 
tered  by  the  previous  Congress,  found  itself  unable  to  proceed, 
and  appealed  to  Congress  for  additional  aid.  This  was  granted 
by  the  act  of  July  2,  1864.  Under  this  act,  the  first  lien  of  the 
United  States  for  bonds  advanced  to  the  company,  provided  for 
by  the  act  of  1862,  was  made  subordinate  to  the  lien  of  the 
bonds  of  the  company  sold  in  the  market — a  fatal  error,  which 
led  to  all  the  serious  complications  which  followed.  The  pro 
ceeds  of  the  sale  of  the  first  mortgage  bonds  of  the  company,  with 
a  portion  of  those  issued  by  the  United  States  in  aid  of  the  com 
pany,  built  both  the  Union  and  Central  Pacific,  so  that  the  con 
structors  of  these  roads,  who  were  mainly  directors  and  managers 
of  the  company,  practically  received  as  profit  a  large  portion  of 
the  bonds  of  the  United  States  issued  in  aid  of  the  work,  and 
almost  the  entire  capital  stock  of  the  company.  If  the  act  had 
been  delayed  until  after  the  war,  when  the  securities  of  the 
United  States  rapidly  advanced  in  value,  it  could  not  have 
passed  in  the  form  it  did.  The  construction  of  the  road  was 


282  RECOLLECTIONS 

practically  not  commenced  until  the  war  was  over.  The  con 
structors  had  the  benefit  of  the  advancing  value  of  the  bonds 
and  of  the  increasing  purchasing  power  of  United  States 
notes. 

It  was  unfortunate  that  the  bill  for  the  construction  of  the 
Northern  Pacific  Railroad  came  up  at  the  same  time.  It  was  a 
faulty  measure,  making  excessive  grants  of  public  lands  to  aid 
in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line  from 
Lake  Superior  to  Puget  Sound.  It  was  an  act  of  incorpora 
tion  with  broad  and  general  powers,  carelessly  defined,  and 
with  scarcely  any  safeguards  to  protect  the  government 
and  its  lavish  grants  of  land.  Some  few  amendments  were 
made,  but  mostly  in  the  interest  of  the  corporation,  and  the 
bill  finally  passed  the  Senate  without  any  vote  by  yeas  and 
nays. 

These  two  bills  prove  that  it  is  not  wise  during  war  to  pro 
vide  measures  for  a  time  of  peace. 

During  the  same  session  the  Territories  of  Colorado,  Ne 
braska  and  Nevada  were  authorized  to  form  state  governments 
for  admission  into  the  Union,  and  a  government  was  provided 
for  each  of  the  Territories  of  Montana  and  Idaho.  The  great 
object  of  organizing  all  the  Indian  country  of  the  west  into 
states  and  territories  was  to  secure  the  country  from  Indian 
raids  and  depredations. 

By  far  the  most  beneficial  action  of  Congress  at  this  session 
was  the  passage  of  the  13th  article  of  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  viz.,  "  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude, 
except  as  a  punishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have 
been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or 
any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction." 

It  was  thoroughly  debated,  and  passed  the  Senate  by  the 
large  vote  of  38  yeas  and  6  nays.  It  subsequently  received  the 
sanction  of  the  House  and  of  the  requisite  number  of  states  to 
make  it  a  part  of  the  constitution.  This  was  the  natural  and 
logical  result  of  the  Civil  War.  In  case  the  rebellion  should 
fail,  it  put  at  an  end  all  propositions  for  compensation  for 
slaves  in  loyal  states,  and  all  question  of  the  validity  of  the 
emancipation  proclamation  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  283 

The  following  letter  of  Secretary  Chase  shows  the  extremity 
of  the  measures  deemed  to  be  necessary  at  this  period  of  the 
war : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  May  26,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  inclose  two  drafts  of  a  national  bank  taxation 
clause — one  marked  'A,'  providing  for  the  appropriation  of  the  whole  tax 
to  the  payment  of  interest  or  principal  of  the  public  debt  and  repealing  the 
real  estate  direct  tax  law,  and  another  marked  "  B,"  dividing  the  proceeds  of 
the  tax  between  the  national  and  the  loyal  states.  In  either  form  the  clause 
will  be  vastly  more  beneficial  to  the  country  than  in  the  form  of  the  bill, 
whether  original  or  amended. 

I  also  inclose  a  draft  of  a  section  providing  for  a  tax  on  banks  not 
national  in  the  internal  revenue  act.  It  substantially  restates  the  House 
proposition  limiting  it  to  banks  of  the  states.  Some  discrimination  in  favor 
of  the  national  system  which  affords  substantial  support  to  the  government 
as  compared  with  the  local  system,  which  circulates  notes  in  competition 
with  those  issued  by  the  government,  seems  to  me  indispensably  necessary. 
It  is  impossible  to  prevent  the  depreciation  of  the  currency  unless  Congress 
will  assume  its  constitutional  function  and  control  it;  and  it  is  idle  to  try  to 
make  loans  unless  Congress  will  give  the  necessary  support  to  the  public 
credit.  I  am  now  compelled  to  advertise  for  a  loan  of  fifty  millions,  and,  to 
avoid  as  far  as  practicable  the  evils  of  sales  below  par,  must  offer  the  long 
bonds  of  '81.  Should  the  provisions  I  ask  for  be  sanctioned,  I  shall  antic 
ipate  a  satisfactory  premium.  Should  they  be  denied,  I  may  still  be  able 
to  negotiate  one  loan  on  pretty  fair  terms ;  but  I  dread  the  effects  on  future 
loans. 

Hitherto  I  have  been  able  to  maintain  the  public  credit  at  the  best 
points  possible  with  a  surcharged  circulation.  My  ability  to  do  so  is  due 
mainly  to  the  legislation  of  the  session  of  1862-63.  I  must  have  further  leg 
islation  in  the  same  direction  if  it  is  desired  to  maintain  that  ability. 

Yours  truly,  S.  P.  CHASE. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

A  few  days  before  the  close  of  the  session,  on  the  29th  of 
June,  1864,  Mr.  Chase  tendered  his  resignation  as  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury.  This  created  quite  a  sensation  in  political  cir 
cles.  It  was  thought  to  be  the  culmination  of  the  feeling 
created  by  the  nomination  of  Lincoln  and  the  alleged  rivalry  of 
Chase,  but  the  statements  made  in  the  "  History  of  Lincoln,"  by 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  and  the  "Biography  of  Chase,"  by  Schuckers, 
clearly  show  that  the  cause  of  the  resignation  arose  long  an 
terior  to  this  event  and  gradually  produced  a  condition  of 
affairs  when  either  Mr.  Lincoln  had  to  yield  his  power  over 


284  RECOLLECTIONS 

appointments  or  Mr.  Chase  to  retire  from  his  office.  No  good 
would  result  from  analyzing  the  events  which  led  to  this  resig 
nation.  The  cause  was  perhaps  best  stated  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in 
accepting  it,  as  follows : 

"Your  resignation  of  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  sent  me 
yesterday,  is  accepted.  Of  all  I  have  said  in  commendation  of  your  ability 
and  fidelity  I  have  nothing  to  unsay,  and  yet  you  and  I  have  reached  a  point 
of  mutual  embarrassment  in  our  official  relation  which  it  seems  cannot  be 
overcome  or  longer  sustained  consistently  with  the  public  service." 

The  nomination  of  David  Tod,  of  Ohio,  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  succeed  Mr.  Chase,  was  not  well  received  in  either 
House.  If  the  Members  had  known  Tod  as  well  as  I  did,  they 
would  have  known  that  he  was  not  only  a  good  story  teller, 
but  a  sound,  able,  conservative  business  man,  fully  competent 
to  deal  with  the  great  office  for  which  he  wras  nominated.  His 
declination,  however,  prevented  a  controversy  which  would 
have  been  injurious,  whatever  might  have  been  the  result.  An 
anecdote  frequently  told  by  him  may,  perhaps,  explain  his 
nomination. 

When  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Ohio,  he  went  to  Washing 
ton  to  see  Mr.  Lincoln,  to  find  out,  as  he  said,  what  a  Republi 
can  President  wanted  a  Democratic  Governor  of  Ohio  to  do  in 
aid  of  the  Union  cause.  He  called  at  the  White  House,  sent 
in  his  card,  and  was  informed  that  the  President  was  engaged, 
but  desired  very  much  to  see  Governor  Tod,  and  invited  him  to 
call  that  evening  at  7  o'clock.  Promptly  on  time  Governor 
Tod  called  and  was  ushered  into  the  room  where,  for  the  first 
time,  he  saw  Mr.  Lincoln.  Mutual  salutations  had  scarcely  been 
exchanged  before  the  announcement  was  made  that  David  K. 
Cartter  was  at  the  door.  Mr.  Lincoln  asked  the  governor  if  he 
had  any  objection  to  Cartter  hearing  their  talk.  The  governor 
said  no,  that  Cartter  was  an  old  friend  and  law  partner  of  his. 
Soon  after  Governor  Nye  of  Nevada  was  announced.  The 
same  inquiry  was  made  and  answered,  and  Nye  joined  the 
party,  and  in  the  same  way  Sam.  Gallo\vay,  of  Ohio,  and  a  famous 
joker  from  New  York,  whose  name  I  do  not  recall,  came  in. 
Then  grouped  around  the  table,  Nye  led  off  with  a  humorous 
description  of  life  in  the  mines  in  the  early  days  of  California, 


I  ^ 


SCHUYLER    COLFAX. 
WILLIAM    PITT    FESSENDEN. 


STEPHEN  A.    DOUGLAS. 
THOMAS    EWING. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  285 

and  the  others  contributed  anecdotes,  humor  and  fun,  in  which 
Lincoln  took  the  lead,  "and  I"  (as  Tod  told  the  story),  "not  to 
be  behindhand,  told  a  story;'7  and  so  the  hours  flew  on  with 
out  any  mention  of  the  grave  matters  he  expected  to  discuss 
with  the  President.  When  the  clock  announced  the  hour  of 
eleven,  Mr.  Lincoln  said  he  made  it  a  habit  to  retire  at  eleven 
o'clock,  and,  turning  to  Tod,  said :  "  Well,  Governor,  we  have 
not  had  any  chance  to  talk  about  the  war,  but  we  have  had  a 
good  time  anyway ;  come  and  see  me  again."  It  then  dawned 
upon  the  governor  that  this  little  party  of  kindred  spirits,  all 
friends  of  his,  were  invited  by  the  President  to  relieve  him 
from  an  interview  about  the  future  that  would  be  fruitless  of 
results.  Neither  could  know  what  each  ought  to  do  until 
events  pointed  out  a  duty  to  be  done.  Lincoln  knew  that  Tod 
was  a  famous  story  teller,  as  were  all  the  others  in  the  party, 
and  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  relieve  his  mind 
from  anxious  care. 

Governor  Tod  told  me  this  anecdote  and  related  many  of 
the  stories  told  at  that  symposium. 

The  nomination  of  William  P.  Fessenden  as  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  was  a  natural  one  to  be  made,  and  received  the 
cordial  support  of  the  Members  of  the  Senate,  even  of  those 
who  did  not  like  his  occasional  ill  temper  and  bitterness. 
And  here  I  may  properly  pause  to  notice  the  traits  of  two  men 
with  whom  I  was  closely  identified  in  public  life,  and  for  whom 
I  had  the  highest  personal  regard,  although  they  widely  dif 
fered  from  each  other. 

Mr.  Fessenden  was  an  able  lawyer,  a  keen  incisive  speaker, 
rarely  attempting  rhetoric,  but  always  a  master  in  clear,  dis 
tinct  statement  and  logical  argument.  He  had  been  for  a 
number  of  years  dyspeptic,  and  this,  no  doubt,  clouded  his 
temper  and  caused  many  of  the  bitter  things  he  said.  When  I 
entered  the  Senate,  I  was,  at  his  request,  placed  on  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  of  which  he  was  chairman.  He  was  kind 
enough  to  refer  to  my  position  in  the  House  as  chairman  of 
the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  and  my  action  there,  and  to 
express  the  hope  that  I  would  be  able  to  aid  him  in  dealing 
with  financial  questions,  in  which  he  had  had  no  training  and 


285  RECOLLECTIONS 

but  little  interest.  I  accepted  the  position  with  pleasure,  and 
in  general  cooperated  with  him,  though  on  many  important 
subjects  we  widely  differed.  His  appointment  as  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  left  me  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance, 
but  my  intercourse  with  him  continued  while  he  was  secretary. 
During  the  short  period  in  which  he  held  that  office,  I  had 
many  conferences  with  him  in  respect  to  pending  questions. 
When  he  returned  to  the  Senate,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1865,  he 
resumed  his  old  place  as  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance, 
and  continued  in  that  position  nearly  two  years,  when,  his 
health  becoming  more  feeble,  he  resigned  his  membership  of 
that  committee,  and  I  again  took  his  place  as  chairman  and 
held  it  until  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  1877.  His 
health  continued  to  fail  and  he  died  at  Portland,  Maine,  Sep 
tember  8,  1869. 

With  Mr.  Chase  I  had  but  little  acquaintance  and  no 
sympathy  during  his  early  political  career.  His  edition  of  the 
" Statutes  of  Ohio"  was  his  first  work  of  any  importance.  He 
was  at  times  supposed  to  be  a  Whig  and  then  again  classed  as  a 
Democrat.  Later  he  became  a  member  of  the  national  con 
vention  of  Free  Soilers  held  at  Buffalo,  August  9,  1848,  over 
which  he  presided.  This  convention  was  composed  of  dele 
gates  from  eighteen  states,  and  included  in  its  active  mem 
bers  many  of  the  most  eminent  Whigs  and  Democrats  of  a 
former  time.  It  nominated  Martin  Van  Buren  for  the  Presi 
dency,  and  Charles  Francis  Adams  for  Vice  President.  Gen 
eral  Taylor,  the  nominee  of  the  Whig  party,  was  elected  Presi 
dent,  but  Mr.  Van  Buren  received  291,342  votes,  being  nearly 
one-eighth  of  the  whole  number  of  votes  cast. 

It  so  happened  that  when  the  Ohio  legislature  met  in  De 
cember,  1848,  it  was  composed  of  an  equal  number  of  Whigs 
and  Democrats  and  of  two  members,  Townsend  and  Morse, 
who  classed  themselves  as  Free  Soilers.  They  practically  dic 
tated  the  election  of  Mr.  Chase  as  United  States  Senator.  They 
secured  his  election  by  an  understanding,  express  or  implied, 
with  the  Democratic  members,  that  they  would  vote  for  Demo 
crats  for  all  the  numerous  offices,  which,  under  the  consti 
tution  of  the  state  as  it  then  stood,  were  appointed  by  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN  287 

legislature.  This  bargain  and  sale— so-called— created  among 
the  Whigs  a  strong  prejudice  against  Chase.  But  events  in 
Congress,  especially  the  act  repealing  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise,  practically  dissolved  existing  parties,  and  left  Mr.  Chase 
in  the  vantage  ground  of  having  resisted  this  measure  with 
firmness.  He  was  universally  regarded  as  a  man  of  marked 
ability  and  honest  in  his  convictions.  In  the  election  for 
Members  of  Congress  in  1854,  he  supported  what  were  known 
as  the  anti-Nebraska  candidates,  and,  no  doubt,  contributed  to 
their  election.  When  he  was  nominated  for  governor,  I  was 
naturally  brought  into  friendly  relations  with  him,  and  these, 
as  time  advanced,  were  cordial  and  intimate.  Our  correspond 
ence  was  frequent,  mostly  of  a  personal  character,  and  our 
intimacy  continued  while  he  lived.  When  he  was  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  I  was  frequently  consulted  by  him,  and  had,  as  I 
believe,  his  entire  confidence.  I  have  a  great  number  of  letters 
from  him  written  during  that  period. 

In  September,  1864,  Mr.  Chase  was  my  guest  at  Mansfield 
for  a  day  or  two.  He  was  evidently  restless  and  uneasy  as  to 
his  future.  I  spoke  to  him  about  the  position  of  chief  justice, 
recently  made  vacant  by  the  death  of  Taney.  He  said  it  was 
a  position  of  eminence  that  ought  to  satisfy  the  ambition  of 
anyone,  but  for  which  few  men  were  fitted.  Early  in  October 
I  received  a  letter  from  him  which  shows  he  was  actively  en 
gaged  in  the  canvass,  and  that  the  common  belief  that  he  did 
not  desire  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  without  foundation. 
He  wrote  as  follows : 

LOUISVILLE,  October  2,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  Sm  :  —  Some  days  since  I  informed  the  secretary  of  the  state 
central  committee  that  1  would,  as  far  as  possible,  fill  the  appointments 
which  ill-health  had  obliged  Gov.  Tod  to  decline.  Seeing  afterwards, 
however,  that  he  had  determined  to  meet  them  himself,  I  acceded  to  requests 
from  other  quarters  to  give  them  what  help  1  could.  The  first  intimation  I 
had  that  he  would  fail  in  any  of  them  was  your  letter,  put  into  my  hands  just 
as  I  was  leaving  Cincinnati  for  New  Albany  last  Friday.  It  was  then  too 
late  to  recall  my  own  appointments,  and,  of  course,  I  cannot  be  at  Mansfield. 
I  should  be  glad  to  be  there  ;  but  regret  the  impossibility  of  it  the  less  since 
I  should  not  meet  you.  I  am  really  glad  you  are  going  to  Logansport. 
The  election  of  Gov.  Morton  is  of  vast  importance  to  our  cause.  And,  then, 
Colfax,  I  feel  most  anxious  for  him.  I  hope  you  can  go  to  his  district.  I 


288  RECOLLECTIONS 

wanted  to  go  myself ;  but  was  urged  to  other  parts  of  Indiana,  and  was  left 
no  chance  to  reach  it  till  this  week  ;  which  must  be  given  to  Ohio  in  aid  of 
Stevenson  and  Bundy,  except  that  I  speak  here  to-morrow  (Monday),  and 
Tuesday  night  in  Covington. 

There  has  been  a  very  large  accumulation  of  troops  here,  for  Sherman. 
Col.  Hammond  telegraphed  the  department  at  Washington  yesterday  that, 
communications  being  now  re-established  from  Nashville  to  Atlanta,  he  could 
commence  sending  them  forward  immediately  ;  and  doubtless  the  movement 
will  begin  tomorrow.  I  congratulate  yoii  most  heartily  on  his  splendid  suc 
cess  thus  far  and  on  the  certainty  that  no  effort  will  be  spared  to  maintain 
his  army  at  the  highest  possible  point  of  efficiency. 

There  appears  to  be  no  truth  in  the  report  of  a  cooperative  movement 
in  aid  of  Sheridan  for  Tennessee.  Burbridge's  expedition  is  for  a  point 
beyond  Abingdon  where  there  are  important  salt  works,  and  he  intends 
returning  thence  through  Knoxville.  So  I  learn  from  one  who  ought  to 
know ;  but  don't  understand  it.  That  game  seems  hardly  worth  the 
candle. 

We  had  a  splendid  meeting  in  Aurora  yesterday  and  our  friends  are 
confident  of  Gov.  Morton's  re-election.  Thousands  of  people  stood  in  a 
pouring  rain  to  hear  me  and  Gov.  Lane  talk  to  them,  and  profounder  or 
more  earnest  attention  I  never  witnessed.  It  will  gratify  you,  I  am  sure,  to 
know  that  I  receive, wherever  I  go,  unequivocal  manifestations  of  a  popular 
confidence  and  appreciation,  which  I  did  not  suppose  I  possessed. 

There  is  not  now  the  slightest  uncertainty  about  the  re-election  of  Mr. 
Lincoln.  The  only  question  is,  by  what  popular  and  what  electoral  majority. 
God  grant  that  both  may  be  so  decisive  as  to  turn  every  hope  of  rebellion  to 
despair! 

You  ask  about  Mr.  Fessenden's  remaining  in  the  cabinet.  He  will  be  a 
candidate  for  re-election  to  the  Senate  ;  and  if  successful  will  leave  his 
present  post  in  March,  or  sooner  if  circumstances  allow.  He  has  been  in 
communication  with  me  since  he  took  charge,  and  in  every  step,  with  per 
haps  one  slight  exception,  his  judgment  has  corresponded  with  mine.  He 
sees  several  matters  now  in  quite  a  different  light  from  that  in  which  they 
appeared  to  him  when  Senator.  He  would  now,  for  example,  cordially  sup 
port  your  proposition  for  a  heavy  discriminating  tax  upon  all  unnational  cir 
culation.  And  he  is  more  than  just — he  is  very  generous  in  his  appreciation 
of  the  immense  work  of  organization  and  effective  activity  to  be  found  in 
the  department. 

How  signally  are  events  confirming  my  views  as  to  the  value  of  gold, 
compared  with  national  currency.  How  clear  it  is  now  that  if  Congress  had 
come  boldly  to  the  act  of  marked  discriminative  taxation  on  all  non-national 
circulation  and  final  prohibition  after  a  few  years,  say  two — or  at  most  three — 
gold  would  now  have  been  at  not  more  than  fifty  per  cent,  premium  and  that 
resumption  of  specie  payments  might  have  been  effected  within  a  year. 
I  trust  the  next  session  will  witness  bolder  and  better  legislation.  It  will  be 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN  289 

one  of  your  brightest  honors  that  you  so  clearly  saw  and  so  boldly  followed 
the  path  of  reform  ;  for  certainly  no  greater  boon — except  liberty  itself — 
can  be  conferred  upon  a  nation  than  a  truly  national  and  thoroughly  sound 
currency.  Yours  most  truly, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

After  the  election  he  wrote  me  the  following  letter,  in 
which  he  referred  to  the  appointment  of  a  chief  justice,  with 
an  evident  desire  for  the  office : 

CINCINNATI,  November  12,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — The  papers  still  state  you  are  in  Washington.  I  am 
glad  of  it,  and  hope  you  may  be  able  to  render  good  service  to  our  friend, 
Fessenden.  The  task  of  preparing  a  report  is  no  light  one.  At  least  it 
always  made  me  sweat  and  keep  late  hours.  May  he  find  a  safe  deliver 
ance  from  the  labor. 

All  sorts  of  rumcrs  are  afloat  about  everything.  Those  which  concern 
me  most  relate  to  the  vacant  seat  on  the  bench  ;  but  I  give  little  heed  to 
any  of  them.  My  experience  in  Washington  taught  me  how  unreliable 
they  are.  If  what  I  hear  is  any  index  to  the  state  of  opinion,  Mr.  Lincoln 
must  be  satisfied  that  in  acting  on  the  purpose  expressed  in  your  letters,  he 
will  have  the  almost,  if  not  quite,  unanimous  approval  of  the  Union  men 
throughout  the  country.  So  I  "  possess  my  soul  in  patience,"  and  urge 
nothing. 

If  it  did  not  seem  to  me  a  sort  of  indelicacy  even  to  allow  to  anyone 
the  slightest  occasion  to  say  that  I  solicit  or  even  ask  such  an  appointment 
as  a  favor  or  as  a  reward  for  political  service,  I  should  now  be  on  my  way 
to  Washington  ;  but  I  think  it  due  to  myself  as  well  as  to  the  President  to 
await  his  decision  here  ;  though,  if  appointed,  I  hope  the  appointment  will  be 
considered  as  made  from  the  country  at  large  rather  than  from  Ohio  alone. 
My  legal  residence  is  here  ;  but  my  actual  domicile  is  still  in  the  District. 

Please  write  me,  if  you  can,  when  the  President  will  act.  Let  me 
know  too  how  the  military  and  political  aspects  at  Washington  appear  to 
you.  We  have  achieved  a  glorious  political  victory,  which  must  greatly 
help  our  military  prospects  and  possibilities. 

Mr.  Miller  has  just  come  in  and  says  he  goes  to  Washington  to-night. 
Had  he  come  before  I  began,  I  should  have  spared  you  this  letter  ;  only 
asking  him  to  make  verbally  the  inquiries  I  have  just  set  down  ;  but  I  will 
send  it  with  "  answer  respectfully  solicited. 

Yours  very  cordially, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Early  in  December  I  received  the  following  letter,  which  in 
dicates  very  clearly  that  Mr.  Chase  was  anxious  for  the  position 

S.— 19 


RECOLLECTIONS 

of  chief  justice,  and  wished  his  appointment  made,  if  at  all, 
before  his  arrival  in  Washington  : 

CLEVELAND,  December  2,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: — Yours  of  the  27th  of  November  reached  me  here  to 
day.  Yesterday  I  fulfilled  my  appointment  to  make  an  address  on  the  dedi* 
cation  of  the  college  edifice  recently  erected  at  Mount  Union,  under  the 
patronao-e  of  the  Pittsburg  conference  of  the  Methodist  church.  A  number 
of  leading  men  of  the  denomination  were  present  and  assured  me  of  the 
profound  wishes  of  themselves  and  the  most  influential  men  of  the  connection 
for  my  appointment.  These  indeed  seem  to  be  universal  except  with  an 
inconsiderable  number  whom  various  circumstances  have  made  unfriendly 
personally.  So  that  I  cannot  doubt  that  the  President's  adherence  to  his 
declared  intention  is  more  important  to  our  cause  and  to  his  administration 
than  it  is  to  me  personally.  Not  to  be  appointed  after  such  declarations 
and  such  expressions  would,  no  doubt,  be  a  mortification  ;  but  it  would  not,  I 
think,  be  any  serious  injury  to  me. 

I  expect  to  be  in  Washington,  Tuesday  or  Wednesday.  I  should  have 
been  there  long  since  had  this  appointment  been  determined  either  way  ; 
but  I  must  come  now.  My  personal  duties,  unconnected  with  it,  have 
required  and  now  require  my  attention,  and  though  I  hated  to  come  before  I 
knew  that  there  remains  nothing  to  hope  or  fear  concerning  it,  I  must.  I 
will  be  at  the  Continental,  Philadelphia,  Tuesday  morning. 

Our  news  from  Tennessee  is  important  and  encouraging.  Garfield's 
success  against  Forrest  was  brilliant.  I  hope  Thomas  will  succeed  as  well 
against  Hood. 

General  Sherman  must  now  be  near  the  coast.  His  enterprise  is  full 
of  hazard,  but  a  hazard  wisely  incurred  as  it  seems  to  me.  I  ardently  hope 
that  '  out  of  the  nettle,  danger,  he  will  pluck  the  flower,  safety.' 

Our  majority  on  the  presidential  election  in  Ohio  turns  out  much  less 
than  I  anticipated.  It  will  hardly,  if  at  all,  exceed  fifty  thousand. 

Faithfully  yours, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

When  I  returned  to  Washington  at  the  beginning  of  the 
next  session  I  called  upon  the  President  and  recommended  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  Chase.  We  had  a  brief  conversation  upon 
the  subject  in  which  he  asked  me  pointedly  the  question 
whether  if  Chase  was  appointed  he  would  be  satisfied,  or 
whether  he  would  immediately  become  a  candidate  for  Presi 
dent.  I  told  him  I  thought  the  appointment  to  that  great  office 
ought  to  and  would  satisfy  his  ambition.  He  then  told  me 
that  he  had  determined  to  appoint  him  and  intended  to  send 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  291 

the  nomination  to  the  Senate  that  day  and  he  did  so,  December 
6,  1864.  After  Mr.  Chase  had  become  chief  justice  he  still  had 
a  lingering  interest  in  the  financial  policy  of  the  country.  On 
March  1,  1865,  I  received  from  him  the  following  letter.  That 
portion  which  refers  to  the  legal  tender  laws  will  naturally 
excite  some  interest  in  view  of  his  decision  against  the  power 
of  Congress  to  make  the  notes  of  the  United  States  a  legal 
tender.  He  wrote: 

AT  HOME,    March  1,  1865. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  More  to  fulfill  a  promise  than  with  the  hope  of 
service  I  write  this  note. 

Your  speech  on  the  finances  is  excellent.  There  are  one  or  two  points 
on  which  I  shall  express  myself  otherwise  ;  but,  in  the  main,  it  commands 
the  fullest  assent  of  my  judgment. 

Your  appreciation  of  the  currency  question  exactly  corresponds  with 
my  own  ;  only  I  would  not  give  up  the  national  currency  even  if  we  must 
endure  for  years  depreciation  through  the  issues  of  state  banks  before 
getting  rid  of  them. 

The  clause  in  the  bill,  as  it  came  from  the  House,  imposing  a  tax  of 
ten  per  cent,  on  all  notes  not  authorized  by  Congress  which  may  be  paid  out 
after  this  year  by  any  bank,  whether  state  or  national,  will  do  much  towards 
making  our  currency  sound. 

I  will  briefly  indicate  what  I  should  prefer  and  what  I  should  most 
zealously  labor  to  have  sanctioned  by  Congress  if  I  were  at  the  head  of  the 
treasury  department. 

1.  Let  the  monthly  tax  on  state  bank  circulation  be  increased  to  one- 
half  of  one  per  cent. 

2.  Provide  that  any  bank  may  pay  into  the  national  treasury  the  amount 
of  its  circulation  in  United  States  notes  or  national  currency  and  that  on 
such    payment    the     bank    making    it    shall  be  exempt  from  taxation  on 
circulation. 

3.  Provide    for    the    application    to    the    redemption    of  the  circulation 
represented  by    such    payments,    of    the    United    States    notes    or    national 
currency  so  paid  in,  and  strictly  prohibit  the  paying  out  of  such  notes  for 
any  other  purpose. 

This  measure  contemplates  : 

1.  An  exclusive  national  currency. 

2.  Relief  of   the  state  banks  from  taxation  upon  circulation  which  they 
cannot  get  in. 

3.  The  assumption  of  the  duty  of  redemption  by  the  national  treasury 
with  means  provided  by  the  state  banks. 

4.  Reduction  in  the  amount  in  circulation  while  the  payments  into  the 
treasury  are  being  made  and  opportunity  of  some  provision  for  redemption 
which  will  not  again  increase  it. 


292  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  effect  will  be: 

1.  Healthful  condition  of  currency  and  consequent  activity  in  produc 
tion  and  increase  of  resources. 

2.  Gradual  restoration  of  national  notes  to  equality  with  specie  and  the 
facilitating  of  resumption  of  specie  payments. 

3.  Improvement  of  national  credit. 

4.  Diminution   of   national   expenditures  and  possible   arrest  of  the  in 
crease  of  national  debt. 

Half  measures  are  better  than  no  measures  ;  but  thorough  measures 
are  best. 

I  will  only  add,  that  while  I  have  never  favored  legal  tender  laws  in 
principle,  and  never  consented  to  them  except  under  imperious  necessity,  I 
yet  think  it  unwise  to  prohibit  the  making  of  any  of  the  treasury  notes 
authorized  by  the  bill  now  before  Congress  legal  tenders.  The  compound 
interest  legal  tender  notes  have  then  fulfilled  all  my  expectations  for  their 
issue  and  use  ;  and  may  be  made  most  useful  helps  in  gradual  reduction  of 
the  volume  of  circulation  by  substituting  them  for  legal  tenders  bearing  no 
interest. 

I  cannot  elaborate  this  now.  You  will  see  how  the  thing  will  work 
without  any  suggestion  of  mine.  Faithfully  your  friend, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

From  my  long  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  Chief  Jus 
tice  Chase  I  am  quite  sure  that  the  duties  of  the  great  office  he 
then  held  were  not  agreeable  to  him.  His  life  had  been  a  politi 
cal  one,  and  this  gave  him  opportunity  for  travel  and  direct 
communion  with  the  people.  The  seclusion  and  severe  labor 
imposed  upon  the  Supreme  Court  were  contrary  to  his  habits 
and  injurious  to  his  health.  It  took  him  some  years  to  become 
accustomed  to  the  quiet  of  judicial  life.  He  presided  over  the 
Senate  while  acting  as  a  court  of  impeachment  during  the  trial 
of  Andrew  Johnson  in  1868.  While  strongly  opposed  to  the 
impeachment,  he  manifested  no  sign  of  partiality.  He  died  in 
New  York  city  on  the  7th  of  May,  1873,  at  the  age  of  sixty-five. 

While  Congress  was  in  session,  the  Republican  national  con 
vention  met  at  Baltimore  on  the  7th  day  of  June,  1864,  to 
nominate  candidates  for  President  and  Vice  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  announce  the  principles  and  policy  of  the 
Republican  party  of  the  United  States.  The  nomination  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  already  been  made  by  state  legislatures  and  by 
the  loyal  people  of  the  United  States  in  every  form  in  which 
popular  opinion  can  be  expressed.  The  feeble  expressions  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  293 

dissent  were  but  a  whisper  compared  with  the  loud  proclama 
tion  coming  from  every  loyal  state  in  favor  of  Lincoln.  The 
convention,  with  unanimous  assent,  ratified  and  confirmed 
the  popular  choice. 

The  nomination  for  Vice  President  was  dictated  by  the 
desire  to  recognize  the  loyalty  and  patriotism  of  those  who, 
living  in  states  in  rebellion,  remained  true  and  loyal  to  the 
Federal  Union.  Though  Mr.  Johnson  disappointed  the  expec 
tations  of  those  who  nominated  him,  yet  at  that  time  his  cour 
age  and  fidelity  and  his  services  and  sacrifices  for  the  cause  of 
the  Union  fully  justified  his  nomination. 

More  important,  even,  than  the  choice  of  candidates,  was 
the  declaration  by  the  convention  of  the  policy  of  the  Repub 
lican  party.  The  key-note  of  that  policy  was  the  third  resolu 
tion,  as  follows : 

"  JResolved,  that  as  slavery  was  the  cause,  and  now  constitutes  the 
strength  of  this  rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be  always  and  everywhere  hostile 
to  the  principles  of  republican  government,  justice  and  the  national  safety 
demand  its  utter  and  complete  extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  republic  ;  and 
that  we  uphold  and  maintain  the  acts  and  proclamations  by  which  the  gov 
ernment,  in  its  own  defense,  has  aimed  a  deathblow  at  the  gigantic  evil. 
We  are  in  favor,  furthermore,  of  such  an  amendment  to  the  constitution,  to 
be  made  by  the  people  in  conformity  with  its  provisions,  as  shall  terminate 
and  forever  prohibit  the  existence  of  slavery  within  the  limits  or  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  the  United  States." 

This  was  the  logical  result  of  the  war.  If  it  was  carried 
into  full  execution,  it  would  settle  on  a  just  and  sure  founda 
tion  the  only  danger  that  ever  threatened  the  prosperity  of  the 
Union.  This  was  happily  carried  into  full  effect  by  the  consti 
tutional  amendment  to  which  I  have  already  referred. 

The  Democratic  convention  met  at  Chicago  on  the  29th  of 
August,  1864,  and  nominated  George  B.  McClellan  as  the  candi 
date  for  President  and  George  H.  Pendleton  as  Vice  President ; 
but  far  more  important  and  dangerous  was  the  second,  and  the 
only  material  resolution  of  the  platform  which  was  drawn  by 
Vallandigham  and  was  as  follows : 

"  JResolved,  that  this  convention  does  explicitly  declare,  as  the  sense  of 
the  American  people,  that  after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  by 
the  experiment  of  war,  during  which,  under  the  pretense  of  a  military 


294  RECOLLECTIONS 

necessity  of  a  war  power  higher  than  the  constitution,  the  constitution  itself 
has  been  disregarded  in  every  part,  and  public  liberty  and  private  right  alike 
trodden  down,  and  the  material  prosperity  of  the  country  essentially  im 
paired,  justice,  humanity,  liberty  and  the  public  welfare  demand  that  im 
mediate  efforts  be  made  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities  with  a  view  to  an  ulti 
mate  convention  of  all  the  states,  or  other  peaceable  means,  to  the  end  that, 
at  the  earliest  practicable  moment,  peace  may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the 
federal  union  of  all  the  states." 


This  was  a  false  declaration,  and  was  also  a  cowardly  sur 
render  to  enemies  in  open  war.  These  two  resolutions  made 
the  momentous  issue  submitted  to  the  American  people.  From 
the  moment  it  was  made  the  popular  mind  grew  stronger  and 
firmer  in  favor  of  the  prosecution  of  the  war  and  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  and  more  resolute  to  resist  the  surrender  proposed 
to  rebels  in  arms.  Prior  to  the  adoption  of  this  resolution, 
there  was  apparent  languor  and  indifference  among  the  people 
as  to  who  should  be  President,  but  after  its  adoption  there 
could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  trend  of  popular  opinion.  Every 
sentiment  of  patriotism,  the  love  of  flag  and  country,  the  pride 
of  our  people  in  the  success  of  our  soldiers,  and  the  resentment 
of  the  soldiers  themselves  at  this  slur  on  their  achievements — 
all  contributed  to  the  rejection  of  the  candidates  and  the  plat 
form  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  the  overwhelming  victory 
of  the  Republican  party. 

I  had  already  entered  into  the  canvass  when  this  resolution 
of  Vallandigham  was  adopted.  It  was  only  necessary  to  read 
it  to  the  people  of  Ohio  to  arouse  resentment  and  opposition. 
The  scattered  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  much  of  it  growing 
out  of  his  conservatism,  at  once  disappeared.  The  discontented 
Republicans  who  met  in  convention  at  Cleveland  again  became 
active  in  the  Republican  ranks.  The  two  parties  that  grew  out 
of  factional  politics  in  New  York,  the  Blair  party  and  its 
opponents  in  Missouri,  and  the  army  of  disaffected  office- 
seekers,  waived  their  dissensions  and  griefs.  Horace  Greeley 
and  the  extreme  opponents  of  slavery,  represented  by  Wen 
dell  Phillips,  not  satisfied  with  the  slow,  but  constitutional, 
process  of  emancipation  proposed  by  Lincoln,  when  compelled 
to  choose  between  that  plan  of  abolition  and  unconditional 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  395 


surrender  to  slavery,  naturally  voted  for  Lincoln.  The  great 
body  of  patriotic  Democrats  in  all  the  states,  who  sup 
ported  the  war,  but  were  still  attached  to  their  party,  quietly 
voted  for  Lincoln.  In  Ohio,  especially,  where  a  year  be 
fore  they  voted  against  Vallandigham  for  his  disloyalty,  they 
naturally  voted  against  his  resolution  for  surrender  to  the 
rebels. 

During  the  campaign  I  accompanied  Johnson  to  Indiana 
where  he  made  patriotic  speeches  to  great  audiences.  His 
arraignment  of  the  autocracy  of  slaveholders  in  the  south  was 
very  effective.  The  current  of  opinion  was  all  in  favor  of 
Lincoln.  The  result  of  the  election  for  Members  of  Congress 
in  the  states  voting  in  October  was  a  decisive  indication  of  the 
result  in  November.  All  the  central  states  elected  a  large 
majority  of  Republican  Members  of  Congress.  In  Ohio  the 
Union  party  had  a  majority  of  over  50,000  and  elected  17  Re 
publican  and  2  Democratic  Members  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  In  1862  Ohio  elected  14  Democratic  and  5  Repub 
lican  Members.  The  presidential  election  that  followed  on  the 
8th  of  November,  1864,  resulted  in  an  overwhelming  victory 
for  Lincoln.  He  received  212  and  McClellan  21  electoral  votes, 
the  latter  from  the  States  of  New  Jersey,  Delaware  and  Ken 
tucky.  This  political  victory  had  a  more  decisive  effect  in 
defeating  the  rebellion  than  many  battles.  I  returned  to  Wash 
ington  soon  after  the  election. 

I  was  naturally  deeply  interested  in  the  movements  of  Gen 
eral  Sherman's  march  to  the  sea.  Towards  the  close  of  Novem 
ber  we  had  all  sorts  of  rumors  from  the  south,  that  General 
Sherman  was  surrounded  by  Confederate  troops,  that  his  sup 
plies  were  cut  off,  that  successful  attacks  had  been  made  upon 
his  scattered  forces.  I  naturally  became  uneasy,  and  went  to 
President  Lincoln  for  consolation  and  such  news  as  he  could 
properly  give  me.  He  said :  "  Oh  no,  we  have  no  news  from 
General  Sherman.  We  know  what  hole  he  went  in  at,  but  we 
do  not  know  what  hole  he  will  come  out  of,"  but  he  expressed 
his  opinion  that  General  Sherman  was  all  right.  Soon  after, 
authentic  information  came  that  General  Sherman  had  ar 
rived  at  Savannah,  that  Fort  McAllister  was  taken,  and  the 


oyg  RECOLLECTIONS 

army  was  in  communication  with  the  naval  forces.  The  cap 
ture  of  Savannah  and  the  northward  march  of  General  Sher 
man's  army  is  part  of  the  familiar  military  history  of  the 
country. 

The  second  session  of  the  88th  Congress  convened  on  the 
5th  of  December,  1864.  It  was  a  busy  and  active  session 
confined  mainly  to  appropriation,  loan  and  currency  bills. 
The  necessary  expenditures  had  been  so  greatly  increased  by 
the  war  that  the  aggregate  amounts  appropriated  naturally 
created  some  opposition  and  alarm,  but  there  was  no  help  for 
it.  As  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance  I  did  all  I  could 
to  reduce  the  appropriations  for  civil  expenses,  but  in  respect 
to  military  expenditures  there  could  be  scarcely  any  limit,  the 
amount  necessary  being  dependent  upon  military  success. 
The  hopeful  progress  of  the  war  gave  encouragement  that  in  a 
brief  period  the  power  of  the  Confederate  States  would  be  ex 
hausted  and  peace  would  follow.  We  had,  however,  to  legis 
late  upon  the  basis  of  the  continued  prosecution  of  the  war, 
and  it  therefore  became  necessary  to  increase  the  revenues  in 
every  possible  way,  and  to  provide  for  new  loans.  The  act  ap 
proved  March  3,  1865,  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  borrow  not  exceeding  $600,000,000,  and  to  issue  therefore 
bonds  or  treasury  notes  of  the  United  States  in  such  form  as 
he  might  provide.  This  was  the  last  great  loan  authorized 
during  the  war.  An  act  to  provide  internal  revenue  to  support 
the  government  was  approved  on  the  same  day,  which  modi 
fied  many  of  the  provisions  of  the  previous  act,  but  added  sub 
jects  of  taxation  not  embraced  in  previous  laws.  It  especially 
increased  the  taxes  on  tobacco  in  its  various  forms.  The  6th 
section  provided : 

"  That  every  national  banking  association,  state  bank,  or  state  banking 
association,  shall  pay  a  tax  of  ten  per  centum  on  the  amount  of  notes  of  any 
state  bank  or  state  banking  association,  paid  out  by  them  after  the  first  day 
of  July,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-six." 

This  tax  on  state  bank  circulation  was  a  practical  prohibi 
tion  of  all  state  bank  paper,  and  before  the  time  fixed  for  the 
commencement  of  the  tax,  this  circulation  entirely  disappeared. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN/  297 

Additional  duties  were  placed  upon  certain  foreign  importa 
tions.  Provisions  were  also  made  for  the  collection  in  the  in 
surrectionary  district  within  the  United  States  of  the  direct 
taxes  levied  under  the  act  of  1862.  During  the  entire  session 
my  labor  was  excessive,  and  when  it  closed  my  health  and 
strength  were  greatly  impaired. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

ASSASSINATION  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Johnson's  Maudlin  Stump  Speech  in  the  Senate — Inauguration  of  Lincoln  for  the 
Second  Term  — My   Trip   to  the    South  — Paying   Off  a  Church  Debt  — Meet 
ings  to  Celebrate  the  Success  of  the  Union  Army — News  of  the  Death  of 
Lincoln  — I  Attend  the  Funeral  Services— General  Johnson's  Surrender 
to  General  Sherman — Controversy  with  Secretary  Stanton  Over  the 
Event— Review  of  65,000  Troops  in  Washington— Care  of  the 
Old  Soldiers  — Annual  Pension  List  of  $150,000,000  —  1  am 
Re-elected  to  the  Senate— The    Wade-Davis    Bill  — John 
son's  Treatment  of  Public  Men  —  His  Veto  of  the  Civil 
Rights  Bill— Reorganization  of  the  Rebel  States 
and  Their  Final  Restoration  to  the  Union. 

ON  the  4th  of  March,  1865,  at  the  inauguration  of  the 
President  and  Vice  President  elect,  a  scene  occurred 
in  the  Senate  chamber,  which  made  a  serious  im 
pression,  and  was  indicative  of  what  was  to  occur  in 
the  future.  About  eleven  o'clock  of  that  day  Andrew  Johnson, 
Vice  President,  was  shown  into  the  room  in  the  capitol  as 
signed  to  the  Vice  President.  He  complained  of  feeling  unwell 
and  sent  for  either  whisky  or  brandy,  and  must  have  drank  ex 
cessively  of  it.  A  few  minutes  before  twelve  o'clock  he  was 
ushered  into  the  Senate  to  take  the  oath  of  office  and  to  make 
the  usual  brief  address.  He  was  plainly  intoxicated  and  de 
livered  a  stump  speech  unworthy  of  the  occasion.  Before  him 
were  assembled  all  the  principal  officers  of  the  government 
and  the  diplomatic  corps.  He  went  on  in  a  maudlin  and 
rambling  way  for  twenty  minutes  or  more,  until  finally  he  was 
suppressed  by  the  suggestion  of  the  secretary  that  the  time  for 
the  inauguration  had  arrived,  and  he  must  close. 

The  procession  was  formed  for  the  inauguration  at  the  east 
front  of  the  capitol,  where  a  great  multitude  was  gathered. 
There  Mr.  Lincoln  delivered  his  memorable  inaugural  address. 

(298) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  299 

Referring  to  the  condition  of  the  controversy  at  the  time  of  his 
former  inaugural,  he  said : 

"  Both  parties  deprecated  war ;  but  one  of  them  would  make  war  rather 
than  let  the  Union  survive  ;  and  the  other  would  accept  war  rather  than  let 
it  perish.  And  the  war  came." 

He  hopefully  predicted  the  result  of  the  war,  but  he  said : 

"  Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the 
bondman's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and 
until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another 
drawn  with  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must 
be  said,  '  The  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether.'  " 

His  peroration  will  always  be  remembered  for  its  impres 
sive  eloquence : 

"  With  malice  towards  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in  the 
right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work 
we  are  in  ;  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds  ;  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have 
borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow,  and  his  orphan  ;  to  do  all  which  may 
achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all 
nations." 

Soon  after  the  adjournment  I  was  invited  by  Secretary 
Stanton,  with  many  other  Senators  and  our  families,  to  take  a 
trip  to  the  south  in  the  steamer  "  Baltic.77  Among  those  on 
board  were  Senators  Simon  Cameron,  Wade,  Zach.  Chandler, 
and  Foster,  of  Connecticut,  then  president  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate.  The  sea  was  exceedingly  boisterous.  Nearly  all  on 
board  w^ere  sea  sick,  but  none  so  badly  as  Wade  and  Chandler, 
both  of  whom,  I  fear,  violated  the  third  commandment,  and 
nearly  all  the  party  were  in  hearty  sympathy  with  them.  I 
was  a  good  sailor  and  about  the  only  one  who  escaped  the 
common  fate.  We  visited  the  leading  places  of  interest  along 
the  coast,  but  especially  Charleston,  Beaufort  and  Savannah. 
Charleston  had  but  recently  been  evacuated.  General  Sher 
man  was  then  on  his  march  through  North  Carolina.  In 
Charleston  everything  looked  gloomy  and  sad.  I  rode  on 
horseback  alone  through  different  parts  of  the  city,  and  was 
warned  by  officers  not  to  repeat  the  ride,  as,  if  my  name  was 
known,  I  would  be  in  danger  of  being  shot. 


300  RECOLLECTIONS 

We  arrived  in  Beaufort  on  Sunday  morning.  The  town 
was  then  full  of  contrabands.  We  remained  there  that  day 
and  received  an  invitation  from  a  negro  preacher  to  attend  re 
ligious  services  at  his  new  meeting-house.  About  fifteen  or 
twenty  of  the  party  went  to  the  "  meeting-house,"  a  new  un 
finished  skeleton-frame  house  of  considerable  size  without  any 
plastering — a  mere  shell.  We  were  shown  to  seats  that  had 
been  reserved  for  us.  The  rest  of  the  congregation  were  ne 
groes  in  every  kind  of  dress  and  of  every  shade  of  color.  The 
scene  was  very  interesting,  but  the  sermon  of  the  preacher 
was  little  better  than  gibberish.  He  was  a  quaint  o]d  man, 
wearing  goggles  and  speaking  a  dialect  we  could  hardly  under 
stand.  At  the  close  of  his  sermon  he  narrated  how  the  meet 
ing-house  had  been  built ;  that  John  had  hauled  the  logs,  Tom, 
Dick  and  Harry,  naming  them,  had  contributed  their  labor, 
but  they  were  in  debt  something  over  $200,  and,  with  a  sig 
nificant  glance  at  our  little  party,  he  thought  this  was  a  good 
time  to  take  up  a  collection.  No  sooner  was  this  said  than 
Cameron,  whispering  to  us,  said :  "Lets  pay  it ;  I'll  give  twenty 
dollars/'  and  when  the  hat  came  around,  instead  of  the  usual 
dimes  and  quarters  in  ragged  currency,  it  received  greenbacks 
of  good  denominations.  In  the  meantime  the  old  preacher, 
highly  elated,  called  upon  the  audience  to  sing  "John  Brown's 
Body."  A  feeble,  piping  voice  from  an  old  negro  woman 
started  the  singing  and  the  rest  of  the  negroes,  with  loud 
melodious  voices,  joined  in,  and,  before  it  was  through,  the 
rest  of  us  joined  in.  The  hat,  when  returned  to  the  preacher, 
was  found  to  contain  more  than  fifty  dollars  in  excess  of  the 
amount  necessary  to  pay  off  the  debt.  Then,  with  many 
thanks  to  us  by  the  preacher,  the  audience  was  requested  to 
remain  standing  until  their  visitors  left. 

Our  visit  at  Savannah  was  very  interesting.  We  there 
found  many  leading  citizens  of  the  town  who  were  social  and 
kind,  treating  us  in  a  friendly  way  by  rides  around  the  city. 

In  the  latter  part  of  March,  I  was  invited  by  General  Sher 
man,  then  on  a  visit  to  Grant  near  Petersburg,  Virginia,  to  go 
with  him  to  Goldsboro,  North  Carolina,  where  his  army  was 
then  encamped.  Secretary  Stanton  was  my  next  door  neighbor, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  301 

and  our  families  were  intimately  associated.  I  invited  his 
eldest  son,  Edwin,  then  a  young  man  studying  law,  to  accom 
pany  me,  an  invitation  which  he  gladly  accepted.  We  joined 
General  Sherman  at  Fortress  Monroe  and  accompanied  him  on 
the  steamer  "Bat"  to  Newbern  and  thence  by  rail  to  Goldsboro. 
There  was  a  sense  of  danger  in  traveling  by  rail  through  a 
country  mostly  unoccupied,  but  we  reached  the  army  at  Golds 
boro  safely.  There  I  had  my  first  view  of  a  great  army  in 
marching  garb.  Most  of  the  troops  had  received  their  new 
uniforms  and  equipments,  but  outlying  regiments  were  con 
stantly  coming  in,  ragged,  with  tattered  hats,  shoes  and  boots 
of  every  description,  almost  black  from  exposure  and  the 
smoke  of  the  pine  woods,  and  as  hardy  a  looking  set  of  men  as 
one  could  conceive  of.  They  had  picked  up  all  kinds  of  para 
phernalia,  "stove  pipe"  hats  being  the  favorite,  and  had  all 
sorts  of  wagons  gathered  in  their  march.  Their  appearance 
was  rapidly  changed  by  new  uniforms.  After  a  brief  visit  I 
returned  to  Washington,  and  thence  to  my  home  at  Mansfield. 

I  was  invited  soon  after,  on  the  14th  of  April,  to  attend  a 
mass  meeting  at  Columbus  to  celebrate  the  success  of  the 
Union  army.  I  accepted  the  invitation  and  attended  an  im 
mense  meeting  in  the  open  air  on  the  capitol  grounds,  and 
there  Samuel  Galloway  and  myself  made  addresses.  Meetings 
were  held,  congratulations  uttered  in  the  evening  of  that  day. 
The  whole  city  was  in  holiday  attire,  ornamented  with  flags, 
and  everywhere  and  with  everybody,  there  was  an  expression 
of  joy.  I  retired  late  at  night  to  my  room  in  the  hotel,  and 
after  my  fatigue  slept  soundly. 

Early  the  next  morning  Rush  Sloane,  a  personal  friend, 
rapped  at  my  door  and  announced  to  me  the  news  of  the  assas 
sination  of  Lincoln,  and,  as  then  reported,  that  of  Seward. 
The  change  from  joy  to  mourning  that  day  in  Columbus  was 
marked  and  impressive.  No  event  of  my  life  created  a  more 
painful  impression  than  this  news  following  the  rejoicings  of 
the  day  before.  I  returned  to  Washington  and  attended  the 
funeral  services  over  the  body  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  then  about  to  be 
carried  on  the  long  journey  to  his  old  home  in  Springfield, 
Illinois. 


302  RECOLLECTIONS 

On  the  6th  of  May,  in  response  to  the  invitation  of  my 
neighbors  in  Mansfield,  I  made  an  address  upon  the  life  and 
character  of  the  dead  President.  It  expressed  the  opinion  and 
respect  I  then  entertained  for  him,  and  now  I  could  add 
nothing  to  it.  As  time  moves  on  his  name  and  fame  become 
brighter,  while  most  of  his  contemporaries  are  one  by  one  for 
gotten. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  terms  of  the  sur 
render  of  General  Johnston  to  General  Sherman  became  the 
subject  of  a  violent  controversy.  On  the  21st  of  April,  Secre 
tary  Stanton  issued  an  order  to  General  Grant  to  proceed  im 
mediately  to  the  headquarters  of  General  Sherman  and  direct 
operations  against  the  enemy.  He  issued  a  bulletin  in  which 
he  intimated  that  Davis  and  his  partisans  were  on  their  way 
to  escape  to  Mexico  or  Europe  with  a  large  amount  of  gold 
plundered  from  the  Richmond  banks  and  from  other  sources, 
and  that  they  hoped  to  make  terms  with  General  Sherman  by 
which  they  would  be  permitted  with  their  effects,  including 
their  gold  plunder,  to  go  to  Mexico  or  Europe.  The  most  vio 
lent  and  insulting  paragraphs  were  published  in  the  newspa 
pers,  substantially  arraigning  General  Sherman  as  a  traitor 
and  imputing  to  him  corrupt  motives.  I  felt  myself  bound  at 
once,  not  to  defend  the  terms  of  surrender,  but  to  repel  the 
innuendoes  aimed  at  General  Sherman.  This  led  me  into  a 
controversy  with  Mr.  Stanton,  not  worth  while  to  recall. 

I  believed  then  and  still  believe  that  he  was  under  the  influ 
ence  of  perhaps  a  well-grounded  fear  that  his  life  was  in  dan 
ger.  The  atmosphere  of  Washington  seemed  to  be  charged 
with  terror,  caused  by  the  assassination  of  Lincoln,  the  wound 
ing  of  Seward  and  the  threats  against  all  who  were  conspicu 
ous  in  political  or  military  life  in  the  Union  cause.  Now,  since 
we  are  fully  informed  of  all  the  surrounding  circumstances 
connected  with  the  surrender,  and  the  belief  of  General  Sher 
man  that  he  was  strictly  carrying  out  the  policy  of  President 
Lincoln,  it  is  plain  that  he  acted  in  what  he  supposed  was  the 
line  of  duty.  He  did  not  comprehend  that  the  fatal  crime  in 
Washington  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs.  His  agree 
ment  with  Johnston  was  on  its  face  declared  to  be  inoperative 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  303 

until  approved  by  the  authorities  at  Washington,  and,  while 
the  political  features  of  the  surrender  could  not  be  approved,  a 
simple  notification  of  disapproval  would  have  been  cheerfully 
acted  upon  and  the  orders  of  the  President  would  have  been 
faithfully  carried  out. 

General  Sherman,  when  he  received  notice  of  the  disap 
proval  of  his  action,  at  once  notified  Johnston,  and  new  terms 
were  arranged  in  exact  accordance  with  those  conceded  by 
General  Grant  to  General  Lee. 

I  remained  in  Washington  until  the  arrival,  on  the  19th  of 
May,  of  General  Sherman's  army,  which  encamped  by  the 
roadside  about  half  way  between  Alexandria  and  the  Long 
Bridge.  I  visited  the  general  there  and  found  that  he  was  still 
smarting  under  what  he  called  the  disgrace  put  upon  him  by 
Stanton.  I  advised  him  to  keep  entirely  quiet,  said  the  feeling 
had  passed  away  and  that  his  position  was  perfectly  well  un 
derstood.  I  persuaded  him  to  call  on  the  President  and  such 
members  of  the  cabinet  as  he  knew,  and  accompanied  him. 
He  was  dressed  in  full  uniform,  well  worn,  was  bronzed  and 
looked  the  picture  of  health  and  strength.  As  a  matter  of 
course  he  refused  to  call  on  Stanton  and  denounced  him  in 
unmeasured  terms,  declaring  that  he  would  insult  him  when 
ever  the  opportunity  occurred.  When  he  came  in  contact  with 
his  fellow  officers  and  found  that  they  sympathized  with  him 
his  anger  abated,  and  by  the  time  the  great  review  took  place, 
he  seemed  to  have  recovered  his  usual  manner. 

The  review  of  General  Meade's  army  was  to  occur  on  Tues 
day,  May  23,  and  that  of  General  Sherman's,  as  it  was  called, 
on  the  24th.  General  Sherman,  with  his  wife  and  her  father, 
Hon.  Thomas  Ewing,  and  myself,  were  present  on  the  reviewing 
stand  on  the  first  day  of  the  review.  He  received  on  the  stand 
the  congratulations  of  hundreds  of  people  and  seemed  to  enjoy 
every  moment  of  time.  He  was  constantly  pointing  out  to 
Mr.  Ewing  and  myself  the  difference  between  the  eastern  and 
western  armies,  in  which  he  evidently  preferred  the  Army  of 
the  West.  On  the  next  day,  prompt  to  the  time  stated,  attended 
by  a  brilliant  staff,  he  rode  slowly  up  Pennsylvania  avenue  at 
the  head  of  his  column,  and  was  followed  by  a  magnificent 


304  RECOLLECTIONS 

army  of  65,000  men,  organized  into  four  army  corps,  and 
inarching  with  that  precision  only  possible  with  experienced 
troops.  His  description  of  the  scene  in  his  "  Memoirs  "  proves 
his  deep  interest  in  the  appearance  of  his  army  and  his  evident 
pride  in  it.  When  he  arrived  at  the  grand  stand,  where  the 
President  reviewed  the  troops,  he  dismounted,  left  the  line, 
came  upon  the  stand  and  took  his  place  by  the  side  of  the 
President.  Everyone  knew  his  relations  to  Stanton,  and  was 
curious  to  see  the  result  of  their  meeting.  I  stood  very  near 
the  general,  and  as  he  approached  he  shook  hands  with  the 
President  and  the  members  of  the  cabinet,  but  when  Stanton 
partially  reached  out  his  hand,  General  Sherman  passed  him 
without  remark,  but  everyone  within  sight  could  perceive  the 
intended  insult,  which  satisfied  his  honor  at  the  expense  of  his 
prudence.  However,  it  is  proper  to  say  that  these  two  men, 
both  eminent  in  their  way,  became  entirely  reconciled  before 
the  death  of  Mr.  Stanton.  General  Sherman  always  stopped 
with  me  when  he  was  temporarily  in  Washington,  and  I  know 
that  in  a  very  brief  period  they  met  and  conversed  in  a  friendly 
way.  When  Mr.  Stanton  lay  upon  his  death  bed,  General  Sher 
man  not  only  called  upon  him,  but  tendered  his  services,  and 
exhibited  every  mark  of  respect  for  him. 

The  great  body  of  the  volunteer  forces  was  disbanded,  the 
officers  and  soldiers  were  returning  to  their  homes.  To  most 
of  them  the  war  was  a  valuable  lesson.  It  gave  them  a  start 
in  life  and  a  knowledge  and  experience  that  opened  the  door 
to  all  employment,  especially  to  official  positions  in  state  and 
nation.  In  all  popular  elections  the  soldier  was  generally  pre 
ferred.  This  was  a  just  recognition  for  his  sacrifices  and 
services.  I  hope  and  trust  that  while  a  single  survivor  of  the 
War  of  the  Rebellion  is  left  among  us,  he  will  everywhere  be 
received  with  honor  and  share  all  the  respect  which  the  boys  of 
my  generation  were  so  eager  to  grant  and  extend  to  the  heroes 
of  the  Revolutionary  War.  The  service  of  one  was  as  valuable 
as  the  other,  rendered  on  a  broader  field,  in  greater  numbers, 
with  greater  sacrifices,  and  with  the  same  glorious  results  of 
securing  the  continuance  of  an  experiment  of  free  government, 
the  most  successful  in  the  history  of  mankind  and  which 


Office  of  16e 


cto      ork, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  305 

is  now,  I  profoundly  trust,  so  well  secured  by  the  heroism  and 
valor  of  our  soldiers,  that  for  generations  and  centuries  yet  to 
come  no  enemy  will  dare  to  aim  a  blow  at  the  life  of  the  re 
public.  For  the  wounded  and  disabled  soldiers  and  the  widows 
and  orphans  of  those  who  fell,  a  larger  provision  of  pensions 
was  freely  granted  than  ever  before  by  any  nation  in  ancient 
or  modern  times.  Provision  was  made  by  the  general  govern 
ment,  and  by  most  of  the  loyal  states,  for  hospitals  and  homes 
for  the  wounded.  The  bodies  of  those  who  died  in  the  service 
have  been  carefully  collected  into  cemeteries  in  all  parts  of  the 
United  States.  If  there  has  been  any  neglect  or  delay  in  grant 
ing  pensions,  it  has  been  caused  by  the  vast  number  of  applica 
tions—  more  than  a  million — and  the  difficulty  as  time  passes 
in  securing  the  necessary  proof.  The  pension  list  now,  thirty 
years  after  the  war,  requires  annually  the  sum  of  more  than 
$150,000,000,  or  three  times  the  amount  of  all  the  expenses  of 
the  national  government  before  the  war.  No  complaint  is 
made  of  this,  but  Congress  readily  grants  any  increase  de 
manded  by  the  feebleness  of  age  or  the  decay  of  strength.  I 
trust,  and  believe,  that  this  policy  will  be  continued  until  the 
last  surviving  soldier  of  the  war  meets  the  common  fate 
of  all. 

I  participated  in  the  canvass  of  1865,  when  General  Jacob 
D.  Cox,  the  Republican  candidate  for  governor  in  Ohio,  and  a 
Republican  legislature  were  elected  with  but  little  opposition. 
The  first  duty  of  this  legislature  was  to  elect  a  Senator.  There 
was  a  friendly  contest  between  General  Robert  C.  Schenck, 
Hon.  John  A.  Bingham  and  myself,  but  I  was  nominated  on 
the  first  ballot  and  duly  elected. 

I  received  many  letters  from  Horace  Greeley,  in  the  follow 
ing  one  of  which  he  showed  a  great  interest  in  my  re-election 
to  the  Senate: 

NEW  YORK,  February  7,  1865. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN: 

MY  DEAR  SIR: —  Yours  of  the  5th  inst.  at  hand.  I  can  assure  you  that 
the  combination  to  supplant  you  in  the  Senate  is  quite  strong  and  confident 
of  success.  I  did  not  mean  to  allude  to  the  controversy,  but  was  compelled 
to  by  the  dispatch  which  got  into  our  columns.  I  observe  J.  W.  wrote 

S— 20 


306  RECOLLECTIONS 

'  locality '  as  he  says,  but  the  change  to   '  loyalty '   was  a  very  awkward  one  in 
these  days;  so  I  felt  compelled  to  correct  it. 

I  fear  more  the  raids  of  Thad.  Stevens  on  the  treasury  than  those  of 
Mosby  on  our  lines.  Yours, 

HORACE  GREELEY. 

When  Congress  met  on  the  4th  of  December,  1865,  it  had 
before  it  two  important  problems  which  demanded  immediate 
attention.  One  was  a  measure  for  the  reconstruction  of  the 
states  lately  in  rebellion  and  the  other  was  a  plan  for  refund^ 
ing  and  paying  the  public  debt.  It  was  unfortunate  that  no 
measure  had  been  provided  before  the  close  of  the  war  defining 
the  condition  of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion,  securing  the  freed- 
men  in  their  new-born  rights,  and  restoring  these  states  to  thei* 
place  in  the  Union.  Therefore,  during  the  long  vacation,  from 
April  to  December,  the  whole  matter  was  left  to  executive  au 
thority.  If  Lincoln  had  lived,  his  action  would  have  been  ac 
quiesced  in.  It  would  have  been  liberal,  based  upon  universal 
emancipation  of  negroes,  and  pardon  to  rebels.  It  was  sup 
posed  that  President  Johnson  would  err,  if  at  all,  in  imposing 
too  harsh  terms  upon  these  states.  His  violent  speeches  in  the 
canvass  of  1864,  and  his  fierce  denunciation  of  the  leaders  in 
the  Rebellion,  led  us  all  to  suppose  that  he  would  insist  upon  a 
reconstruction  by  the  loyal  people  of  the  south  and  that  rea 
sonable  protection  would  be  extended  to  the  emancipated  ne 
groes.  The  necessity  of  legislation  for  the  reconstruction  of 
the  Confederate  states  was  foreseen  and  provision  had  been 
made  by  Congress,  during  the  war,  by  what  was  known  as 
the  Wade-Davis  bill,  to  provide  for  the  reorganization  of 
these  states.  During  the  37th  Congress,  Henry  Winter  Davis, 
though  not  then  a  Member  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  prepared  a  bill  to  meet  this  exigency.  It  was  a  bill  to 
guarantee  to  each  state  a  republican  form  of  government. 
It  embodied  a  plan  by  which  these  states,  then  declared 
by  Congress  to  be  in  a  state  of  insurrection,  might,  when  that 
insurrection  was  subdued  or  abandoned,  come  back  freely  and 
voluntarily  into  the  Union.  It  provided  for  representation,  for 
the  election  of  a  convention  and  a  legislature,  and  of  Senators 
and  Members  of  Congress.  It  was  a  complete  guarantee  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  307 

the  people  of  the  insurrectionary  states  that  upon  certain  con 
ditions  these  states  might  resume  their  place  in  the  Union 
when  the  insurrection  had  ceased.  This  bill  he  handed  to  me. 
I  introduced  it  at  his  request.  It  was  referred  to  the  judiciary 
committee,  but  was  not  acted  upon  by  it. 

Afterwards  Mr.  Davis  came  into  the  38th  Congress  as  a 
Member  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  Among  the  first 
acts  performed  by  him  after  taking  his  seat  was  the  introduc 
tion  of  this  same  bill.  On  the  15th  of  December,  1863,  it  was 
debated  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  passed  by  a  very 
decided  vote,  and  was  sent  to  the  Senate.  It  was  reported 
to  the  Senate  favorably,  but  in  place  of  it  was  substituted  a 
proposition  offered  by  B.  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri.  This 
substitute  provided  a  mode  by  which  the  eleven  Confederate 
states  might,  when  the  Rebellion  was  suppressed  within  their 
limits,  be  restored  to  their  old  place  in  the  Union.  The  bill 
was  sent  back  to  the  House  with  the  proposed  substitute.  A 
committee  of  conference  was  appointed,  and  the  House  pre 
ferring  the  original  bill,  the  Senate  receded  from  its  amend 
ment,  and  what  was  known  as  the  Wade-Davis  bill  passed.  It 
went  to  President  Lincoln,  who  did  not  approve  it,  and  it  did 
not  become  a  law,  but  on  the  8th  of  July,  1864,  after  the  close 
of  the  session,  he  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 

"  WHEREAS,  at  the  late  session  Congress  passed  a  bill  to  guaranty  to 
certain  states,  whose  governments  have  been  usurped  or  overthrown,  a 
republican  form  of  government,  a  copy  of  which  is  hereunto  annexed  ;  and 
whereas  the  said  bill  was  presented  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  for 
his  approval  less  than  one  hour  before  the  sine  die  adjournment  of  said  ses 
sion,  and  was  not  signed  by  him  ;  and  whereas  the  said  bill  contains,  among 
other  things,  a  plan  for  restoring  the  states  in  rebellion  to  their  proper 
practical  relation  in  the  Union,  which  plan  expresses  the  sense  of  Congress 
upon  that  subject,  and  which  plan  it  is  now  thought  fit  to  lay  before  the 
people  for  their  consideration  : 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  proclaim,  declare,  and  make  known,  that  while  I  am  (as  I  was  in  Decem 
ber  last,  when  by  proclamation  I  propounded  a  plan  for  restoration)  unpre 
pared,  by  a  formal  approval  of  this  bill,  to  be  inflexibly  committed  to  any 
single  plan  of  restoration  ;  and  while  I  am  also  unprepared  to  declare  that 
the  free  state  constitutions  and  governments  already  adopted  and  installed 
in  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  shall  be  set  aside  and  held  for  naught,  thereby 


308  RECOLLECTIONS 

repelling  and  discouraging  the  loyal  citizens  who  have  set  up  the  same  as  to 
further  effort,  or  to  declare  a  constitutional  competency  in  Congress  to 
abolish  slavery  in  states,  I  am  at  the  same  time  sincerely  hoping  and 
expecting  that  a  constitutional  amendment  abolishing  slavery  throughout 
the  nation  may  be  adopted." 

He  added  his  reasons  for  not  approving  the  Wade-Davis 
bill.  He  did  not  entirely  disapprove  of  it,  but  said  it  was  one 
of  numerous  plans  which  might  be  adopted.  Mr.  Simmer 
stated,  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  that  he  had  had  an  interview 
with  President  Lincoln  immediately  after  the  publication  of 
that  proclamation,  and  it  was  the  subject  of  very  minute  and 
protracted  conversation,  in  the  course  of  which,  after  discussing 
the  details,  Mr.  Lincoln  expressed  his  regret  that  he  had  not 
approved  the  bill.  I  have  always  thought  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
made  a  serious  mistake  in  defeating  a  measure,  which,  if 
adopted,  would  have  averted  many  if  not  all  the  difficulties 
that  subsequently  arose  in  the  reconstruction  of  the  rebel 
states. 

The  next  and  closing  session  of  that  Congress  neglected 
to  provide  for  the  reorganization  of  these  states,  and,  thus, 
when  Mr.  Johnson  became  President,  there  was  no  provi 
sion  of  law  to  guide  him  in  the  necessary  process  of  recon 
struction.  Thus,  by  the  disagreement  between  Congress  and 
President  Lincoln,  which  commenced  two  years  before  the 
close  of  the  war,  there  was  no  law  upon  the  statute  book  to 
guide  either  the  President  or  the  people  of  the  southern  states 
in  their  effort  to  get  back  into  the  Union.  It  became  im 
perative  during  the  long  period  before  the  meeting  of  Congress 
that  President  Johnson  should,  in  the  absence  of  legislation, 
formulate  some  plan  for  the  reconstruction  of  these  states.  He 
did  adopt  substantially  the  plan  proposed  and  acted  upon  by  Mr. 
Lincoln.  After  this  long  lapse  of  time  I  am  convinced  that  Mr. 
Johnson's  scheme  of  reorganization  was  wise  and  judicious. 
It  was  unfortunate  that  it  had  not  the  sanction  of  Congress 
and  that  events  soon  brought  the  President  and  Congress  into 
hostility.  Who  doubts  that  if  there  had  been  a  law  upon  the 
statute  book  by  which  the  people  of  the  southern  states  could 
have  been  guided  in  their  effort  to  come  back  into  the  Union, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  309 

they  would  have  cheerfully  followed  it,  although  the  condi 
tions  had  been  hard?  In  the  absence  of  law  both  Lincoln  and 
Johnson  did  substantially  right  when  they  adopted  a  plan  of 
their  own  and  endeavored  to  carry  it  into  execution.  Johnson, 
before  he  was  elected  and  while  acting  as  military  governor  of 
Tennessee,  executed  the  plan  of  Lincoln  in  that  state  and 
subsequently  adopted  the  same  plan  for  the  reorganization  of 
the  rebel  states.  In  all  these  plans  the  central  idea  was  that 
the  states  in  insurrection  were  still  states,  entitled  to  be 
treated  as  such.  They  were  described  as  "The  eleven  states 
which  have  been  declared  to  be  in  insurrection."  There  was 
an  express  provision  that : 

"  No  Senator  or  Representative  shall  be  admitted  into  either  branch  of 
Congress  from  any  of  said  states  until  Congress  shall  have  declared  such 
state  entitled  to  such  representation." 

In  all  the  plans  proposed  in  Congress,  as  well  as  in  the  plan 
of  Johnson,  it  was  declared  that  states  had  no  right  while  in 
insurrection  to  elect  electors  to  the  electoral  college ;  they  had 
no  right  to  elect  Senators  and  Representatives.  In  other 
words  they  could  not  resume  the  powers,  rights  and  privileges 
conferred  upon  states  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
except  by  the  consent  of  Congress.  Having  taken  up  arms 
against  the  United  States,  they  by  that  act  lost  their  consti 
tutional  powers  within  the  United  States  to  govern  and  con 
trol  our  councils.  They  could  not  engage  in  the  election  of  a 
President,  or  of  Senators  or  Members  of  Congress ;  but  they 
were  still  states.  The  supreme  power  of  Congress  to  change, 
alter  or  modify  the  acts  of  the  President  and  to  admit  or  re 
ject  these  states  and  their  Senators  and  Representatives  at  its 
will  and  pleasure,  and  the  constitutional  right  of  the  respective 
Houses  to  judge  of  the  election,  returns  and  qualifications  of 
its  own  Members  were  recognized.  When  Mr.  Johnson  came 
into  power  he  found  the  Rebellion  substantially  subdued.  His 
first  act  was  to  retain  in  his  confidence,  and  in  his  councils, 
every  member  of  the  cabinet  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  and,  so  far 
as  we  know,  every  measure  adopted  by  him  had  the  approval 
and  sanction  of  that  cabinet.  Every  act  passed  by  Congress, 
with  or  without  his  assent,  upon  every  subject  whatever, 


810  RECOLLECTIONS 

connected  with  reconstruction,  was  fairly  and  fully  executed. 
He  adopted  all  the  main  features  of  the  Wade-Davis  bill — the 
only  one  passed  by  Congress.  In  his  proclamation  of  May  9, 
18G5,  he  provided : 

"  First,  That  all  acts  and  proceedings  of  the  political,  military,  and  civil 
organizations  which  have  been  in  a  state  of  insurrection  and  rebellion  within 
the  State  of  Virginia  against  the  authority  and  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  which  Jefferson  Davis,  John  Letcher,  and  William  Smith  were  late 
the  respective  chiefs,  are  declared  null  and  void." 

Thus,  with  a  single  stroke,  he  swept  away  the  whole  super 
structure  of  the  Rebellion.  He  extended  the  tax  laws  of  the 
United  States  over  the  rebel  territory.  In  his  proclamation  of 
May  29,  he  says; 

"  To  the  end,  therefore,  that  the  authority  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States  may  be  restored,  and  that  peace,  order,  and  freedom  may  be 
established,  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  do  proclaim 
and  declare  that  I  hereby  grant  to  all  persons  who  have  directly  or  indirectly 
participated  in  the  existing  Rebellion,  except  as  hereinafter  excepted, 
amnesty  and  pardon,  with  restoration  of  all  rights  of  property,  except  as  to 
slaves,  and  except  in  cases  where  legal  proceedings,  under  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  providing  for  the  confiscation  of  property  of  persons  engaged 
in  rebellion,  have  been  instituted,  &c." 

He  enforced  in  every  case  full  and  ample  protection  to  the 
freed  men  of  the  southern  states.  No  complaint  from  them 
was  ever  brought  to  his  knowledge  in  which  he  did  not  do  full 
and  substantial  justice.  The  principal  objection  to  his  policy 
was  that  he  did  not  extend  his  proclamation  to  all  the  loyal 
men  of  the  southern  states,  including  the  colored  as  well  as 
the  white  people.  It  must  be  remembered  in  his  justification 
that  in  every  one  of  the  eleven  states  before  the  Rebellion  the 
negro  was,  by  its  laws,  excluded  from  the  right  to  vote.  In 
Ohio,  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  that  right  was  limited.  In 
a  large  majority  of  the  states,  including  the  most  populous, 
negro  suffrage  was  then  prohibited.  It  would  seem  to  be  a 
\/  great  stretch  of  power  on  his  part,  by  a  simple  mandatory  proc 
lamation  or  military  order,  to  confer  the  franchise  on  a  class  of 
people,  who  were  then  prohibited  from  voting  not  only  in  the 
eleven  southern  states,  but  in  a  majority  of  the  northern 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  31 1 

states.  Such  a  provision,  if  it  had  been  inserted,  could  not 
have  been  enforced,  and,  in  the  condition  in  which  slavery  left 
the  negro  race,  it  could  hardly  be  defended.  I  cannot  see  any 
reason  why,  because  a  man  is  black,  he  should  not  vote,  and 
yet,  in  making  laws,  as  the  President  was  then  doing,  for  the 
government  of  the  community,  he  had  to  regard  the  preju 
dices,  not  only  of  the  people  among  whom  the  laws  were  to  be 
executed,  but  also  of  the  army  and  the  people  who  were  to 
execute  those  laws,  and  no  man  can  doubt  but  what  at  that 
time  there  was  a  strong  and  powerful  prejudice  in  the  army 
and  among  all  classes  of  citizens  against  extending  the  right 
of  suffrage  to  negroes,  especially  down  in  the  far  south,  where 
the  great  body  of  the  slaves  were  in  abject  ignorance. 

It  must  be  also  noted  that  in  the  Wade-Davis  bill  Congress 
did  not  and  would  not  make  negro  suffrage  a  part  of  its  plan. 
Even  so  radical  an  anti-slavery  man  as  my  colleague,  Senator 
Wade,  did  not  propose  such  a  measure.  The  effort  was  made 
to  give  emancipated  negroes  the  right  to  vote,  and  it  was  aban 
doned.  By  that  bill  the  suffrage  was  conferred  only  upon  white 
male  loyal  citizens.  And  in  the  plan  of  the  President,  he 
adopted  in  this  respect  the  very  same  conditions  for  suffrage 
as  those  proposed  by  Congress.  I  believe  that  all  the  acts  and 
proclamations  of  President  Johnson  before  the  meeting  o 
Congress  were  wise  and  expedient,  and  that  there  would  have 
been  no  difficulty  between  Congress  and  the  President  but  for 
his  personal  conduct,  and,  especially,  his  treatment  of  Con 
gress  and  leading  Congressmen.  The  unfortunate  occurrence, 
already  narrated,  at  his  inauguration,  was  followed  by  violent 
and  disrespectful  language,  unbecoming  the  President,  espe 
cially,  his  foolish  speech  made  on  the  22nd  of  February,  1866, 
in  which  he  selected  particular  persons  as  the  objects  of  de 
nunciation.  He  said: 

"I  fought  traitors  and  treason  in  the  south.  I  opposed  the  Davises,  the 
Toombses,  the  Slidells,  and  a  long  list  of  others,  which  you  can  readily  fill 
without  my  repeating  the  names.  Now,  when  I  turn  round,  and  at  the  other 
end  of  the  line  find  men,  I  care  not  by  what  name  you  call  them,  who  still 
stand  opposed  to  the  restoration  of  the  Union  of  these  states,  I  am  free  to 
say  to  you  that  I  am  still  in  the  field." 


RECOLLECTIONS  ' 

• 

And  again  he  said: 

"  I  am  called  upon  to  name  three  at  the  other  end  of  the  line  ;  I  am 
talking  to  my  friends  and  fellow-citizens,  who  are  interested  with  me  in  this 
government,  and  I  presume  I  am  free  to  mention  to  you  the  names  of  those 
whom  I  look  upon  as  being  opposed  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  this 
government,  and  who  are  laboring  to  pervert  and  destroy  it." 

VOICES  :     "  Name  them  !  "  "  Who  are  they  ?  " 

He  replied : 

"  You  ask  me  who  they  are.  I  say  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania, 
is  one  ;  1  say  Mr.  Sumner,  of  the  Senate,  is  another ;  and  Wendell  Phillips 
is  another." 

The  violence  of  language,  so  unlike  that  of  Abraham  Lin 
coln,  added  to  the  hostility  to  Mr.  Johnson  in  Congress,  and,  I 
think,  more  than  any  other  cause,  led  to  his  impeachment  by 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  controversy  between  Congress  and 
the  President,  I  tried  to  act  as  a  peacemaker.  I  knew  Mr. 
Johnson  personally,  his  good  and  his  bad  qualities.  I  sat  by 
his  side  in  the  Senate  chamber  during  the  first  two  years  of 
the  war.  I  was  with  him  in  his  canvass  in  1864.  I  sympa 
thized  with  him  in  his  struggles  with  the  leaders  of  the  Rebel 
lion  and  admired  his  courage  during  the  war,  when,  as  Gover 
nor  of  Tennessee,  he  reorganized  that  state  upon  a  loyal  basis. 
The  defect  of  his  character  was  his  unreasoning  pugnacity. 
He  early  became  involved  in  wordy  warfare  with  Sumner, 
Wade,  Stevens  and  others.  In  his  high  position  he  could  have 
disregarded  criticism,  but  this  was  not  the  habit  of  Johnson. 
When  assailed  he  fought,  and  could  be  as  violent  and  insulting 
in  language  or  acts  as  anyone. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  made  a  long  and  carefully 
considered  speech  in  the  Senate  on  the  26th  of  February,  1866, 
in  which  I  stated  the  position  of  Congress  on  the  reconstruc 
tion  measures,  and  the  policy  adopted  by  Johnson  from  Lin 
coln.  Either  of  the  plans  would  have  accomplished  the  provi 
sional  restoration  of  these  states  to  the  Union,  while  all  agreed 
that,  when  admitted,  they  would  be  armed  with  all  the  pow 
ers  of  states,  subject  only  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States.  I  believed  then,  and  believe  now,  that  the  quarrel 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  313 

with  Johnson  did  much  to  weaken  the  Republican  party. 
In  consequence  of  it  several  Republican  Senators  and  Mem 
bers  severed  their  connection  with  that  party  and  joined  the 
Democratic  party.  Johnson,  irritated  by  this  antagonism, 
drifted  away  from  the  measures  he  had  himself  advocated 
and  soon  after  was  in  open  opposition  to  the  party  that  elected 
him.  I  here  insert  a  passage  from  my  speech,  which  expressed 
my  views  at  the  time,  and  which  I  now  feel  were  justified  by 
the  then  existing  opinions  and  conditions  of  political  life : 

"  Sir,  I  can  imagine  no  calamity  more  disgraceful  than  for  us  by  our 
divisions  to  surrender,  to  men  who  to  their  country  were  enemies  in  war, 
any  or  all  of  the  powers  of  this  government.  He,  who  contributes  in  any 
way  to  this  result,  deserves  the  execrations  of  his  countrymen.  This  may  be 
done  by  thrusting  upon  the  President  new  issues  on  which  the  well-known 
principles  of  his  life  do  not  agree  with  the  judgment  of  his  political  associates. 
It  may  be  done  by  irritating  controversies  of  a  personal  character.  It  may 
be  done  by  the  President  turning  his  back  upon  those  who  trusted  him  with 
high  power,  and  thus  linking  his  name  with  one  of  the  most  disgraceful  in 
American  history,  that  of  John  Tyler.  I  feel  an  abiding  confidence  that 
Andrew  Johnson  will  not  and  cannot  do  this  ;  and,  sir,  who  will  deny  that 
the  overbearing  and  intolerant  will  of  Henry  Clay  contributed  very  much  to 
the  defection  of  John  Tyler?  But  the  division  of  the  Whig  party  was  an 
event  utterly  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  evil  results  of  a  division  in 
the  Union  party. 

"  Where  will  be  the  four  million  slaves  whom  by  your  policy  you  have 
emancipated?  What  would  be  their  miserable  fate  if  now  surrendered  to 
the  custody  of  the  rebels  of  the  south?  Will  you,  by  your  demand  of  uni 
versal  suffrage,  destroy  the  power  of  the  Union  party  to  protect  them  in  J^ 
their  dearly  purchased  liberty?  Will  you,  by  new  issues  upon  which  you 
know  you  have  not  the  voice  of  the  people,  jeopard  these  rights  which  you 
can  by  the  aid  of  the  Union  party  secure  to  these  freedmen?  We  know 
that  the  President  can  not  and  will  not  unite  with  us  upon  the  issues  of  uni 
versal  suffrage  and  dead  states,  and  he  never  agreed  to.  No  such  dogmas 
were  contemplated,  when,  for  his  heroic  services  in  the  cause  of  the  Union, 
we  placed  him,  side  by  side,  with  Mr.  Lincoln  as  our  standard-bearer.  Why, 
then,  present  these  issues?  Why  decide  upon  them?  Why  not  com 
plete  the  work  so  gloriously  done  by  our  soldiers  by  securing  union  and 
liberty  to  all  men  without  distinction  of  color,  leaving  to  the  states,  as  before, 
the  question  of  suffrage. 

"  Sir,  the  curse  of  God,  the  maledictions  of  millions  of  our  people,  and  the 
tears  and  blood  of  new-made  freemen  will,  in  my  judgment,  rest  upon  those 
who  now  for  any  cause  destroy  the  unity  of  the  great  party  that  has  led  us 
through  the  wilderness  of  war.  *  *  *  *  * 


314  RECOLLECTIONS 

Respecting  the  contest  with  Mr.  Johnson,  almost  personal 
in  its  nature  between  him  and  his  party  at  that  time,  1  said  in 
closing : 

"  I  see  him  yet  surrounded  by  the  cabinet  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  pursu 
ing  Lincoln's  policy.  No  word  from  me  shall  drive  him  into  political  fel 
lowship  with  those  who,  when  he  was  one  of  the  moral  heroes  of  this  war, 
denounced  him,  spit  upon  him,  and  despitefully  used  him.  The  association 
must  be  self-sought,  and  even  then  I  will  part  with  him  in  sorrow,  but  with 
the  abiding  hope  that  the  same  Almighty  power  that  has  guided  us  through 
the  recent  war  will  be  with  us  still  in  our  new  difficulties  until  every  state  is 
restored  to  its  full  communion  and  fellowship,  and  until  our  nation,  purified 
by  war,  will  assume  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  the  grand  position  hoped 
for  by  Washington,  Clay,  Webster,  Lincoln,  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
unnamed  heroes  who  gave  up  their  lives  for  its  glory." 

I  received  many  letters  in  commendation  of  this  speech, 
among  others  the  following  from  Thurlow  Weed,  who  was  in 
full  sympathy  with  Secretary  Seward : 

ALBANY,  N.  Y.,  February  28,  1866. 

DEAR  SHERMAN: — You  have  spoken  words  of  wisdom  and  patriotism 
—  spoken  them  boldly  at  the  right  time.  They  will  help  save  the  Union 
y  —and  they  will  save  the  Union  particularly  if  fanatics  and  despots  will 
allow  it  to  be  saved.  Just  such  a  speech  at  the  moment  it  was  made  is 
worth  more  than  all  that  has  been  said  in  Congress  since  the  session  com 
menced.  I  thank  you  gratefully  for  it.  Yours  truly, 

THURLOW  WEED. 

I  still  hoped  that  the  pending  civil  rights  bill  would  be  ap 
proved  by  the  President,  and  that  then  the  controversy  would 
/end.    On  the  17th  of  March,  1866,  I  made  a  speech  at  Bridge 
port,  Conn.,  in  which  I  said : 

'  "  Now,  I  say,  that  upon  all  these  various  propositions,  upon  the  necessity 
of  a  change  in  the  basis  of  representation,  upon  the  necessity  for  protecting 
the  negroes,  upon  this  question  of  suffrage  —  upon  all  these  questions  that 
have  arisen  in  our  politics  of  late,  the  differences  between  Andrew  Johnson 

l^ind  Congress  are  not  such  as  need  excite  the  alarm  of  any  patriotic  citizen. 
No,  my  friends,  we  have  a  great  duty  to  perform  to  our  country.  Every 
man  in  public  life  now  has  a  heavy  responsibility  resting  upon  him,  in  the 
discharge  of  which  he  is  bound  to  follow  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience, 
given  to  him  by  Almighty  God.  There  are,  there  must  be,  differences  of 
opinion  ;  God  has  so  made  us  that  we  must  differ ;  it  is  the  established  nature 
of  the  human  mind  to  disagree.  It  is  only  by  discussion  and  comparison  of 
views  that  the  highest  human  wisdom  is  elicited.  Therefore,  I  say  again, 

ythat  no  Union  man  need  feel  anxious  or  uneasv  because  of  tne  differences 


^e>^^L  dy-/£^ 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  315 

between  the  President  and  Congress.)  Let  me  tell  you,  as  the  solemn  con 
viction  with  which  I  address  you  to-night,  that  Andrew  Johnson  never  will 
throw  the  power  we  have  given  him  into  the  hands  of  the  Copperhead  party 
of  the  United  States. 

"  I  have  many  reasons  for  this  faith.  One  is  that  no  nomination  has  ever 
been  sent  by  Andrew  Johnson  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  of  any 
man  of  that  stripe  of  politics.  No  flattery,  no  cajolery  can  draw  him  from 
that  line.  He  is  a  man  who  fights  his  own  battles,  and  whether  they  are  old 
friends  or  foes  that  assail  him  he  fights  them  with  equal  freedom  and  bold 
ness,  and  sometimes,  perhaps  indiscreetly;  but  that  is  a  fault  of  his  character, 
which  need  excite  no  uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  the  people. 

"  On  Thursday,  the  day  that  I  left  Washington,  we  sent  to  him  a  bill 
which  secures  to  all  the  colored  population  of  the  southern  states  equal  rights 
before  the  law,  the  civil  rights  bill.  It  declares  that  no  state  shall  exclude 
any  man  on  account  of  his  color  from  any  of  the  natural  rights  which,  by  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  are  declared  to  be  inalienable  ;  it  provides 
that  every  man  may  sue  and  be  sued,  may  plead  and  be  impleaded,  may 
acquire  and  hold  property,  may  purchase,  contract,  sell  arid  convey  ;  all 
those  rights  are  secured  to  the  negro  population.  That  bill  is  now  in  the 
hands  of  the  President.  If  he  sign  it,  it  will  be  a  solemn  pledge  of  the 
law-making  power  of  the  nation  that  the  negroes  shall  have  secured  to 
them  all  these  natural  and  inalienable  rights.  I  believe  the  President  will) 


sign  it. 


Unfortunately  at  the  end  of  ten  days  the  President  sent  to 
the  Senate  the  civil  rights  bill,  referred  to,  with  his  message 
vetoing  it.     It  passed  both  Houses  with  the  requisite  two- 
thirds  majority,  and  thus  became  a  law.     This  veto  was  fol 
lowed  by  other  vetoes,  and,  practically,  the  President  aban 
doned  his  party.     From  this  time  forth,  I  heartily  joined  witli) 
my  political  associates  in  the  measures  adopted  to  secure  a 
loyal  reorganization  of  the  southern  states.    I  was  largely  inP 
fluenced  by  the  harsh  treatment  of  the  freedmen  in  the  south 
under  acts  adopted  by  the  reconstructed  legislatures.     The 
outrages  of  the  Ku-Klux  Klans  seemed  to  me  to  be  so  atrocious 
and  wicked  that  the  men  who  committed  them  were  not  only 
unworthy  to  govern,  but  unfit  to  live.     The  weakness  of  the"> 
position  of  Congress  in  the  controversy  with  Mr.  Johnson,  was, 
that  it  had  furnished  no  plan  of  reconstruction  and  he  was 
compelled  to  act  upon  the  urgency  of  events.    Many  efforts) 
were  made  to  provide  legislation  to  take  the  place  of  the  proc 
lamations  and  acts  of  the  President,  but  a  wide  divergence 


316  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  opinion  in  the  Republican  party  manifested  itself,  and  no 
substantial  progress  was  made  until  near  the  close  of  the  sec 
ond  session  of  the  39th  Congress.  Several  bills  were  then  pend 
ing  in  each  House  to  provide  governments  for  the  insurrection 
ary  states.  On  the  13th  of  February,  1867,  during  the  short 
session,  a  bill  with  that  title  came  from  the  House  of  Represent 
atives.  It  was  manifest  unless  this  bill  could  be  acted  upon, 
that,  in  the  then  condition  of  Congress,  all  legislation  would  fail. 
It  was  kept  before  the  Senate  and  thoroughly  debated.  On  the 
16th  of  February,  after  consultation  with  my  political  col 
leagues,  I  moved  a  substitute  for  the  House  bill.  The  fifth 
section  of  this  substitute  embodied  a  comprehensive  plan  for 
the  organization  of  the  rebel  states  with  provision  for  elections 
in  said  states,  and  the  conditions  required  for  their  admis 
sion  and  restoration  to  the  Union  and  the  exercise  by  them  of 
all  the  powers  of  states,  and  provided  for  the  election  of  Sena 
tors  and  Members  of  Congress. 

The  substitute  was  adopted  on  the  same  day  and  the  bill, 
thus  amended,  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  yeas  29,  nays  10.  In 
the  House  it  was  agreed  to  with  slight  amendments,  which  were 
finally  concurred  in  by  the  Senate,  on  February  20,  1867.  It 
was  sent  to  the  President  and  was  not  approved  by  him,  but 
was,  on  the  2nd  of  March,  passed  over  his  veto  by  a  vote  of 
two-thirds  of  both  Houses. 

Upon  this  law,  long  deferred,  the  several  states  mentioned 
in  it  were  organized  and  restored  to  their  place  in  the  Union. 
The  preamble  and  fifth  and  sixth  sections  of  this  law  are  as 
follows : 

"  AN  ACT  TO  PROVIDE  FOR  THE  MORE  EFFICIENT  GOVERNMENT  OF 
THE  REBEL  STATES. 

"  WHEREAS,  no  legal  state  governments  or  adequate  protection  for  life  or 
property  now  exists  in  the  rebel  states  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas,  and 
Arkansas  ;  and  whereas  it  is  necessary  that  peace  and  good  order  should  be 
enforced  in  said  states  until  loyal  and  republican  state  governments  can  be 
legally  established  :  Therefore, 

"  J>e  it  enacted  Inj  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled  :  .  .  . 

"SEC.  5.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  when  the  people  of  any  one 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  317 

of  said  rebel  states  shall  have  formed  a  constitution  of  government  in  con 
formity  with  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  in  all  respects,  framed  by 
a  convention  of  delegates  elected  by  the  male  citizens  of  said  state,  twenty- 
one  years  old  and  upward,  of  whatever  race,  color,  or  previous  condition, 
who  have  been  resident  in  said  state  for  one  year  previous  to  the  day  of  such 
election,  except  such  as  may  be  disfranchised  for  participation  in  the  Rebel 
lion,  or  for  felony  at  common  law,  and  when  such  constitution  shall  provide 
that  the  elective  franchise  shall  be  enjoyed  by  all  such  persons  as  have  the 
qualifications  herein  stated  for  electors  of  delegates,  and  when  such  consti 
tution  shall  be  ratified  by  a  majority  of  the  persons  voting  on  the  question 
of  ratification  who  are  qualified  as  electors  for  delegates,  and  when  such  con 
stitution  shall  have  been  submitted  to  Congress  for  examination  and  ap 
proval,  and  Congress  shall  have  approved  the  same,  and  when  said  state,  by 
a  vote  of  its  legislature,  elected  under  such  constitution,  shall  have  adopted 
the  amendment  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  proposed  by  the 
39th  Congress,  and  known  as  article  fourteen,  and  when  said  article  shall 
have  become  a  part  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  said  state  shall 
be  declared  entitled  to  representation  in  Congress,  and  Senators  and  Repre 
sentatives  shall  be  admitted  therefrom  on  their  taking  the  oath  prescribed  by 
law,  and  then  and  thereafter  the  preceding  sections  of  this  act  shall  be  inop 
erative  in  said  state  :  Provided,  That  no  person  excluded  from  the  privilege 
of  holding  office  by  said  proposed  amendment  to  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States  shall  be  eligible  to  election  as  a  member  of  the  convention  to 
frame  a  constitution  for  any  of  said  rebel  states,  nor  shall  any  such  person 
vote  for  members  of  such  convention. 

"  SEC.  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That,  until  the  people  of  said  rebel 
states  shall  be  by  law  admitted  to  representation  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  any  civil  governments  which  may  exist  therein  shall  be  deemed  pro 
visional  only,  and  in  all  respects  subject  to  the  paramount  authority  of  the 
United  States  at  any  tim-e  to  abolish,  modify,  control,  or  supersede  the  same  ; 
and  in  all  elections  to  any  office  under  such  provisional  governments  all  per 
sons  shall  be  entitled  to  vote,  and  none  others,  who  are  entitled  to  vote, 
under  the  provisions  of  the  fifth  section  of  this  act ;  and  no  person  shall  be 
elegible  to  any  office  under  any  such  provisional  governments  who  would  be 
disqualified  from  holding  office  under  the  provisions  of  the  third  article  of 
said  constitutional  amendment." 

The  public  debt  and  the  mitional  revenue  were  of  the 
highest  importance  and  demanded  immediate  consideration. 
Hugh  McCulloch,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  had  been  dur 
ing  most  of  his  life  a  banker  in  the  State  of  Indiana,  of  ac 
knowledged  ability  as  such,  but  with  little  or  no  experience  as  a 
financier  dealing  with  public  questions.  He  was  the  first 
comptroller  of  the  currency  under  the  banking  act,  and  ren- 


318  RECOLLECTIONS 

dered  valuable  service  in  organizing  the  system  of  national 
banks,  though  he  had  not  originally  favored  the  system,  but 
was,  at  the  time  of  its  adoption,  a  strong  supporter  of  sound 
state  banks.  In  his  first  report  to  Congress  on  the  4th  of  De 
cember,  1865,  he,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  took  strong 
ground  against  United  States  notes  as  a  circulating  medium 
and  their  being  made  a  legal  tender  as  money.  He  regarded  the 
legal  tender  acts  as  war  measures,  and,  while  he  did  not  recom 
mend  their  repeal,  he  expressed  his  opinion  that  they  ought 
not  to  remain  in  force  one  day  longer  than  would  be  necessary 
to  enable  the  people  to  prepare  for  a  return  to  the  consti 
tutional  currency.  He  denied  the  authority  of  Congress  to 
issue  these  notes  except  in  the  nature  of  a  loan,  and  affirmed 
that  the  statute  making  them  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts, 
public  and  private,  was  not  within  the  scope  of  the  duties  or 
the  constitutional  power  of  Congress;  that  their  issue  as  lawful 
money  was  a  measure  necessary  in  a  great  emergency,  but,  as 
this  emergency  did  not  then  exist,  the  government  should,  as 
speedily  as  possible,  withdraw  them,  and  he  recommended  that 
the  work  of  retiring  the  notes  should  be  commenced  without 
delay  and  carefully  and  persistently  continued  until  all  were 
retired.  He  proposed  to  do  this  by  the  sale  of  bonds  for  United 
States  notes  outstanding  and  their  withdrawal  and  cancella 
tion.  He  recommended  as  a  substitute  the  notes  of  national 
banks,  but  even  these  notes  he  thought  redundant,  and  said: 

"  There  is  no  fact  more  manifest  than  that  the  plethora  of  paper  money  is 
not  only  undermining1  the  morals  of  the  people  by  encouraging  waste  and 
extravagance,  but  is  striking1  at  the  root  of  our  material  prosperity  by  dimin 
ishing  labor  .  .  .  and  if  not  speedily  checked,  will,  at  no  distant  day, 
culminate  in  widespread  disaster.  The  remedy,  and  the  only  remedy  within 
the  control  of  Congress,  is,  in  the  opinion  of  the  secretary,  to  be  found  in  the 
reduction  of  the  currency." 

The  chief  part  of  his  report  was  devoted  to  the  danger  of 
inflation  and  the  necessity  of  contraction.  He  said  the  longer 
contraction  was  delayed  the  greater  must  the  fall  eventually 
be,  and  the  more  serious  its  consequences. 

In  accordance  with  the  recommendations  of  Secretary  Mc- 
Culloch,  a  bill  was  introduced  in  the  House  by  Justin  S.  Mor- 
rill,  which  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  at  his 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  319 

discretion,  to  sell  any  of  the  description  of  bonds  authorized 
by  the  act  of  March  3,  1865,  the  proceeds  to  be  used  only  to 
retire  treasury  notes  or  other  obligations  issued  under  any  act 
of  Congress.  This  bill  as  reported  would  have  placed  in  the 
power  of  the  secretary  the  retirement  of  all  United  States  notes 
at  his  discretion.  An  amendment  was  made  in  the  House 
which  provided: 

"  That  of  United  States  notes  not  more  than  ten  millions  of  dollars  may 
be  retired  and  canceled  within  six  months  from  the  passage  of  this  act,  and 
thereafter  not  more  than  four  millions  of  dollars  in  any  one  month." 

The  bill  as  it  came  to  the  Senate  was  as  follows: 

"  An  act  to  amend  an  act  entitled  i  An  act  to  provide  ways  and  means  to 
support  the  government,'  approved  March  third,  eighteen  hundred  and 
sixty-five. 

"  JSe  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  act  entitled  'An 
act  to  provide  ways  and  means  to  support  the  government,'  approved  March 
third,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-five,  shall  be  extended  and  construed  to 
authorize  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  at  his  discretion,  to  receive  any 
treasury  notes  or  other  obligations  issued  under  any  act  of  Congress,  whether 
bearing  interest  or  not,  in  exchange  for  any  description  of  bonds  authorized 
by  the  act  to  which  this  is  an  amendment;  and  also  to  dispose  of  any  description 
of  bonds  authorized  by  said  act,  either  in  the  United  States  or  elsewhere,  to 
such  an  amount,  in  such  manner,  and  at  such  rates,  as  he  may  think  advis 
able,  for  lawful  money  of  the  United  States,  or  for  any  treasury  notes,  cer 
tificates  of  indebtedness,  or  certificates  of  deposit,  or  other  representatives  of 
value,  which  have  been  or  which  may  be  issued  under  any  act  of  Congress,  the 
proceeds  thereof  to  be  used  only  for  retiring  treasury  notes  or  other  obligations 
issued  under  any  act  of  Congress  ;  but  nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  con 
strued  to  authorize  any  increase  of  the  public  debt :  Provided,  That  of  United 
States  notes  not  more  than  ten  millions  of  dollars  may  be  retired  and  canceled 
within  six  months  from  the  passage  of  this  act,  and  thereafter  not  more  than 
four  millions  of  dollars  in  any  one  month  :  And  provided  further,  That  the 
act  to  which  this  is  an  amendment  shall  continue  in  full  force  in  all  its  provi 
sions,  except  as  modified  by  this  act. 

"  SEC.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
shall  report  to  Congress  at  the  commencement  of  the  next  session  the  amount 
of  exchanges  made  or  money  borrowed  under  this  act,  and  of  wrhom  and  on 
what  terms  ;  and  also  the  amount  and  character  of  indebtedness  retired  under 
this  act,  and  the  act  to  which  this  is  an  amendment,  with  a  detailed  statement 
of  the  expense  of  making  such  loans  and  exchanges." 

This  bill,  without  change,  became  a  law  April  12,  1866.    I 


820  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

believed  then,  and  now  know,  that  the  passage  of  this  law  was 
a  great  misfortune.  It  enabled  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  retire  at  a  rapid  rate  United  States  notes  and  to  largely 
increase  the  bonded  indebtedness  of  the  United  States.  It 
would  no  doubt  have  brought  us  abruptly  to  the  specie  stand 
ard  and  made  us  dependent  for  circulating  notes  upon  the 
issues  of  national  banks. 

At  this  time  there  was  a  wide  difference  of  opinion  between 
Secretary  McCulloch  and  myself  as  to  the  financial  policy  of 
the  government  in  respect  to  the  public  debt  and  the  currency. 
He  was  in  favor  of  a  rapid  contraction  of  the  currency  by  fund 
ing  it  into  interest  bearing  bonds.  I  was  in  favor  of  maintain 
ing  in  circulation  the  then  existing  volume  of  currency  as  an 
aid  to  the  funding  of  all  forms  of  interest-bearing  securities 
into  bonds  redeemable  within  a  brief  period  at  the  pleasure  of 
the  United  States,  and  bearing  as  low  a  rate  of  interest  as  pos 
sible.  Both  of  us  were  in  favor  of  specie  payments,  he  by  con 
traction  and  I  by  the  gradual  advancement  of  the  credit  and 
value  of  our  currency  to  the  specie  standard.  With  him  specie 
payments  was  the  primary  object,  with  me  it  was  a  secondary 
object,  to  follow  the  advancing  credit  of  the  government. 
Each  of  us  was  in  favor  of  the  payment  of  the  interest  of  bonds 
in  coin,  and  the  principal,  when  due,  in  coin.  A  large  propor 
tion  of  national  securities  were  payable  in  lawful  money,  or 
United  States  notes.  He,  by  contraction,  would  have  made 
this  payment  more  difficult,  while  I,  by  retaining  the  notes  in 
existence,  would  induce  the  holders  of  currency  certificates  to 
convert  them  into  coin  obligations  bearing  a  lower  rate  of 
interest. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

INDEBTEDNESS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1865. 

Organization  of  the  Greenback  Party— Total  Debt  on  October  31,  amounts  to 
$2,808,549,437.55  — Secretary  McCulloch's  Desire  to  Convert  All  United  States 
Notes  Into  Interest  Bearing  Bonds— My  Discussion  with  Senator  Fessenden 
Over  the  Finance  Committee's   Bill  — Too  Great  Powers  Conferred   on 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury— His  Desire  to  Retire  f  1 0,000,000  of 
United  States  Notes  Each  Month  —  Growth  of  the  Greenback 
Party  — The  Secretary's  Powers  to  Reduce  the  Currency  by 
Retiring  or  Canceling  United  States  Notes  Is  Suspended  — 
Bill   to  Reduce  Taxes  and    Provide   Internal    Reve 
nue—My  Trip  to  Laramie  and  Other  Western 
Forts    with    General    Sherman  —  Beginning 
of    the   Department    of    Agriculture. 

DURING  this  period  a  party  sprang  up   composed  of 
men  of  all  parties  called  the  Greenback  party,  who 
favored  an  increase  of  United  States  notes,  and  the 
payment  of  all  United  States  bonds  and  securities  in 
such  notes.     This  difference   of  opinion  continued   until  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments,  in  January,  1879. 

I  propose  to  state  here  the  measures  adopted  in  respect  to 
the  national  currency  and  debt  during  the  rest  of  the  adminis 
tration  of  President  Johnson. 

The  total  debt  of  the  United  States  on  the  31st  of  October, 
1865,  was  $2,808,549,437.55  in  twenty-five  different  forms  of  in 
debtedness  of  which,  $1,200,000,000  was  payable  at  the  option 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  or  within  a  brief  period. 
The  amount  of  United  States  notes  outstanding  was  then 
$428,160,569,  and  of  fractional  currency  $26,057,469,  in  all 
$454,218,038.  All  of  this  money  was  in  active  circulation,  in 
great  favor  among  the  people,  worth  in  use  as  much  as  na 
tional  bank  notes,  and  rapidly  rising  in  value  compared  with 
coin.  It  was  the  least  burdensome  form  of  indebtedness  then 
existing.  The  treasury  notes  and  compound  interest  notes 
were  in  express  terms  payable  in  this  lawful  money,  and, 

S.-21  (321) 


322  RECOLLECTIONS 

therefore,  bore  a  higher  rate  of  interest  than  the  bonds,  which, 
by  their  express  terms  or  necessary  implication,  were  payable 
in  coin  only. 

It  was  insisted  that  the  amount  of  United  States  notes  was 
in  excess  of  what  was  needed  for  currency  in  time  of  peace 
and  might  safely  be  gradually  reduced.  This  effort  to  con 
tract  the  currency  was  firmly  resisted  by  several  Senators, 
myself  among  them.  The  Supreme  Court  decided  that  Con 
gress  had  full  power  to  make  these  notes  a  legal  tender. 
They  were  far  better  than  any  form  of  currency  previously 
existing  in  the  United  States.  During  the  war,  when  the 
expenditures  of  the  government  reached  nearly  $1,000,000,- 
000  a  year  they  were  indispensable.  Those  most  opposed 
to  irredeemable  paper  money  acknowledged  this  necessity. 
The  only  objection  to  them  was  that  they  were  not  equiv 
alent  to  coin  in  purchasing  power.  After  the  war  was 
over,  the  general  desire  of  all  was  to  advance  these  notes 
nearer  to  par  with  coin,  but  not  to  withdraw  them.  The  ris 
ing  credit  and  financial  strength  of  the  United  States  would,  it 
was  believed,  bring  them  to  par  without  injustice  to  the  debtor, 
but  the  rapid  withdrawal  of  the  notes  would  add  to  the  burden 
of  debts  and  cripple  all  forms  of  industry.  It  would  convert 
the  compound  interest  notes  and  treasury  notes  bearing  seven 
and  three  tenths  per  cent,  interest,  amounting  to  over  $1,000,- 
000,000  expressly  payable  in  United  States  notes,  into  coin  lia 
bilities.  The  bill  prepared  at  the  treasury  department  con 
templated  the  conversion  of  all  United  States  notes  into  bonds. 
In  that  form  the  bill  was  defeated  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  but  it  was  reconsidered  and  an  amendment  was  then  made 
limiting  the  retirement  of  notes  to  $4,000,000  a  month.  This 
gained  for  the  bill  enough  votes  to  secure  its  passage.  Even 
the  withdrawal  of  $48,000,000  a  year  was  soon  found  to  be  op 
pressive  and  was  subsequently  repealed. 

When  this  bill  came  before  the  committee  on  finance,  I 
found  myself  alone  in  opposition  to  it.  I  could  not  impress  my 
colleagues  of  the  committee  with  the  grave  importance  of  the 
measure,  and  its  wide-reaching  influence  upon  our  currency, 
debt  and  credit.  They  regarded  it  simply  as  a  bill  to  change 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  323 

the  form  of  our  securities.  I  felt  confident  that  without  the 
use  of  United  States  notes  we  could  not  make  this  exchange. 
When  the  bill  was  brought  before  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Fessen- 
den,  chairman  of  the  committee,  he  made  no  statement  of  its 
terms,  but  only  said : 

"I  have  merely  to  say  that  this  bill  is  reported  by  the  committee  on 
finance  without  amendment  as  it  came  from  the  House  of  Representatives. 
The  committee  on  finance,  on  careful  examination  of  it,  came  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  the  bill  was  well  enough  as  it  stood,  and  did  not  deem  it  advisable 
to  make  any  amendment.  It  has  been  before  the  Senate  a  considerable 
time,  and  I  presume  every  Senator  understands  it.  I  ask,  therefore,  for  the 
question." 

To  this  I  replied  at  some  length,  stating  that  the  conferring 
of  these  large  powers  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  seemed 
to  me  unprecedented  and  unnecessary.  Mr.  Fessenden  briefly 
answered  some  of  my  arguments.  I  said  : 

"  If  Senators  will  read  this  bill  they  will  find  that  it  confers  on  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury  greater  powers  than  have  ever  been  conferred,  since 
the  foundation  of  this  government,  upon  any  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Our 
loan  laws,  heretofore,  have  generally  been  confined  to  the  negotiation  of  a 
single  loan,  limited  in  amount.  As  the  war  progressed,  the  difficulties  of  the 
country  became  greater,  and  we  were  more  in  the  habit  of  removing  the 
limitations  on  the  power  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ;  but  generally  the 
power  conferred  wras  confined  to  a  particular  loan  then  in  the  market.  This 
bill,  however,  is  more  general  in  its  terms.  This  bill  authorizes  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  to  sell  any  character  of  bonds  without  limit,  except  as 
to  the  rate  of  interest.  The  authority  conferred  does  not  limit  him  to  any 
form  of  security.  It  may  run  for  any  period  of  time  within  forty  years.  He 
may  sell  the  securities  at  less  than  par,  without  limitation  as  to  rate.  He 
may  sell  them  in  any  form  he  chooses.  He  may  put  them  in  the  form  of 
treasury  notes  or  bonds,  the  interest  payable  in  gold  or  in  paper  money.  He 
may  undertake,  under  the  provisions  of  this  bill,  to  fund  the  whole  debt  of 
the  United  States.  The  only  limit  as  to  amount  is  the  public  debt,  now 
$2,700,000,000.  The  power  conferred  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is 
absolute.  It  is  not  only  for  this  year,  or  during  the  current  fiscal  year,  or 
for  the  next  year,  but  it  is  for  all  time,  until  the  act  shall  be  repealed.  It 
gives  him  absolute  power  to  negotiate  bonds  of  the  United  States  to  the 
amount  of  $2,700,000,000,  without  limiting  the  rate  at  which  they  shall  be 
sold,  and  only  limiting  the  rate  of  interest  inferentially.  The  description  of 
the  bonds  in  the  act  of  March  3,  1865,  referred  to  here,  would  probably  limit 
the  rate  of  interest  to  six  per  cent,  in  coin,  and  seven  and  three-tenths  per 
cent,  in  currency  ;  but  with  this  exception  there  is  no  limitation.  *  *  *  *  * 


304  RECOLLECTIONS 

Now,  nearly  thirty  years  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  it  is 
manifest  that  it  was  by  far  the  most  injurious  and  expensive 
financial  measure  ever  enacted  by  Congress.  It  not  only  com 
pelled  the  United  States  to  pay  the  large  war  rates  of  interest 
for  many  years,  but  postponed  specie  payments  until  1879. 
It  added  fully  $300,000,000  of  interest  that  might  have  been 
saved  by  the  earlier  refunding  of  outstanding  bonds  into  bonds 
bearing  four  to  five  per  cent,  interest.  Mr.  Fessenden,  then 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance,  committed  a  grave 
error  in  hastily  supporting  the  bill,  an  error  which  I  believe 
he  deeply  regretted  and  which,  in  connection  with  his  failing 
health,  no  doubt  led  him  to  resign  his  position  as  chairman  of 
that  committee.  Although  our  debate  was  rather  sharp,  it 
did  not  disturb  our  friendly  relations.  With  McCulloch  in  the 
treasury  department,  nothing  could  be  done. 

If  the  funding  clauses  of  this  act  had  been  limited  to  the 
conversion  of  compound  interest  notes,  treasury  notes  bearing 
interest,  certificates  of  indebtedness,  and  temporary  loans  into 
bonds  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  a 
brief  time,  bearing  not  exceeding  five  per  cent,  interest,  retain 
ing  in  circulation  during  this  process  of  refunding  all  the  then 
outstanding  United  States  notes,  the  result  would  have  been 
greatly  beneficial  to  the  United  States,  but  this  was  not  the 
chief  object  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  His  primary 
object  was  to  convert  United  States  notes  into  interest-bearing 
bonds,  and  thus  force  the  immediate  resumption  of  specie  pay 
ments  or  the  substitution  of  national  bank  notes  for  United 
States  notes.  The  result  of  his  refunding  was  largely  to  in 
crease  the  amount  of  six  per  cent,  bonds,  the  most  burdensome 
form  of  security  then  outstanding.  In  October,  1865,  the 
amount  of  six  per  cent,  bonds  was  $920,000,000 ;  on  the  1st  of 
July,  1868,  the  six  per  cent,  bonds  outstanding  were  $1,557,844,- 
600.  The  increase  of  these  bonds  under  the  operation  of  this 
law  was  thus  over  $637,000,000. 

The  result  of  this  policy  of  contraction  was  not  only  to  in 
crease  the  burden  of  the  public  debt,  but  it  created  serious 
derangement  of  the  business  of  the  country.  It  excited  a 
strong  popular  opposition  to  the  measures  adopted. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  325 

The  Greenback  party,  as  it  was  called,  grew  out  of  this 
policy  of  contraction,  and  for  a  time  threatened  to  carry  the 
election  of  a  majority  of  the  Members  of  Congress.  It  con 
tended  practically  for  an  unlimited  issue  of  legal  tender  United 
States  notes,  and  the  payment  of  all  bonds  and  securities  in 
United  States  notes.  This,  however,  did  not  disturb  Secretary 
McCulloch.  In  his  annual  report  of  December  3, 1866,  he  again 
urged  the  policy  of  a  further  reduction  of  United  States  notes. 
He  was  not  satisfied  with  the  reduction  already  provided  for, 
and  recommended  that  the  reduction  should  be  increased  from 
$4,000,000  a  month,  as  contemplated  by  the  act  of  April  12, 
1866,  to  $6,000,000  a  month  for  the  fiscal  year,  and  to  $10,000,000 
per  month  thereafter.  He  said : 

"  The  policy  of  contracting  the  circulation  of  the  government  notes 
should  be  definitely  and  unchangeably  established,  and  the  process  should 
go  on  just  as  rapidly  as  possible  without  producing  a  financial  crisis  or  seri 
ously  embarrassing  those  branches  of  industry  and  trade  upon  which  our 
revenues  are  dependent.  That  the  policy  indicated  is  the  true  and  safe  one, 
the  secretary  is  thoroughly  convinced.  If  it  shall  not  be  speedily  adopted  and 
rigidly,  but  judiciously,  enforced,  severe  financial  troubles  are  in  store  for  us." 

He  insisted  that  the  circulation  of  the  country  should  be 
further  reduced,  not  by  compelling  the  national  banks  to  retire 
their  notes,  but  by  the  withdrawal  of  United  States  notes. 
When  reminded  of  the  great  saving  of  interest  in  the  issue  of 
$400.000,000  United  States  notes,  he  answered : 

'•  Considerations  of  this  nature  are  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  dis 
credit  which  attaches  to  the  government  by  failing  to  pay  its  notes  according  to 
their  tenor,  by  the  bad  influence  of  this  involuntary  discredit  upon  the  public 
morals,  and  the  wide  departure,  which  a  continued  issue  of  legal  tender  notes 
involves,  from  past  usages,  if  not  from  the  teachings  of  the  constitution  itself." 

He  said  : 

fc*  The  government  cannot  exercise  powers  not  conferred  by  its  organic 
law  or  necessary  for  its  own  preservation,  nor  dishonor  its  own  engagements 
when  able  to  meet  them,  without  either  shocking  or  demoralizing  the  senti 
ment  of  the  people  ;  and  the  fact  that  the  indefinite  continuance  of  the  cir 
culation  of  an  inconvertible  but  still  legal  tender  currency  is  so  generally 
advocated  indicates  how  far  we  have  wandered  from  old  landmarks  both  in 
finance  and  ethics." 

The  growing  opposition  of  the  people  at  large  to  the  contrac 
tion  of  the  currency  seemed  to  have  no  effect  upon  his  mind. 


326  RECOLLECTIONS 

He  again  recurs  to  the  same  subject  in  his  annual  report  to 
Congress,  in  December,  1867.  After  stating  that  the  United 
States  notes,  including  fractional  currency,  had  been  reduced 
from  $459,000,000  to  $387,000,000,  and  the  funded  debt  had 
been  increased  $684,548,800,  he  urged  as  a  measure  regarded  by 
him  as  important,  if  not  indispensable  for  national  prosperity, 
the  funding  or  payment  of  the  balance  of  interest-bearing 
notes,  and  a  continued  contraction  of  the  paper  currency.  He 
urged  that  the  acts  authorizing  legal  tender  notes  be  repealed, 
and  that  the  work  of  retiring  the  notes  which  had  been  issued 
under  them  should  be  commenced  without  delay,  and  carefully 
and  persistently  continued  until  all  were  retired. 

This  policy  of  contraction,  honestly  entertained  and  per 
sistently  urged  by  Secretary  McCulloch  in  spite  of  growing 
stringency,  led  Congress,  by  the  act  of  February  4, 1868,  to  sus 
pend  indefinitely  the  authority  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  make  any  reduction  of  the  currency  by  retiring  or  canceling 
United  States  notes. 

Who  can  doubt  that  if  he  had  availed  himself  of  the  power 
given  him  to  refund  the  interest-bearing  notes  and  certificates 
of  the  United  States  into  bonds  bearing  a  low  rate  of  interest, 
leaving  the  United  States  notes  bearing  no  interest  to  circulate 
as  money,  he  would  have  saved  the  government  hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars  ?  If  irredeemable  notes  were  a  national  dis 
honor,  why  did  he  riot  urge  their  redemption  in  coin  at  some 
fixed  period  and  then  reissue  them,  and  maintain  their  redemp 
tion  by  a  reserve  in  coin  ? 

The  act  of  February  25,  1862,  under  which  the  original 
United  States  notes  were  issued,  provided  that : 

"  Such  United  States  notes  shall  be  received  the  same  as  coin,  at  their 
par  value,  in  payment  for  any  loans  that  may  be  hereafter  sold  or  negotiated 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  may  be  reissued  from  time  to  time  as 
the  exigencies  of  the  public  interest  shall  require." 

This  provision  would  have  maintained  United  States  notes 
at  par  with  bonds,  but  it  was  deemed  best  upon  the  recommen 
dation  of  Secretary  Chase,  to  take  from  the  holder  of  United 
States  notes  the  right  to  present  them  in  payment  for  bonds  after 
the  first  day  of  July,  1863.  If  this  privilege,  conferred  originally 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  327 

upon  United  States  notes,  had  been  renewed  in  1866,  with  the 
right  of  reissue,  bonds  and  notes  would  together  have  advanced 
to  par  in  coin.  But  this  is  what  the  contractionists  especially 
opposed.  They  demanded  the  cancellation  of  the  notes  when 
presented,  a  contraction  of  the  currency  when  offering  our 
bonds.  It  is  easy  now  to  perceive  that  a  conservative  use  of 
United  States  notes,  convertible  into  four  per  cent,  bonds, 
would  have  steadily  advanced  both  notes  and  bonds  to  par  in 
coin.  But  the  equally  erroneous  opposing  opinions  of  contrac 
tionists  and  expansionists  delayed  for  many  years  the  coming 
of  coin  resumption  upon  a  fixed  quantity  of  United  States  notes. 

Among  the  acts  of  this  Congress  of  chief  importance  is  the 
act  approved  July  13,  1866,  to  reduce  taxes  and  provide  inter 
nal  revenue.  The  passage  of  such  an  act  required  much  labor 
in  both  Houses,  but  especially  so  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  where  tax  bills  must  originate.  It  was  a  compromise 
measure,  and,  unlike  previous  acts,  did  not  reach  out  for  new 
objects  of  taxation,  but  selected  such  articles  as  could  bear  it 
best,  and  on  some  of  these  the  tax  was  increased.  A  great 
number  of  articles  that  enter  into  the  common  consumption  of 
the  people  and  are  classed  as  necessaries  of  life  w^ere  relieved 
from  taxation.  The  general  purpose  of  the  bill  was  in  time  to 
concentrate  internal  taxes  on  such  articles  as  spirits,  tobacco 
and  beer.  The  tax  on  incomes  was  continued  but  limited  to 
the  30th  of  June,  1870.  I  have  already  stated  the  marked  de 
velopment  of  internal  taxation,  and  this  measure  was  one  of 
the  most  important  in  the  series  to  produce  great  revenue  at 
the  least  cost,  and  of  the  lightest  burden  to  the  taxpayer. 

Soon  after  the  passage  of  the  act,  approved  April  12,  1866, 
to  contract  the  currency,  I  introduced  a  bill,  "To  reduce  the 
rate  of  interest  on  the  national  debt  and  for  funding  the  same." 
In  view  of  the  passage  of  that  act  I  did  not  expect  that  a  fund 
ing  bill  would  meet  with  success,  but  considered  it  my  duty 
to  present  one,  and  on  the  22nd  of  May,  1866,  made  a  speech 
in  support  of  it.  The.  bill  provided  for  the  voluntary  ex 
change  of  any  of  the  outstanding  obligations  of  the  United 
States  for  a  bond  running  thirty  years,  but  redeemable  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  ten  years  from  date,  bear- 


328  RECOLLECTIONS 

ing  interest  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent.,  payable  annually.  On 
reading  that  speech  now  I  find  that,  though  I  was  much  more 
confident  than  others  of  converting  our  maturing  securities 
into  five  per  cent,  bonds,  the  general  opinion  then  prevailing, 
and  acted  upon  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was  to  issue 
six  per  cent,  bonds  as  already  stated.  I  soon  found  that  it  was 
idle  to  press  the  funding  bill  upon  Congress,  when  it  was  so 
much  occupied  with  reconstruction  and  with  Andrew  Johnson. 
The  refunding  and  many  other  measures  had  to  be  postponed 
until  a  new  administration  came  into  power.  Congress  had 
unfortunately  authorized  the  issue  of  six  per  cent,  bonds  for 
accruing  liabilities,  and  thus  postponed  refunding  at  a  lower 
rate  of  interest. 

The  long  and  exciting  session  of  Congress  that  ended  on  the 
28th  day  of  July,  1866,  left  me  in  feeble  strength  and  much 
discouraged  with  the  state  of  affairs.  I  had  arranged  with 
General  Sherman  to  accompany  him  in  an  official  inspection  of 
army  posts  on  the  western  plains,  but  did  not  feel  at  liberty 
to  leave  Washington  until  Congress  adjourned.  The  letter  I 
wrote  him  on  the  8th  of  July  expresses  my  feelings  as  to  the 
political  situation  at  that  time  : 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  July  8,  1866.  \ 

DEAR  BROTHER  :  —  It  is  now  wise  for  you  to  avoid  all  expressions  of 
political  opinion.  Congress  and  the  President  are  now  drifting  from  each 
other  into  open  warfare.  Congress  is  not  weak  in  what  it  has  done,  but  in 
what  it  has  failed  to  do.  It  has  adopted  no  unwise  or  extreme  measures. 
The  civil  rights  bill  and  constitutional  amendments  can  be  defended  as 
reasonable,  moderate,  and  in  harmony  with  Johnson's  old  position  and  yours. 
As  Congress  has  thus  far  failed  to  provide  measures  to  allow  legal  Senators 
and  Representatives  to  take  their  seats,  it  has  failed  in  a  plain  duty.  This 
is  its  weakness,  but  even  in  this  it  will  have  the  sympathy  of  the  most  of  the 
soldiers,  and  the  people  who  are  not  too  eager  to  secure  rebel  political 
power.  As  to  the  President,  he  is  becoming  Tylerized.  He  was  elected  by 
the  Union  party  for  his  openly  expressed  radical  sentiments,  and  now  he 
seeks  to  rend  to  pieces  this  party.  There  is  a  sentiment  among  the  people 
that  this  is  dishonor.  It  looks  so  to  me.  What  Johnson  is,  is  from  and  by 
the  Union  party.  He  now  deserts  it  and  betrays  it.  He  may  varnish  it  up, 
but,  after  all,  he  must  admit  that  he  disappoints  the  reasonable  expectations 
of  those  who  intrusted  him  with  power.  He  may,  by  a  coalition  with  cop 
perheads  and  rebels,  succeed,  but  the  simple  fact  that  nine-tenths  of  them 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  329 

who  voted  for  him  do  not  agree  with  him,  and  that  he  only  controls  the 
other  tenth  by  power  intrusted  to  him  by  the  Union  party,  will  damn  him 
forever.  Besides,  he  is  insincere  ;  he  has  deceived  and  misled  his  best 
friends.  I  know  he  led  many  to  believe  he  would  agree  to  the  civil  rights 
bill,  and  nearly  all  who  conversed  with  him  until  within  a  few  days  be 
lieved  he  would  acquiesce  in  the  amendments,  and  even  aid  in  securing 
their  adoption.  I  almost  fear  he  contemplates  civil  war.  Under  these 
circumstances  you,  Grant,  and  Thomas  ought  to  be  clear  of  political  com 
plications.  As  for  myself,  I  intend  to  stick  to  finance,  but  wherever  I  can 
I  will  moderate  the  actions  of  the  Union  party,  and  favor  conciliation  and 
restoration.  Affectionately  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

After  the  adjournment  I  proceeded  to  St.  Louis,  and  with  Gen 
eral  Sherman  and  two  staff  officers,  went  by  rail  to  Omaha. 
This  handsome  city  had  made  great  progress  since  my  former 
visit.  We  then  went  by  the  Central  Pacific  railroad  to  Fort 
Kearney,  as  far  as  the  rails  were  then  laid.  There  our  little 
party  started  through  the  Indian  Territory,  riding  in  light 
wagons  with  canvas  covers,  each  drawn  by  two  good  army 
mules,  escorted  by  a  squad  of  mounted  soldiers.  We  traveled 
about  thirty  miles  a  day,  camping  at  night,  sleeping  in  our 
wagons,  turned  into  ambulances,  the  soldiers  under  shelter 
tents  on  blankets  and  the  horses  parked  near  by.  The  camp 
was  guarded  by  sentinels  at  night,  and  the  troopers  lay  with 
their  guns  close  at  hand.  Almost  every  day  we  met  Indians, 
but  none  that  appeared  to  be  hostile.  In  this  way  we  traveled 
to  Fort  Laramie.  The  country  traversed  was  an  unbroken 
wilderness,  in  a  state  of  nature,  but  singularly  beautiful  as  a 
landscape.  It  was  an  open  prairie,  traversed  by  what  was 
called  the  North  Platte  River,  with  scarcely  water  enough  in  it 
to  be  called  a  creek,  with  rolling  hills  on  either  side,  and  above, 
a  clear  sky,  and  air  pure  and  bracing.  It  was  the  first  time  I 
had  been  so  far  out  on  the  plains,  and  I  enjoyed  it  beyond  ex 
pression.  I  was  soon  able  to  eat  my  full  share  of  the  plain 
fare  of  bread  and  meat,  and  wanted  more. 

After  many  days  we  reached  Fort  Laramie,  then  an  impor 
tant  post  far  out  beyond  the  frontier.  We  remained  but  a  few 
days,  and  then,  following  south  along  the  foot  hills,  we  crossed 
into  the  Laramie  plains  to  Fort  Sanders.  This  was  the  last 
post  to  the  west  in  General  Sherman's  command.  From 


330  RECOLLECTIONS 

thence  we  followed  the  course  of  the  Cache  la  Poudre.  On  the 
way  we  camped  near  a  station  of  the  Overland  Stage  Company, 
for  change  of  horses  and  for  meals,  in  a  charming  and  pictur 
esque  region.  The  keeper  of  the  station  soon  called  and  in 
quired  for  me,  and  I  found  that  he  was  a  former  resident  of 
Mansfield,  who  married  the  daughter  of  an  old  friend.  He  in 
vited  our  party  to  his  house,  and  there  I  met  his  wife,  who,  in 
this  region  without  any  neighbors  or  habitations  near,  seemed 
to  be  perfectly  happy  and  fearless,  though  often  disturbed  by 
threatened  Indian  outbreaks.  We  were  handsomely  enter 
tained.  It  was  a  great  relief  to  sleep  one  night  in  a  comfortable 
bed,  after  sleeping  for  many  nights  with  two  in  a  narrow  wagon. 
We  then  proceeded  to  Greeley,  where  we  found  a  small  settle 
ment  of  farmers.  From  thence  to  Denver,  we  found  a  few  cab 
ins  scattered  over  a  vast  open  plain  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach  to  the  east,  with  the  mountains  on  the  west  rising 
in  grandeur  and  apparently  presenting  an  insurmountable  bar 
rier.  I  have  seen  many  landscapes  since  that  were  more  bold 
and  striking,  but  this  combination  of  great  mountains  and 
vast  plains,  side  by  side,  made  an  impression  on  my  mind  as 
lasting  as  any  natural  landscape  I  have  seen. 

At  Denver,  General  Sherman  and  I  were  handsomely  enter 
tained  by  the  citizens,  many  of  whom  General  Sherman  knew 
as  soldiers  under  his  command  during  the  war,  and  some  of 
whom  I  knew  as  former  residents  of  Ohio.  They  were  enthu 
siastic  in  their  praise  of  Colorado.  It  seemed  to  me  the  air  was 
charged  with  a  superabundance  of  ozone,  for  everyone  was  so 
hopeful  of  the  future  of  Denver,  that  even  the  want  of  rain  did 
not  discourage  them  and  some  of  them  tried  to  convince  me 
that  irrigation  from  the  mountains  was  better  than  showers 
from  the  sky.  Denver  was  then  a  town  of  less  than  5,000  in 
habitants  and  now  contains  more  than  110,000.  Colorado  had 
less  than  50,000  inhabitants  in  1870,  and  in  1890  it  had  412,198, 
an  increase  of  nearly  ten  fold  in  twenty  years.  But  this  marvel 
ous  growth  does  not  spring  from  the  invigorating  air  and  flow 
ing  springs  of  Colorado,  but  from  the  precious  metals  stored  in 
untold  quantities  in  her  mountains.  From  Denver  General  Sher 
man  had  to  continue  his  inspection  to  the  southern  posts,  and  I 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  331 

was  called  home  to  take  part  in  the  pending  canvass.  I  started 
in  a  coach  peculiar  to  the  country,  with  three  or  four  passen 
gers,  over  a  distance  of  about  four  hundred  miles  to  Fort  Riley, 
in  Kansas.  We  had  heard  of  many  Indian  forays  on  the  line 
we  were  to  travel  over  and  there  was  some  danger,  but  it  was 
the  only  way  to  get  home.  Each  of  the  passengers,  I  among  the 
number,  had  a  good  Winchester  rifle,  with  plenty  of  ammunition. 
The  coach  was  a  crude  rattle-trap,  noisy  and  rough,  but  strong 
and  well  adapted  to  the  journey.  It  was  drawn  by  four  horses 
of  the  country,  small  but  wiry.  We  had  long  reaches  between 
changes.  The  stations  for  meals  had  means  of  defense,  and 
the  food  set  before  us  was  substantial,  mainly  buffalo  beef, 
chickens  and  bread.  A  good  appetite  (always  a  sure  thing  on 
the  plains)  was  the  best  sauce  for  a  substantial  meal,  and  all 
the  meals  were  dinners  with  no  change  of  courses.  We  saw 
on  the  way  many  evidences  of  Indian  depredations,  one  of 
which  was  quite  recent,  and  two  or  three  settlers  had  been 
killed.  We  met  no  Indians  on  the  way,  but  we  did  meet 
myriads  of  buffaloes,  scattered  in  vast  herds  to  the  north  and 
south  of  us  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  It  is  sad  to  reflect 
that  all  these  animals  have  been  exterminated,  mainly  in 
wanton  sport  by  hunters  who  did  not  need  their  flesh  for 
food  or  their  hides  for  leather  or  robes.  This  destruction  of 
buffaloes  opened  the  way  for  herds  of  domestic  cattle,  which 
perhaps  in  equal  numbers  now  feed  upon  the  native  grass  of 
the  prairies. 

In  a  recent  visit  to  western  Nebraska  and  South  Dakota,  I 
saw  these  cattle  in  great  numbers  in  good  condition,  cheaply 
cared  for  and  sold  for  four  cents  a  pound  on  the  hoof.  The 
owners  of  these  cattle  purchased  land  from  settlers  who  had 
acquired  title  under  the  homestead  or  pre-emption  laws,  as 
suitable  sites  for  ranches,  including  a  permanent  lake  or 
pond  for  each,  an  indispensable  requisite  for  a  ranch.  This 
being  secured,  they  built  houses  to  live  in  and  sheds  for  the 
protection  of  their  cattle  in  winter,  and  thus  obtained  practi 
cal  possession,  without  cost  or  taxes,  of  all  the  government 
land  needed  for  their  ranges.  Sad  experience  has  convinced 
settlers  in  all  the  vast  rainless  region  of  the  west,  that  they 


332  RECOLLECTIONS 

cannot  produce  grain  with  any  certainty  of  harvesting  a  crop, 
and  thousands  who  have  made  the  experiment  in  western 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  and  in  eastern  Colorado  and  Wyoming 
have  recently  abandoned  their  improvements  and  their  claims. 
It  seems  now  that  this  part  of  our  country  must  be  given  up 
to  the  herders  of  cattle.  The  Indians  and  buffaloes  have  dis 
appeared  and  the  "cowboys"  and  domestic  cattle  and  horses 
have  taken  their  place,  to  give  way,  no  doubt,  in  time,  to  the 
farmer,  when  the  water  will  be  drawn  from  the  earth  by  arte 
sian  wells,  and  life  and  vitality  will  thus  be  given  to  a  soil  as 
rich  as  the  Kansas  valley. 

We  reached  the  end  of  our  stage  ride  at  Fort  Ililey,  and 
were  glad  to  enter  into  the  cars  of  the  Kansas  Pacific  railroad, 
though  they  were  as  dirty  and  filthy  as  cars  could  well  be.  All 
this  has  been  changed.  Now  the  ride  over  the  plains  from 
Kansas  City  to  Denver  can  be  made,  in  a  comparatively  few 
hours,  in  comfort  and  safety. 

I  returned  to  Ohio  to  take  my  usual  part  in  the  canvass  in 
the  fall  of  1866,  and  returned  to  Washington  in  time  for  the 
meeting  of  Congress  on  the  first  Monday  in  December. 

Prior  to  1862  but  little  attention  was  given  by  Congress  to 
the  greatest  and  most  important  industry  of  mankind,  that  of 
agriculture.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  United  States, 
where  the  majority  of  its  inhabitants  are  engaged  in  farming. 
Agriculture  has  furnished  the  great  body  of  our  exports,  yet 
this  employment  had  no  representative  in  any  of  the  depart 
ments  except  a  clerk  in  the  Patent  Office.  The  privileges 
granted  by  that  bureau  to  inventors  had  no  relation  to  wrork  on 
the  farm,  though  farming  was  greatly  aided  by  invention  of 
farm  implements  during  the  period  of  the  war,  when  a  million 
of  men  were  drawn  from  their  occupations  into  the  army. 
This  anomaly  led  to  the  passage,  on  the  15th  of  May,  1862, 
of  the  act  to  establish  the  department  of  agriculture.  Though 
called  a  department  its  chief  officer  was  a  commissioner  of 
agriculture,  who  was  not  for  many  years  a  member  of  the 
cabinet.  The  first  commissioner,  Isaac  Newton,  appointed  by 
Lincoln,  was  a  peculiar  character,  a  Quaker  of  Philadelphia, 
a  gardener  rather  than  a  farmer,  but  he  was  an  earnest  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  333 

active  officer.  The  appropriations  for  his  department  were 
very  small,  but  enabled  him  to  distribute  valuable  seeds  and 
cuttings,  which  were  in  great  demand  and  of  real  service 
to  farmers.  I  early  took  an  active  part  in  promoting  his 
efforts  and  especially  in  procuring  him  appropriations  and 
land  where  he  could  test  his  experiments.  He  applied  for  au 
thority  to  use  that  portion  of  Reservation  No.  2  between  12th 
and  14th  streets  of  the  mall  in  Washington,  then  an  unsightly 
waste  without  tree  or  shrub,  but  he  was  notified  that  the  use 
of  it  was  essentially  necessary  to  the  war  department  as  a  cat 
tle  yard.  When  the  war  was  over  Congress  appropriated  it  for 
the  use  of  his  department.  He  took  possession  of  it  about  the 
middle  of  April,  1865,  and,  though  the  ground  was  an  unbroken 
soil  of  tenacious  clay,  he  fertilized  and  pulverized  a  part  of 
it  and  planted  a  great  variety  of  seeds  for  propagation,  and 
covered  the  remaining  portions  of  it  with  grass  and  cereals.  His 
reports  increased  in  interest  and  were  in  great  demand.  His 
office  work  was  done  in  inconvenient  parts  of  the  Patent  Office, 
and  the  necessity  of  better  accommodations  was  constantly 
pressed  upon  Members  of  Congress.  I  took  an  active  interest 
in  the  subject,  and  offered  an  amendment  to  the  civil  appropri 
ation  bill  to  appropriate  $100,000  for  a  suitable  building  for  the 
department  of  agriculture  on  the  reservation  mentioned.  There 
was  a  disposition  in  the  Senate  to  ridicule  Newton  and  his  seeds, 
and  Mr.  Fessenden  opposed  the  appropriation  as  one  for  an  ob 
ject  not  within  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress.  The 
amendment,  however,  was  adopted  on  the  28th  day  of  February, 
1867.  Newton  died  on  the  19th  of  June  of  that  year,  but  on 
the  22nd  of  August,  John  W.  Stokes,  as  acting  commissioner, 
entered  into  a  contract  for  the  erection  of  the  building,  and 
Horace  Capron,  as  commissioner,  completed  the  work  within 
the  limits  of  the  appropriation,  a  rare  result  in  the  construction 
of  a  public  building.  The  building  is  admirably  adapted  for  the 
purposes  designed.  The  unsightly  reservation  has  been  con 
verted  by  Mr.  Capron  and  his  successors  in  office  into  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  parks  in  Washington.  The  department  of  agri 
culture  is  now  represented  in  the  cabinet,  and  in  practical  use 
fulness  to  the  country  is  equal  to  any  of  the  departments. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
THREE  MONTHS  IN  EUROPE. 

Short  Session  of  Congress  Convened  March  4,  1867  —  1  Become  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Finance,  Succeeding  Senator  Fessenden  —  Departure  for  Europe- 
Winning  a  Wager  from   a  Sea  Captain  —  Congressman  Kasson's  Pistol- 
Under  Surveillance  by  English  Officers  —  Impressions  of  John  Bright,  Dis 
raeli  and  Other  Prominent  Englishmen— Visit  to  France,  Belgium, 
Holland  and  Germany— An  Audience  with  Bismarck  — His  Sympa 
thy  with  the  Union  Cause  —  Wonders  of  the  Paris  Exposition  — 
Life  in  Paris  —  Presented  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III  and 
the  Empress  Eugenie  — A  Dinner   at  the  Tuileries— 
My  Return  Home  — International  Money  Commis 
sion  in  Session  at  Paris  —Correspondence  with 
Commissioner  Ruggles  — His  Report—  Fail 
ure  to  Unify  the  Coinage  of  Nations  — 
Relative  Value  of  Gold  and  Silver. 

DURING  the  last  session  of  the  39th  Congress  the 
relations  between  President  Johnson  and  Congress 
became  such  that  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  pro 
vide  by  law  for  a  session  of  the  new  Congress  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1867,  that  being  the  commencement  of  the  term 
for  which  the  Members  were  elected. 

The  law,  in  my  opinion,  ought  to  be  a  permanent  one,  so 
that  the  will  of  the  people,  as  evidenced  by  the  elections,  may 
be  promptly  responded  to.  But  such  was  not  the  purpose  of 
this  act.  The  reason  was  that,  under  the  claim  of  authority 
made  by  the  President,  there  was  a  fear  that  he  might  recog 
nize  the  states  in  insurrection  before  they  had  complied  with 
the  conditions  prescribed  by  law  for  reconstruction. 

In  pursuance  of  this  law  the  40th  Congress  met  on  the  day 
named. 

I  took  the  oath  as  Senator,  my  colleague,  Benjamin  F. 
Wade,  president  pro  tern,  of  the  Senate,  administering  it.  I  be 
came  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance  by  the  voluntary 
retirement  of  Mr.  Fessenden.  I  knew  this  had  been  his  purpose 
during  the  session  just  closed.  He  complained  of  his  health, 
and  that  the  confinement  and  labor  of  the  position  he  held 

(334) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  335 

added  to  his  infirmity.  At  the  same  time  it  was  agreed  that 
the  duties  of  the  committee  should  be  divided  by  referring  all 
appropriations  to  a  committee  on  appropriations,  and  I  was  to 
choose  between  the  two  committees.  The  House  of  Represent 
atives  had  already  divided  the  labors  of  the  committee  of  ways 
and  means,  a  corresponding  committee  to  that  on  finance, 
among  several  committees,  and  the  experiment  had  proved  a 
success.  I  preferred  the  committee  on  finance,  and  remained 
its  chairman  until  I  became  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Mr. 
Fessenden  took  the  easy  and  pleasant  position  of  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  public  buildings  and  grounds,  and  held  that 
position  until  he  died  in  September,  1869.  I  have  already  ex 
pressed  my  opinion  of  his  remarkable  ability  as  a  debater  and 
as  a  statesman  of  broad  and  conservative  views.  His  only 
fault  was  a  hasty  temper  too  often  displayed,  but  as  often 
regretted  by  him. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  80th  of  March,  to  meet  again  on 
the  3rd  of  Ju]y.  The  Senate  was  called  to  a  special  session 
by  proclamation  of  the  President  on  the  1st  day  of  April, 
1867.  It  remained  in  session  until  the  20th  of  April  and  then 
adjourned  sine  die. 

I  did  not  remain  until  the  close  of  the  session,  but  about 
the  10th  of  April  sailed  from  New  York  for  Europe  in  the 
steamer  "City  of  Antwerp."  I  went  for  needed  rest,  a  change 
of  air  and  scene,  and  had  in  view,  as  one  of  the  attractions  of 
the  voyage,  a  visit  to  the  exposition  at  Paris  in  that  year.  My 
associates  on  the  ocean  were  Colonel  Morrow,  United  States 
Army,  and  John  A.  Kasson,  Member  of  Congress  from  Iowa, 
and  we  remained  together  until  I  left  London. 

I  had  no  plan,  route  or  business,  except  to  go  where  I  drifted 
with  such  companions  as  I  met.  The  only  limitation  as  to  time 
was  the  duty  of  returning  to  meet  the  adjourned  session  of  the 
Senate  in  July.  I  have  no  memoranda  in  respect  to  the  voyage 
and  preserved  no  letters  about  it.  Still,  the  principal  scenes 
and  events  are  impressed  on  my  mind  and  I  will  narrate  them 
as  I  now  recall  them. 

The  passage  on  the  ocean  was  a  favorable  one.  We  had 
some  rain  but  no  winds  that  disturbed  my  digestion.  But  few 


336  RECOLLECTIONS 

on  the  vessel  were  seasick,  and  these  mainly  so  from  imagina 
tion.  The  captain,  whose  name  I  do  not  recall,  was  a  jolly 
Englishman,  but  a  careful,  prudent  and  intelligent  officer.  I 
sat  by  his  side  at  his  table.  After  leaving  port  we  soon  took 
our  places  at  table  for  our  first  meal  on  board.  He  inquired  of 
me  if  I  was  a  good  sailor.  I  told  him  I  would  be  as  regular  in 
my  attendance  at  meals  as  he.  He  laughed  and  said  he  would 
like  to  wager  some  wine  on  that.  I  cheerfully  accepted  his 
bet,  and,  true  to  my  promise,  I  did  not  miss  a  meal  -during  the 
voyage,  while  he  three  or  four  times  remained  at  his  post  on 
deck  when  the  air  was  filled  with  fog  or  the  waves  were  high. 
He  paid  the  bet  near  the  end  of  the  voyage,  and  a  number  of 
his  passengers,  including  Morrow  and  Kasson,  shared  in  the 
treat. 

I  can  imagine  no  life  more  pleasing  than  a  tranquil,  but  not 
too  tranquil,  sea,  with  a  good  ship  well  manned,  with  com 
panions  you  like,  but  not  too  many.  The  quiet  and  rest,  the 
view  of  the  ocean,  the  sense  of  solitude,  the  possibility  of  dan 
ger,  all  these  broken  a  little  by  a  quiet  game  of  whist  or  an  in 
teresting  book — this  I  call  happiness.  All  these  I  remember 
to  have  enjoyed  on  this,  my  fifth  trip  on  the  ocean. 

In  due  time  we  arrived  at  Queenstown  in  Ireland.  It  was 
about  the  time  a  party  of  Irishmen,  in  some  town  in  England, 
rescued  some  of  their  countrymen  from  a  van  in  charge  of 
English  constables,  one  or  more  of  whom  were  killed  or 
wounded.  Morrow,  Kasson  and  I  concluded  we  would  spend  a 
few  days  in  "Quid  Ireland/'  Morrow  and  Kasson  believed 
they  were  of  Irish  descent,  though  remotely  so  as  their  ances 
tors  "  fought  in  the  Revolution."  We  remained  in  and  about 
Cork  for  two  or  three  days.  We  visited  and  kissed  the  Blar 
ney  Stone,  saw  the  Lakes  of  Killarney,  and  drove  or  walked 
about  the  interesting  environs  of  Cork  and  Queenstown.  We 
sought  no  acquaintance  with  anyone. 

We  were  all  about  the  age  of  forty,  physically  sound,  and 
both  Morrow  and  Kasson  had  the  military  air  and  step  of  sol 
diers.  We  soon  became  conscious  that  we  were  under  surveil 
lance.  One  day  an  officer  called  at  our  lodgings  and  frankly 
told  us  that  there  was  so  much  excitement  about  Fenian 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  337 

disturbances  in  England,  and  such  political  ferment  in  Ireland, 
that  an  examination  of  the  baggage  of  passengers  was  required 
and  he  wished  to  examine  ours.  I  told  him  who  we  were,  and 
introduced  him  to  Morrow  and  Kasson,  and  offered  my  trunk  for 
inspection.  They  did  the  same,  Kasson  producing  also  a  small 
pistol  from  his  valise.  The  officer  had  heard  of  that  pistol. 
Kasson  had  fired  it  at  birds  hovering  about  the  vessel.  This 
had  been  reported  to  the  police.  The  officer  took  the  pistol 
and  it  was  returned  to  Kasson  some  days  after  at  Dublin. 
Morrow  ridiculed  the  pistol  and  told  the  officer  that  Kasson 
could  not  hit  or  hurt  him  at  ten  paces  away,  but  the  officer 
was  only  half  satisfied.  We  soon  after  went  to  Dublin,  but  we 
felt  that  we  were  under  suspicion.  All  Americans  were  then 
suspected  of  sympathizing  with  the  Irish.  We  told  our  consul 
at  Dublin  of  our  adventures  at  Cork,  and  he  said  we  were 
lucky  in  not  being  arrested.  We  went  to  a  steeple  chase  a 
few  miles  from  Dublin,  where  gentlemen  rode  their  own  horses 
over  a  long  and  difficult  route,  leaping  barriers  and  crossing 
streams.  We  enjoyed  the  scene  very  much  and  mingled  freely 
in  the  great  crowd,  but  always  feeling  that  we  were  watched. 
The  next  day  we  started  to  cross  the  channel  to  Holyhead. 

We  took  the  steamer  at  Dublin  Bay  and  found  aboard  a 
large  company  of  well-dressed  passengers,  such  as  we  would 
find  on  a  summer  excursion  from  New  York.  Morrow,  who 
was  a  handsome  man  of  pleasing  manners  and  address,  said  he 
could  pick  out  Americans  from  the  crowd.  I  doubted  it.  He 
said:  "There  is  an  American,"  pointing  out  a  large,  well-built 
man,  who  seemed  to  be  known  by  the  passengers  around  him. 
I  said  he  was  an  Englishman.  Morrow  stepped  up  to  him  and 
politely  said  that  he  had  a  wager  with  a  friend  that  he  was  an 
American.  "Not  by  a  d— d  sight,'7  replied  the  Englishman. 
Morrow  apologized  for  the  intrusion,  but  the  gentleman 
changed  his  tone  and  said  that  his  abrupt  answer  was  caused 
by  a  letter  he  had  lately  received  from  a  nephew  of  his  whom 
he  had  sent  to  America  to  make  his  fortune.  His  nephew  had 
written  him  that  now  that  the  rebels  were  put  down,  the  next 
thing  to  do  would  be  to  put  down  "old  England."  Morrow 
said  there  was  too  much  of  that  kind  of  gasconade  in  America, 

S.— 22 


338  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  that  after  our  desperate  struggle  at  home  we  would  not 
be  likely  to  engage  in  one  with  England. 

We  arrived  safely  in  London.  In  my  first  visit  in  1859,  with 
my  wife,  we  were  sight-seers.  Now  I  sought  to  form  acquaint 
ance  with  men  whose  names  were  household  words  in  all  parts 
of  the  United  States.  By  the  courtesy  of  our  consul  general 
at  Liverpool,  Thomas  H.  Dudley,  I  met  John  Bright,  Disraeli, 
and  many  others  less  conspicuous  in  public  life.  I  have  already 
mentioned  my  breakfast  with  Gladstone  during  this  visit.  Mr. 
Dudley,  then  in  London,  invited  Mr.  Bright  to  a  dinner  as  his 
principal  guest.  Of  all  the  men  I  met  in  London,  Mr.  Bright 
impressed  me  most  favorably.  Finely  formed  physically,  he 
was  also  mentally  strong.  He  was  frank  and  free  in  his  talk  and 
had  none  of  the  hesitation  or  reserve  common  with  Englishmen. 
He  was  familiar  with  our  war  and  had  no  timidity  in  the  ex 
pression  of  his  sympathy  for  the  Union  cause.  If  we  ever  erect 
a  monument  to  an  Englishman,  it  should  be  to  John  Bright.  I 
heard  Disraeli  speak  in  the  House  of  Commons  and  was  intro 
duced  to  him  at  a  reception  at  Lord  Stanley's.  In  the  ten  days 
spent  in  London  I  saw  as  much  of  social  life  as  could  be 
crowded  into  that  time.  Charles  Francis  Adams  was  then 
United  States  minister  at  London,  and  I  am  indebted  to  him 
for  many  acts  of  kindness.  When  we  were  Members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  together  he  had  the  reputation  of  be 
ing  cold  and  reserved  and  he  was  not  popular  with  his  fellow 
Members,  but  in  London  he  was  distinguished  for  his  hospi 
tality  to  Americans.  He  certainly  was  very  kind  to  me,  enter 
taining  me  at  dinner  and  taking  pains  to  introduce  me  to  many 
peers  and  members  whose  names  were  familiar  to  me.  While 
receptions  are  very  common  in  London  during  the  session,  the 
Englishman  prefers  dinners  as  a  mode  of  entertainment.  It  is 
then  he  really  enjoys  himself  and  gives  pleasure  to  his  guests. 
The  sessions  of  parliament,  however,  interfere  greatly  with 
dinners.  The  great  debates  occur  during  dining  hours,  so  that, 
as  Mr.  Adams  informed  me,  it  was  difficult  to  arrange  a  dinner 
that  would  not  be  broken  up  somewhat  by  an  unexpected  de 
bate,  or  a  division  in  the  House  of  Commons.  The  precedence 
of  rank  had  to  be  carefully  observed.  The  unsocial  habit  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  339 

not  introducing  guests  to  each  other  tended  to  restrain  conver 
sation  and  to  make  the  dinner  dull  and  heavy.  Still  the  forms 
and  usages  in  social  life  in  London  are  much  like  those  in 
Washington.  But  here  the  ordinary  sessions  of  each  House  of 
Congress  terminate  before  six  o'clock,  leaving  the  evening 
hours  for  recreation. 

The  presidential  mansion  is  the  natural  resort  of  all  who 
visit  Washington.  The  doors  are  always  open  to  visitors  at 
stated  hours,  and  the  President  is  easy  of  access  to  all  who  call 
at  such  hours.  Formerly  presidential  receptions  were  open  to 
all  comers,  and  the  result  was  a  motley  crowd,  who  formed  in 
line  and  shook  hands  with  the  President,  bowed  to  the  attend 
ing  ladies,  passed  into  the  great  east  room  and  gradually  dis 
persed.  In  late  years  these  receptions  have  become  less  fre 
quent,  and  in  their  place  we  have  had  diplomatic,  military  and 
navy,  and  congressional  receptions,  for  which  invitations  are 
issued.  During  the  usual  period  before  Lent  card  receptions 
are  given  by  the  cabinet,  by  many  Senators  and  Members,  and 
by  citizens,  for  which  invitations  are  issued.  I  know  of  no 
place  where  the  entrance  into  society  is  so  open  and  free  as  in 
Washington. 

From  London  I  went,  by  way  of  Dieppe  and  Kouen,  to  Paris, 
where  my  first  call  was  on  General  Dix  and  his  family.  Next 
I  visited  the  exposition,  and  wrandered  through  and  about  and 
around  it.  I  have  attended  many  exhibitions,  but  never  one 
before  or  since  that  combined  such  magnitude  and  complete 
ness  in  size,  form  and  location,  and  such  simplicity  in  arrange 
ment  and  details,  as  the  Paris  Exposition  of  1867.  I  spent  ten 
days  in  this  inspection,  and  in  walking  and  driving  around  Paris 
and  its  environs.  Through  the  kindness  of  General  Dix,  then 
envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary,  I  received 
invitations  to  the  many  meetings  and  receptions  given  by 
Mayor  Haussman  and  other  officers  of  the  French  government 
to  visitors  from  abroad  connected  with  the  exposition.  I  ac 
cepted  some  of  them,  but  purposely  postponed  this  social  part 
of  my  visit  until  I  returned  from  Berlin. 

From  Paris  I  went  to  Antwerp  via  Brussels.  At  this  latter 
place  I  met  Doctor  John  Wilson,  then  United  States  consul  at 


340  RECOLLECTIONS 

Antwerp.  He  was  an  old  friend  at  Washington,  where  he 
served  during  the  greater  part  of  the  war  as  an  army  surgeon. 
He  was  a  man  of  remarkable  intelligence,  familiar  with  nearly 
every  part  of  Europe,  and  especially  with  France,  Belgium  and 
Prussia.  He  readily  acquiesced  in  my  invitation  to  accompany 
me  to  Berlin.  On  the  invitation  of  Henry  S.  Sanford,  our  min 
ister  to  Brussels,  I  returned  to  that  city,  and  met  at  dinner  the 
principal  officers  of  Belgium,  such  as  we  designate  cabinet  min 
isters.  I  drove  with  Mr.  Sanford  to  Waterloo  and  other  famous 
historic  places  in  and  about  that  beautiful  city. 

From  Brussels  we  went  to  the  Hague,  where  General  Hugh 
Ewing,  a  brother-in-law  of  General  Sherman,  was  United  States 
minister.  After  a  brief  stay  in  Holland,  General  Ewing,  Doc 
tor  Wilson  and  myself  went  to  Berlin.  Prussia  was  then  a 
kingdom  of  rising  power,  and  Berlin  was  a  growing  city,  but 
not  at  all  the  Berlin  of  to-day.  Bismarck  was  recognized  as  a 
great  statesman  and,  although  far  less  prominent  than  he 
afterwards  became,  he  was  the  one  man  in  Germany  whom  I 
desired  to  see  or  know.  Mr.  Joseph  A.  Wright,  late  United 
States  minister  at  Berlin,  had  recently  died,  and  his  son,  John 
C.  Wright,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  legation,  had  no  difficulty 
in  securing  me  an  audience  with  Bismarck,  accompanying  me 
to  the  official  residence,  where  I  was  introduced  to  him.  Bis 
marck  spoke  English  with  a  German  accent,  but  was  easily 
understood.  When  I  spoke  of  recent  events  in  Europe  he 
would  turn  the  conversation  to  the  United  States,  asking  me 
many  questions  about  the  war  and  the  principal  generals  in 
the  opposing  armies.  He  was  in  thorough  sympathy  with  the 
Union  cause,  and  emphatically  said  that  every  man  in  Prussia, 
from  the  king  to  his  humblest  subject,  was  on  the  side  of  the 
Union,  and  opposed  to  the  Rebellion.  What  a  pity,  he  said,  it 
would  have  been  if  so  great  a  country  as  the  United  States  had 
been  disrupted  on  account  of  slavery.  I  mentioned  my  visit 
to  the  international  fair  at  Paris  and  my  intention  to  return, 
and  he  said  he  would  be  there. 

This  interview,  which  lasted,  perhaps,  forty  minutes,  was  as 
informal  and  frank  as  the  usual  conversation  of  friends.  Bis 
marck  was  then  in  full  health  and  strength,  about  fifty  years 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  341 

old,  more  than  six  feet  high,  and  a  fine  specimen  of  vigorous 
manhood  in  its  prime. 

I  found  the  same  feeling  for  the  United  States  expressed  by 
a  popular  meeting  in  the  great  exposition  hall  in  Berlin.  Our 
little  party  was  escorted  to  this  place  on  Sunday  afternoon  by 
Mr.  Kreismann,  our  consul  at  Berlin.  As  we  entered  the  hall, 
Mr.  Kreismann  advanced  to  the  orchestra,  composed  of  several 
military  bands,  and  said  something  to  the  leader.  When  we  took 
our  seats  at  one  of  the  numerous  tables  he  told  me  to  pay  atten 
tion  after  the  first  item  of  the  second  part  of  the  programme 
before  me,  and  I  would  hear  something  that  would  please  me. 
At  the  time  stated,  a  young  man  advanced  to  the  front  of  the 
stage,  with  a  violin  in  his  hand,  and  played  exquisitely  the  air 
"Yankee  Doodle  Is  the  Tune"&ud  soon  after  the  entire  band  joined 
in,  filling  the  great  hall  with  American  music.  The  intelligent 
German  audience,  many  of  whom  knew  the  national  airs  of  all 
countries,  realized  at  once  that  this  addition  to  the  programme 
was  a  compliment  to  Americans.  They  soon  located  our  little 
party  and  then  rose,  and  fully  two  thousand  persons,  men,  wom 
en  and  children,  waved  their  handkerchiefs  and  shouted  for 
America. 

The  feeling  in  favor  of  the  United  States  was  then  strong  in 
all  parts  of  Europe,  except  in  France  and  England.  In  these 
countries  it  was  somewhat  divided — in  France  by  the  failure  of 
Maximilian,  and  in  England  by  the  rivalry  of  trade,  and  sym 
pathy  with  the  south.  Generally,  in  referring  in  Europe  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  the  people  speak  of  us  as  Ameri 
cans,  while  those  of  other  parts  of  America  are  Canadians, 
Mexicans,  etc. 

After  a  pleasant  week  in  Berlin  I  went  by  way  of  Frankfort, 
Wiesbaden  and  Cologne  to  Paris.  The  exposition  was  then  in 
full  operation.  It  may  be  that  greater  numbers  attended  the 
recent  exposition  at  Chicago,  but,  great  as  was  its  success,  I 
think,  for  symmetry,  for  plans  of  buildings,  and  arrangement  of 
exhibits,  the  fair  at  Paris  was  better  than  that  at  Chicago.  The 
French  people  are  well  adapted  for  such  exhibits.  The  city  of 
Paris  is  itself  a  good  show.  Its  people  almost  live  out  of  doors 
six  months  of  the  year.  They  are  quick,  mercurial,  tasteful 


342  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  economical.  A  Frenchman  will  live  well  on  one-half  of 
what  is  consumed  or  wasted  by  an  American.  I  do  not  propose 
to  describe  the  wonderful  collection  of  the  productions  of  na 
ture  or  the  works  of  men,  but  I  wish  to  convey  some  idea  of 
life  in  Paris  during  the  thirty  days  I  spent  in  it. 

Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  then  Emperor  of  the  French, 
and  Haussman  was  mayor  of  the  city  of  Paris.  General  Dix, 
as  before  stated,  was  United  States  minister  plenipotentiary  and 
envoy  extraordinary  at  the  court  of  France.  Upon  my  ar 
rival,  I  hired  what  in  Paris  is  called  an  apartment,  but  which 
includes  several  rooms,  comprising  together  a  comfortable  resi 
dence.  Many  similar  apartments  may  be  in  the  same  building, 
but  with  them  you  need  have  no  communication,  and  you  are 
detached  from  them  as  fully  as  if  each  apartment  was  a  sepa 
rate  house.  The  concierge,  generally  a  woman,  takes  charge  of 
your  room,  orders  your  breakfast  if  you  require  one,  and  keeps 
the  key  of  your  apartment  when  you  are  absent.  It  is  a  charm 
ing  mode  of  living.  You  can  dine  or  lunch  when  you  will,  and 
are  master  of  your  time  and  your  apartment.  I  employed  a 
neat,  light  carriage  and  one  horse,  with  a  driver  who  knew  a 
smattering  of  several  languages,  and  found  him  trusty  and 
faithful— all  this  at  a  cost  that  would  disgust  the  ordinary 
hotel  proprietor  in  the  United  States,  and  especially  the  hack 
driver  of  any  of  our  cities.  This,  in  Paris,  was  the  usual  outfit 
of  a  gentleman. 

General  Dix  advised  me  on  whom  and  when  and  how  1 
should  make  my  calls.  My  card  in  the  usual  form  announced 
that  I  was  "  Senateur  des  fitats  Unis  d'Amerique."  A  Parisian 
could  not  pronounce  my  name.  The  best  he  could  do  was  to 
call  me  "  Monsieur  le  Senateur."  With  a  few  words  of  French 
1  acquired,  and  the  imperfect  knowledge  of  English  possessed 
by  most  French  people,  I  had  no  difficulty  in  making  my  way 
in  any  company.  I  received  many  invitations  I  could  not  ac 
cept.  I  attended  a  reception  at  the  Palais  Royal,  the  residence 
of  the  mayor,  dressed  in  the  ordinary  garb  for  evening  parties, 
a  dress  coat  and  trousers  extending  to  the  knees,  and  below 
black  silk  stockings  and  pumps.  I  felt  very  uncomfortable  in 
this  dress  when  I  entered  the  reception  room,  but,  as  I  found 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN;  343 

every  gentleman  in  the  same  dress,  soon  became  reconciled  to 
it.  Subsequently  I  attended  a  reception  at  the  Tuileries,  at 
which  I  was  presented  by  General  Dix  to  the  emperor  and 
empress. 

One  feature  of  this  presentation  I  shall  always  remember. 
The  general  company  had  been  gathered  in  the  great  hall. 
The  diplomatic  representatives  of  many  countries  were  formed 
in  line  according  to  their  rank,  attended  by  the  persons  to  be 
presented.  Soon  a  door  was  opened  from  an  adjoining  room 
and  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  escorting,  I  think,  the  Empress 
of  Russia,  passed  along  the  line  and  saluted  the  ambassadors 
and  ministers  in  their  order,  and  the  ladies  and  gentlemen 
to  be  presented  were  introduced  by  name  to  the  emperor. 
General  Dix  presented  Fernando  Wood,  of  New  York,  and 
myself.  Following  the  French  emperor  came  the  Emperor  of 
Russia  escorting  the  Empress  Eugenie  of  France,  and  the  same 
mention  of  our  names  was  made  to  her.  Following  them 
came  kings,  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  others  of  like  rank, 
each  accompanied  by  distinguished  peers  of  his  country.  Third 
or  fourth  in  this  order  came  the  King  of  Prussia,  Prince  Bis 
marck,  and  General  Von  Moltke.  When  Bismarck  passed  he 
shook  hands  with  Dix  and  recognized  me  with  a  bow  and  a 
few  words.  If  the  leaders  in  this  pageant  could  have  foreseen 
what  happened  three  years  later — that  King  William  would 
be  an  emperor,  that  Bonaparte  would  be  his  prisoner  and 
Eugenie  a  refugee  from  republican  France  — the  order  of  this 
march  would  have  been  reversed. 

Soon  after  this  reception,  I  was  invited  by  the  emperor  to 
attend,  with  General  Dix  and  his  daughter,  a  dinner  at  the 
Tuileries.  Such  an  invitation  is  held  to  be  in  the  nature  of  a 
command.  I  accompanied  them,  and  was  agreeably  surprised 
to  find  that  the  dinner  was  quite  informal,  though  more  than 
forty  sat  at  the  table.  When  I  entered  the  room  one  of  the 
ladies  in  waiting  came  to  me  and  introduced  me  to  a  lady 
whom  I  was  to  escort  to  the  table.  Presently  she  returned  and 
said:  "Oh,  I  understand  monsieur  does  not  speak  French,  and 
marquise  does  not  speak  English.  Will  monsieur  allow  me  to 
be  a  substitute  ? "  I  agreed  with  great  pleasure.  Both  the 


344  RECOLLECTIONS 

guests  and  the  hosts  were  promptly  on  time.  I  was  introduced 
to  the  emperor  and  empress.  She  was  very  gracious  to  her 
guests,  passing  from  one  to  another  with  a  kindly  word  to  all. 
I  noticed  her  greeting  to  Miss  Dix  was  very  cordial.  The 
emperor  engaged  in  a  conversation  with  me  that  continued 
until  the  dinner  was  announced,  —  fully  ten  minutes.  He 
asked  many  questions  about  the  war,  and  especially  about 
General  Sherman.  I  answered  his  questions  as  I  would  to  any 
gentleman,  but  felt  uneasy  lest  I  was  occupying  time  that  he 


f?  a '..'***#  &'/  tn?;t&.       & —Mt 


INVITATION    FROM    NAPOLEON    III. 


should  bestow  on  others.  General  Dix  was  by  my  side,  and 
encouraged  the  conversation.  When  the  dinner  was  an 
nounced  each  guest  knew  his  place  from  the  card  furnished 
him,  and  the  party  was  seated  without  confusion. 

I  need  not  say  that  the  young  lady  I  escorted  was  a  charm 
ing  woman.  I  did  not  learn  whether  she  was  married  or  not, 
but  have  always  regarded  her  action  in  relieving  me  from  a 
silent  dinner  as  the  highest  mark  of  politeness.  She  was 
bright  and  attractive,  and  I  certainly  did  and  said  all  I  could 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN'.  345 

to  amuse  her,  so  what  I  expected  to  be  a  dull  dinner  turned 
out  to  be  a  very  joyful  one. 

It  is  impossible  for  an  American  to  visit  Paris  without 
enjoyment  and  instruction.  The  people  of  Paris  are  always 
polite,  especially  to  Americans.  The  debt  of  gratitude  for  the 
assistance  of  France  in  our  War  of  the  Revolution  is  never 
forgotten  by  a  true  American,  and  Frenchmen  are  always 
proud  of  their  share  in  establishing  the  independence  of  Amer 
ica.  The  two  Bonapartes  alone  did  not  share  in  this  feeling. 
The  Americans  are  liberal  visitors  in  Paris.  They  spend  their 
money  freely,  join  heartily  in  festivities,  and  sympathize  in  the 
success  and  prosperity  of  the  French  republic.  If  I  was  not 
an  American  I  certainly  would  be  a  Frenchman.  I  have  vis 
ited  Paris  three  times,  remaining  in  it  more  than  a  month 
at  each  visit,  and  always  have  been  received  with  civility 
and  kindness.  Though  it  is  a  great  manufacturing  city,  chiefly 
in  articles  of  luxury  requiring  the  highest  skill,  yet  it  is  also 
a  most  beautiful  city  in  its  location,  its  buildings,  public  and 
private,  its  museums  and  opera  houses,  its  parks  and  squares, 
its  wide  streets  and  avenues,  and  especially  the  intelligence  of 
its  people.  Science  and  art  have  here  reached  their  highest 
development.  We  may  copy  all  these,  but  it  will  require  a 
century  to  develop  like  progress  in  America. 

I  returned  to  England  for  a  few  days  and  then  took  the 
steamer  "City  of  Paris"  for  New  York,  where  I  arrived  on  the 
13th  of  July.  I  took  the  cars  for  Washington  and  arrived  ten 
days  after  the  session  had  commenced. 

While  I  was  in  Paris  a  special  international  commission, 
composed  of  delegates  from  seventeen  nations,  was  sitting  to 
consider,  and,  if  possible,  agree  on  a  common  unit  of  money  for 
the  use  of  the  civilized  world.  Mr.  Samuel  B.  Ruggles,  a 
gentleman  of  the  highest  standing  and  character,  was  the 
representative  of  the  United  States  on  this  commission.  It 
should  be  remembered  that  at  this  time  the  only  currency  in 
circulation  in  the  United  States  was  the  legal  tender  notes  of 
the  United  States  and  the  notes  of  national  banks.  Neither 
gold  nor  silver  coin  was  in  circulation,  both  being  at  a  premium 
in  currency.  At  this  time  silver  bullion  was  at  a  premium 


RECOLLECTIONS 

over  gold  bullion,  the  legal  ratio  being  sixteen  to  one.  In  other 
words,  sixteen  ounces  of  silver  were  worth,  in  the  open  market, 
three  to  five  cents  more  than  one  ounce  of  gold.  All  parties  in 
the  United  States  were  then  looking  forward  to  the  time  when 
United  States  notes  would  advance  in  value  to  par  with  gold, 
the  cheaper  metal. 

The  question  before  the  commission  was  how  to  secure  a 
common  coin  that  would  be  the  measure  of  value  between  all 
nations,  and  thus  avoid  the  loss  by  exchange  of  the  coins  of 
one  nation  for  those  of  another.  Mr.  Ruggles  knew  that  I  had 
studied  this  question,  and  therefore  wrote  this  letter: 

PARIS,  May  17,  1867. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  4 — You  are,  of  course,  aware  that  there  is  a  special  commit 
tee  now  in  session,  organized  by  the  Imperial  Commission  of  France,  in  con 
nection  with  the  '  Paris  Exposition,'  composed  of  delegates  from  many  of  the 
nations  therein  represented.  Its  object,  among  others,  is  to  agree,  if  possi 
ble,  on  a  common  unit  of  money,  for  the  use  of  the  civilized  world. 

I  perceive  that  the  opinions  of  the  committee  are  running  strongly  in 
favor  of  adopting,  as  the  unit,  the  existing  French  five-franc  piece  of  gold. 

May  I  ask  what,  in  your  opinion,  is  the  probability  that  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  at  an  early  period,  would  agree  to  reduce  the  weight 
and  value  of  our  gold  dollar,  to  correspond  with  the  present  weight  and 
value  of  the  gold  five-franc  piece  of  France  ;  and  how  far  back  such  a  change 
would  commend  itself  to  your  own  judgment  ? 

I  would  also  ask  the  privilege  of  submitting  your  answer  to  the  consid 
eration  of  the  committee. 

With  high  respect,  faithfully  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  B.  RUGGLES, 
U.  S.  Commissioner  to  the  Paris  Exposition  and 

Member  of  the  Committee. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 

Chairman  of  the  Finance  Committee  of  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  now  in  Paris. 

To  this  letter  I  made  the  following  reply : 

HOTEL  JARDIN  DES  TUILERIES,  May  18,  1867. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Your  note  of  yesterday,  inquiring  whether  Congress 
would  probably,  in  future  coinage,  make  our  gold  dollar  conform  in  value  to 
the  gold  five-franc  piece,  has  been  received. 

There  has  been  so  little  discussion  in  Congress  upon  the  subject  that  1 
cannot  base  my  opinion  upon  anything  said  or  done  there. 

The  subject  has,  however,  excited  the  attention  of  several  important 
commercial  bodies  in  the  United  States,  and  the  time  is  now  so  favorable 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  347 

that  I  feel  quite  sure  that  Congress  will  adopt  any  practical  measure  that  will 
secure  to  the  commercial  world  a  uniform  standard  of  value  and  exchange. 

The  only  question  will  be,  how  can  this  be  accomplished  ? 

The  treaty  of  December  23,  1865,  between  France,  Italy,  Belgium,  and 
Switzerland,  and  the  probable  acquiescence  in  that  treaty  by  Prussia,  has  laid 
the  foundation  for  such  a  standard.  If  Great  Britain  will  reduce  the  value 
of  her  sovereign  two  pence,  and  the  United  States  will  reduce  the  value  of 
her  dollar  something  over  three  cents,  we  then  have  a  coinage  in  the  franc, 
dollar  and  sovereign  easily  computed,  and  which  will  readily  pass  in  all 
countries  ;  the  dollar  as  five  francs  and  the  sovereign  as  25  francs. 

This  will  put  an  end  to  the  loss  and  intricacies  of  exchange  and  discount. 

Our  gold  dollar  is  certainly  as  good  a  unit  of  value  as  the  franc  ;  and 
so  the  English  think  of  their  pound  sterling.  These  coins  are  now  exchange 
able  only  at  a  considerable  loss,  and  this  exchange  is  a  profit  only  to  brokers 
and  bankers.  Surely  each  commercial  nation  should  be  willing  to  yield  a 
little  to  secure  a  gold  coin  of  equal  value,  weight,  and  diameter,  from  what 
ever  mint  it  may  have  been  issued. 

As-  the  gold  five-franc  piece  is  now  in  use  by  over  60,000,000  of  people 
of  several  different  nationalities,  and  is  of  convenient  form  and  size,  it  may 
well  be  adopted  by  other  nations  as  the  common  standard  of  value,  leaving 
to  each  nation  to  regulate  the  divisions  of  this  unit  in  silver  coin  or  tokens. 

If  this  is  done  France  will  surely  abandon  the  impossible  effort  of 
making  two  standards  of  value.  Gold  coins  will  answer  all  the  purpose  of 
European  commerce.  A  common  gold  standard  will  regulate  silver  coinage, 
of  which  the  United  States  wrill  furnish  the  greater  part,  especially  for  the 
Chinese  trade. 

I  have  thought  a  good  deal  of  how  the  object  you  propose  may  be 
most  readily  accomplished.  It  is  clear  that  the  United  States  cannot  become 
a  party  to  the  treaty  referred  to.  They  could  not  agree  upon  the  silver 
standard  ;  nor  could  we  limit  the  amount  of  our  coinage,  as  proposed  by  the 
treaty.  The  United  States  is  so  large  in  extent,  is  so  sparsely  populated, 
and  the  price  of  labor  is  so  much  higher  than  in  Europe,  that  we  require 
more  currency  per  capita.  We  now  produce  the  larger  part  of  the  gold  and 
silver  of  the  world,  and  cannot  limit  our  coinage  except  by  the  wants  of  our 
people  and  the  demands  of  commerce. 

Congress  alone  can  change  the  value  of  our  coin.  I  see  no  object  in 
negotiating  with  other  powers  on  the  subject.  As  coin  is  not  now  in  general 
circulation  with  us,  we  can  readily  fix  by  law  the  size,  weight,  and  measure 
of  future  issues.  It  is  not  worth  while  to  negotiate  about  that  which  we  can 
do  without  negotiation,  and  we  do  not  wish  to  limit  ourselves  by  treaty 
restrictions. 

In  England  many  persons  of  influence  and  different  chambers  of  com 
merce  are  earnestly  in  favor  of  the  proposed  chang'e  in  their  coinage.  The 
change  is  so  slight  with  them  that  an  enlightened  self-interest  will  soon 
induce  them  to  make  it,  especially  if  we  make  the  greater  change  in  our 


348  RECOLLECTIONS 

coinage.  We  have  some  difficulty  in  adjusting  existing  contracts  with  the 
new  dollar  ;  but  as  contracts  are  now  based  upon  the  fluctuating  value  of 
paper  money,  even  the  reduced  dollar  in  coin  will  be  of  more  purchasable 
value  than  our  currency. 

We  can  easily  adjust  the  reduction  with  the  public  creditors  in  the 
payment  or  conversion  of  their  securities,  while  private  creditors  might  be 
authorized  to  recover  upon  the  old  standard.  All  these  are  matters  of  detail 
to  which  I  hope  the  commission  will  direct  their  attention. 

And  now,  my  dear  sir,  allow  me  to  say  in  conclusion  that  I  heartily 
sympathize  with  you  and  others  in  your  efforts  to  secure  the  adoption  of  the 
metrical  system  of  weights  and  measures. 

The  tendency  of  the  age  is  to  break  down  all  needless  restrictions  upon 
social  and  commercial  intercourse.  Nations  are  now  as  much  akin  to  each 
other  as  provinces  were  of  old.  Prejudices  disappear  by  contact.  People 
of  different  nations  learn  to  respect  each  other  as  they  find  that  their  differ 
ences  are  the  effect  of  social  and  local  custom,  not  founded  upon  good  rea 
sons.  I  trust  that  the  industrial  commission  will  enable  the  world  to  compute 
the  value  of  all  productions  by  the  same  standard,  to  measure  by  the  same 
yard  or  meter,  and  weigh  by  the  same  scales. 

Such  a  result  would  be  of  greater  value  than  the  usual  employments 
of  diplomatists  and  statesmen.  I  am  very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

As  the  result  of  its  investigation  the  commission  agreed, 
with  entire  unanimity,  that  the  gold  five-franc  piece  should  be 
adopted  as  the  unit  of  value,  and  that  the  coins  of  all  nations 
represented  should  be  based  upon  that  unit  or  multiples 
thereof.  This  would  require  a  slight  change  in  the  quantity 
of  gold  in  the  dollar  of  the  United  States,  amounting  to  a  re 
duction  of  about  three  cents,  a  reduction  in  the  pound  ster 
ling  of  England  of  about  one  penny,  and  a  slight  reduction 
or  increase  in  the  gold  coins  of  other  countries. 

Mr.  Kuggles  reported  the  proceedings  and  recommendation 
of  the  commission  to  the  President,  and  his  report  was  referred 
to  Congress. 

A  private  letter  to  me  from  Mr.  Ruggles,  dated  December 
30,  1867,  shows  the  nature  of  the  opposition  to  the  measure 
proposed,  being  entirely  from  British  opposition  to  a  change  in 
the  pound  sterling.  He  wrote: 

NEW  YORK,  December  30,  1867. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SHERMAN  : — You  may  have  perceived,  within  the  last 
week,  articles  in  the  'New  York  Evening  Post,'  the  'New  York  Times' 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  349 

and  the  'World,'  on  the  subject  of  the  proposed  monetary  unification;  the 
first  denying  its  propriety,  the  second  its  practicability,  and  the  third  un 
derrating  its  importance. 

The  articles  are  hastily  and  ignorantly  and,  in  some  respects,  bitterly 
written.  My  first  impulse  was  to  briefly  answer  each  of  them  in  its  respec 
tive  newspaper.  On  further  reflection,  it  seemed  more  decorous  that,  as  a 
member  of  the  « conference,'  I  should  first  appear  before  the  Senate  commit 
tee  now  in  possession  of  all  the  papers,  and  there  render  any  proper  expla 
nations,  and  not  obtrude  myself  as  a  combatant  in  the  newspapers,  prema 
turely  and  only  partially  defending  my  official  action.  If,  however,  you 
should  think  that  the  articles  should  be  answered  without  delay,  I  could 
readily  cause  it  to  be  done,  by  other  persons. 

I  cannot  but  think  that  the  dignity  of  the  subject,  formally  presented 
as  it  now  is,  to  our  national  authorities,  by  a  diplomatic  assemblage  repre 
senting  nearly  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  Christian  world,  entitles  it  to 
a  full  discussion  before  the  Senate  committee,  to  be  followed  by  a  maturely 
considered  report,  fairly  weighing  and  presenting  to  the  country  all  the 
merits  and  demerits,  facilities  and  difficulties  of  the  measure. 

I  am  just  at  the  moment  confined  to  my  house  by  an  'influenza,'  but 
if  I  can  be  of  any  service,  either  before  the  committee  or  elsewhere,  I  shall 
hold  myself  subject  to  your  official  call,  for  any  duty,  after  the  7th  or  8th 
of  January,  which  you  may  indicate. 

You  must  have  perceived  that  my  report  to  the  department  of  state, 
having  in  view  the  possibility  of  European  readers,  abstained  from  some 
considerations  which  might  properly  be  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  com 
mittee  of  the  American  Senate. 

It  is  strange,  indeed,  to  see  American  newspapers  eagerly  maintaining 
the  inviolability  of  the  'pound  sterling,' when  it  has  become  entirely  evi 
dent  that  the  great  monetary  struggle  of  the  future  must  lie  between  the 
British  pound  and  the  American  dollar.  In  truth,  this  was  virtually  admitted 
in  the  '  conference '  by  Mr.  Graham,  one  of  the  British  delegates,  and  mas 
ter  of  the  royal  mint.  With  high  regard,  faithfully  yours, 

SAMUEL  B.  RUGGLES. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 

Chairman  Senate  Finance  Committee,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

We  were  called  upon  to  legislate  upon  the  subject.  The 
French  government  promptly  acquiesced  in  the  coin  proposed. 
Mr.  Ruggles'  report  said  that  several  governments  had  already 
assented  to  it.  The  report  was  referred  to  the  committee  on 
finance  of  the  Senate,  who  submitted  a  favorable  report  with  a 
bill  to  carry  out  the  recommendations,  and  that  report  was 
published.  There  was  no  dissent  from  the  plan  except  that 


350  RECOLLECTIONS 

Senator  Morgan,  of  New  York,  thought  it  wouid  interfere 
with  the  profit  of  New  York  brokers  in  changing  dollars  into 
pounds.  As  a  matter  of  course,  it  would  have  interfered  with 
the  exchanges  of  New  York  and  London,  the  great  money  cen 
ters  of  the  world.  It  would  have  interfered  with  bullion  deal 
ers  who  make  profit  in  exchanging  coins ;  but  the  whole  of  it 
was  for  the  benefit  of  each  country. 

No  man  can  estimate  the  benefit  it  would  have  conferred 
upon  our  own  people.  It  was  only  defeated  by  the  refusal  of 
Great  Britain  to  assent  to  the  change  of  her  pound  sterling  by 
the  reduction  of  its  value  about  one  penny.  But  pride  in 
its  existing  coins,  so  strong  in  that  country,  defeated  the  meas 
ure,  although  it  had  been  assented  to  by  her  representatives  in 
that  monetary  congress ;  and  so  the  thing  ended. 

It  is  easy  now  to  perceive  that  if  this  international  coin 
had  been  agreed  to  it  would  have  passed  current  everywhere, 
as  it  could  rapidly  be  exchanged  at  sight  without  going  through 
the  hands  of  brokers.  I  do  not  believe  that  Mr.  Morgan  would 
have  insisted  on  his  opposition,  as  the  only  ground  of  his  ob 
jection  was,  it  would  have  destroyed  the  business  of  the  money 
changers  of  New  York.  Even  his  resistance  would  have  been 
ineffectual,  as  the  committee  and  the  Senate  were  decidedly  in 
favor  of  the  bill  and  the  opposition  of  New  York  brokers 
would  have  added  strength  to  the  measure. 

The  greatest  statesmen  of  Europe  and  America  have  sought 
for  many  years  to  unify  the  coinage  of  nations,  and  to  adopt 
common  standards  of  weights  and  measures,  so  that  commerce 
may  be  freed  from  the  restrictions  now  imposed  upon  it,  but 
Great  Britain  has  steadily  opposed  all  these  enlightened  meas 
ures,  and  thus  far  has  been  able  to  defeat  them. 

My  report  from  the  committee  on  finance,  made  to  the  Sen 
ate  June  7,  1868,  contains  a  full  statement  of  the  acts  of  the 
monetary  conference  at  Paris,  and  of  the  approval  of  its  action 
by  many  of  the  countries  there  represented,  and  of  the  support 
given  to  the  plan  in  Great  Britain  by  many  of  her  ablest  states 
men  and  the  great  body  of  her  commercial  classes,  but  the 
party  then  in  power  in  parliament  refused  its  sanction,  and 
thus,  as  already  stated,  the  measure  failed. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  351 

It  has  been  quite  common,  during  recent  discussions  about 
silver,  to  attribute  the  alleged  demonetization  of  that  metal  to 
the  action  of  the  Paris  monetary  conference.  In  1867,  when 
this  conference  was  in  session,  as  already  stated,  sixteen  ounces 
of  silver  were  worth  more  than  one  ounce  of  gold.  Fifteen  and 
one-half  ounces  of  silver  were  the  legal  equivalent  of  one  ounce 
of  gold  in  all  European  countries.  No  suggestion  was  made  or 
entertained  to  disturb  the  circulation  of  silver.  The  only  ob 
ject  sought  was  to  secure  some  common  coin  by  which  other 
coins  could  be  easily  measured.  As  gold  was  the  most  valuable 
metal  in  smallest  space,  and  the  five-franc  gold  piece  of  France 
was  the  best  unit  by  which  other  coins  could  be  measured, 
other  gold  coins  were  to  be  of  multiples  of  the  unit,  so  that  five 
francs  would  be  a  dollar  and  five  dollars  would  be  a  pound. 
The  coins  of  other  nations  would  be  made  to  conform  to  mul 
tiples  of  this  unit. 

It  was  perfectly  understood  that,  while  silver  was  the  chief 
coin  in  domestic  exchanges  in  every  country,  it  was  not  con 
venient  for  foreign  commerce,  owing  to  its  bulk.  The  ratio 
between  gold  and  silver  was  purely  a  domestic  matter,  to  be 
determined  by  each  country  for  itself.  It  is  apparent  that  the 
chief  cause  of  the  fall  of  the  market  value  of  silver  is  its  in 
creased  production.  This  affects  the  price  of  every  commodity, 
cotton,  corn,  or  wheat  as  well  as  silver.  The  law  of  supply  and 
demand  regulates  value.  It  is  the  "  higher  law  "  more  potent 
than  acts  of  Congress.  If  the  supply  is  in  excess  of  demand 
the  price  will  fall,  in  spite  of  legislation.  The  most  striking 
evidence  of  this  was  furnished  by  our  recent  legislation  by 
which  we  purchased  over  400,000,000  ounces  of  silver  at  its 
market  value  and  hoarded  it,  and  yet  the  price  of  it  steadily 
declined.  We  can  coin  it  into  silver  dollars,  but  we  can  keep 
these  dollars  at  par  with  gold  only  by  receiving  them  as  the 
equal  of  gold  when  offered. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

Judiciary  Committee's  Resolution  Fails  of  Adoption  by  a  Vote  of  57  Yeas  to  108 
Nays  — Johnson's  Attempt  to  Remove  Secretary  Stanton  and  Create  a  New 
Office  for  General  Sherman  — Correspondence  on  the  Subject  — Report  of 
the  Committee  on  Impeachment,  and  Other  Matters  Pertaining  to 
the  Appointment    of  Lorenzo  Thomas  —  Impeachment  Resolu 
tion  Passed  by  the  House  by  a  Vote  of  126  Yeas  to  47 
Nays  —  Johnson's  Trial  by  the  Senate  —  Acquittal  of 
the  President  by  a  Vote  of  35  Guilty  to  19  Not 
Guilty  —  Why     I     Favored     Conviction  — 
General  Schofield  Becomes  Secretary  of 
War— "Tenure   of    Office    Act." 

DURING  the  spring  and  summer  of  1867  the  question 
of  impeaching  Andrew  Johnson,   President  of    the 
United  States,  was  frequently  discussed  in  the  House 
of  Representatives.     The  resolutions  relating  to  his 
impeachment  were  introduced  by  James  M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio,  on 
the  7th  of  March,  1867,  and  they  were  adopted  on  the  same  day. 
These  resolutions  instructed  the   judiciary  committee,  when 
appointed,  to  continue  the   inquiry,  previously  ordered,  into 
certain  charges  preferred  against  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  with  authority  to  sit  during  the  sessions  of  the  House, 
and  during  any  recess  the  Congress  might  take. 

On  the  25th  of  November,  1867,  a  majority  of  the  committee 
on  the  judiciary  reported  a  resolution  of  impeachment,  as 
follows  : 

"  Resolved,  That  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  be 
impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors." 

This  resolution  was  accompanied  by  a  long  report  and  the 
testimony,  all  of  which  was  ordered  to  be  printed,  and  made  the 
special  order  for  Wednesday,  December  4,  1867.  James  F.  Wil 
son,  of  Iowa,  made  a  minority  report  against  the  resolution  of  im 
peachment,  signed  by  himself  and  Frederick  E.  Woodbridge,  of 
Vermont.  Samuel  S.  Marshall,  of  Illinois,  also  made  a  minority 
report  in  behalf  of  himself  and  Charles  A.  Eldridge,  of  Wisconsin. 

(352) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  353 

On  the  7th  of  December,  the  resolution  of  impeachment 
reported  by  the  committee  on  the  judiciary  at  the  previous  ses 
sion  was  disagreed  to  by  a  vote  of  57  yeas  and  108  nays.  This 
decision  of  the  House  of  Representatives  against  an  impeach 
ment  on  the  charges  then  made  was  entirely  justified.  This 
imposing  process  was  not  authorized  for  misconduct,  immoral 
ity,  intoxication  or  neglect  of  duties,  such  as  were  alleged  in 
the  report  of  the  committee,  but  only  for  high  crimes  or 
misdemeanors.  The  House  properly  made  this  distinction, 
and  here  the  accusations  against  the  President  would  have 
ended,  but  for  his  attempt,  in  violation  of  the  constitution 
and  law,  to  place  General  Lorenzo  Thomas  in  an  important 
office  without  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  then  in 
session. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1867,  and  the  early  part  of  1868,  I 
became  involved  in  a  controversy,  between  President  John 
son,  General  Grant  and  General  Sherman,  which  caused  the 
last-named  serious  embarrassment.  As  much  of  the  cor 
respondence  between  these  parties  has  been  published  in 
the  "Sherman  Letters,"  I  think  it  best  not  to  insert  them 
here. 

At  this  time  President  Johnson  had  come  to  open  disagree 
ment  with  Mr.  Stanton,  his  Secretary  of  War,  and  wished  to 
force  him  from  the  cabinet.  Mr.  Stanton  had  refused  to  resign 
and  had  been  upheld  by  Congress.  The  President  then  turned 
for  help  in  his  difficulties  to  General  Grant,  commanding  the 
army ;  but  the  latter  found  that  any  interference  on  his  part 
would  be  illegal  and  impossible. 

Mr.  Johnson  then  planned  to  create  a  new  office  for  General 
Sherman,  that  of  brevet  general  of  the  army,  in  order  to  bring 
him  to  Washington. 

This  idea  of  the  President  resulted  in  much  annoyance  to 
General  Sherman,  and  a  correspondence  ensued  in  which  the 
General  took  strong  grounds  of  personal  opposition  to  the  plan 
of  being  used  in  a  way  very  embarrassing  and  repugnant  to  him 
self  for  the  furtherance  of  the  President's  side  of  an  angry  con 
troversy.  The  following  telegram  from  him  explains  the  final 
action  that  was  taken  in  the  emergency. 


S.— 2 


354  RECOLLECTIONS 

(Telegram.)  Dated  ST.  Louis,  February  14,  1868. 

Received  at  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  February  14. 
To  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN  : 

Oppose  confirmation  of  myself  as  brevet  general  on  ground  that  it  is 
unprecedented,  and  that  it  is  better  not  to  extend  the  system  of  brevets 
above  major  general.  If  I  can't  avoid  coming  to  Washington  I  may  have 
to  resign.  W.  T;  SHERMAN,  Lieutenant  General. 

This  correspondence,  some  of  which  was  published,  excited 
a  great  deal  of  attention,  and  I  received  many  letters  in  regard 
to  it,  one  of  which  I  insert : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  17,  1868. 

DEAR  SHERMAN  : — How  nobly  and  magnanimously  your  gallant  brother 
has  acted.  If  A.  J.  was  not  callous  to  all  that  would  affect  gentlemen  gen 
erally,  he  would  feel  this  rebuke  stingingly.  But  since  he  has  betrayed  the 
men  who  elected  him  he  is  proof  against  such  things. 

Yours  very  truly,  SCHUYLER  COLFAX. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  General  Sherman's  telegram  I  requested 
the  committee  on  military  affairs  to  take  no  action  upon  his 
nomination,  as  he  did  not  desire,  and  would  not  accept,  the 
proposed  compliment. 

A  few  days  after  this,  General  Sherman  went  to  Washing 
ton  in  response  to  the  President's  order,  and  while  there  had 
several  interviews  with  the  President  relating  to  the  change  of 
his  command.  He  objected  very  strongly,  as  has  been  seen,  to 
any  such  change,  because  he  felt  that  he  could  not  hold  a  com 
mand  in  Washington  without  interfering  with  Grant's  interests, 
and  because  he  had  a  rooted  objection  to  living  in  Washington 
in  the  midst  of  the  turmoil  of  politics.  These  objections  were 
embodied  in  three  letters  which  General  Sherman  wrote  and 
showed  to  Grant  before  he  sent  them  to  the  President.  One  of 
them  found  its  way  into  the  public  press  and  created  a  disturb 
ance,  and  thereupon  ensued  another  correspondence  between 
the  parties  interested.  As  all  this  has  long  since  been  pub 
lished  I  do  not  insert  it  here.  Mr.  Johnson  was  a  slave  to  his 
passions  and  prejudices,  and  had  no  hesitancy  in  involving 
others  who  could  have  no  interest  in  his  quarrels.  My  con 
clusions  at  the  time  are  embodied  in  the  following  letter  to 
General  Sherman : 


i?f ' .  *.;7i 


i^t^L**-  4&r-4#^ 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  355 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  March  1,  1868.  \ 

DEAR  BROTHER:  —  Your  letter  of  the  25th  is  received.  I  need  not  say 
to  you  that  the  new  events  transpiring  here  are  narrowly  watched  by  me. 
So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  mean  to  give  Johnson  a  fair  and  impartial  trial, 
and  to  decide  nothing  until  required  to  do  so,  and  after  full  argument.  I  re 
gard  him  as  a  foolish  and  stubborn  man,  doing  even  right  things  in  a  wrong 
way,  and  in  a  position  where  the  evil  that  he  does  is  immensely  increased  by 
his  manner  of  doing  it.  He  clearly  designed  to  have  first  Grant,  and  then 
you,  involved  in  Lorenzo  Thomas'  position,  and  in  this  he  is  actuated  by  his 
recent  revolt  against  Stanton.  How  easy  it  would  have  been,  if  he  had  fol 
lowed  your  advice,  to  have  made  Stanton  anxious  to  resign,  or  what  is  worse, 
to  have  made  his  position  ridiculous.  By  his  infernal  folly  we  are  drifting 
into  turbulent  waters.  The  only  way  is  to  keep  cool  and  act  conscientiously. 
I  congratulate  you  on  your  lucky  extrication.  I  do  not  anticipate  civil  war, 
for  our  proceeding  is  unquestionably  lawful,  and  if  the  judgment  is  against 
the  President,  his  term  is  just  as  clearly  out  as  if  the  4th  of  March,  1869,  was 
come.  The  result,  if  he  is  convicted,  would  cast  the  undivided  responsibility 
of  reconstruction  upon  the  Republican  party,  and  would  unquestionably 
secure  the  full  admission  of  all  the  states  by  July  next,  and  avoid  the  danger 
ous  questions  that  may  otherwise  arise  out  of  the  southern  vote  in  the  Presi 
dential  election.  It  is  now  clear  that  Grant  will  be  a  candidate,  and  his 
election  seems  quite  as  clear.  The  action  of  North  Carolina  removed  the  last 
doubt  of  his  nomination.  Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

A  little  later  I  wrote: 

You  notice  the  impeachment  proceedings  have  commenced.  As  a 
matter  of  course,  I  have  nothing  to  say  about  them.  It  is  strange  that  they 
have  so  little  effect  on  prices  and  business.  The  struggle  has  been  so  long 
that  the  effect  has  been  discounted.  .  . 

The  President  was  very  anxious  to  send  you  to  Louisiana,  and  only 
gave  it  up  by  reason  of  your  Indian  command.  He  might  think  that  your 
visit  to  Europe  now  was  not  consistent  with  the  reason  given  for  your  re 
maining  at  St.  Louis.  Still,  on  this  point  you  could  readily  ask  his  opinion, 
and  if  that  agrees  with  Grant's  you  need  feel  no  delicacy  in  going.  No 
more  favorable  opportunity  or  time  to  visit  Europe  will  likely  occur.  .  .  . 

General  Sherman  responded : 

I  hardly  know  what  to  think  of  the  impeachment.  Was  in  hopes  Mr. 
Johnson  would  be  allowed  to  live  out  his  term,  and  doubt  if  any  good  will 
result  by  a  change  for  the  few  months  still  remaining  of  his  term.  A  new 
cabinet,  and  the  changes  foreshadowed  by  Wade's  friends,  though  natural 
enough,  would  have  insufficient  time  to  do  any  good.  I  have  a  private  let 
ter  from  Grant  as  late  as  March  18,  but  he  says  not  a  word  of  his  political 


356  RECOLLECTIONS 

intentions.     So  far  as  I  know,  he  would  jet  be  glad  of  a  change  that  would 
enable  him  to  remain  as  now.     .     .     . 

On  the  27th  of  February,  1868,  Mr.  Stevens  made  the  follow 
ing  report : 

"  The  committee  on  reconstruction,  to  whom  was  referred,  on  the  27th 
of  January  last,  the  following  resolution  : 

"'  Resolved,  That  the  committee  on  reconstruction  be  authorized  to 
inquire  what  combinations  have  been  made  or  attempted  to  be  made  to 
obstruct  the  due  execution  of  the  laws  ;  and  to  that  end  the  committee  have 
power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  to  examine  witnesses  on  oath,  and 
report  to  this  House  what  action,  if  any,  they  may  deem  necessary  ;  and 
that  said  committee  have  leave  to  report  at  any  time.' 

"And  to  whom  was  also  referred,  on  the  21st  day  of  February,  instant,  a 
communication  from  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  dated  on 
said  21st  day  of  February,  together  with  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Andrew 
Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  the  said  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  as 
follows  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  21,  1868.  J 

SIR  :  —  By  virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  vested  in  me,  as  President, 
by  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  you  are  hereby  removed 
from  office  as  secretary  for  the  department  of  war,  and  your  functions  as 
such  wrill  terminate  upon  the  receipt  of  this  communication. 

You  will  transfer  to  Brevet  Major  General  Lorenzo  Thomas,  Adjutant 
General  of  the  Army,  who  has  this  day  been  authorized  and  empowered  to 
act  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim,  all  records,  books,  papers,  and  other 
public  property  now  in  your  custody  and  charge. 

Respectfully  yours, 

ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
HON.  EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"And  to  whom  was  also  referred  by  the  House  of  Representatives  the 
following  resolution,  namely  : 

" '  Resolved,  That  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  be 
impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  :' 

"  Have  considered  the  several  subjects  referred  to  them,  and  submit  the 
following  report  : 

"  *  That  in  addition  to  the  papers  referred  to  the  committee,  the  committee 
find  that  the  President,  on  the  21st  day  of  February,  1868,  signed  and  issued 
a  commission  or  letter  of  authority  to  one  Lorenzo  Thomas,  directing  and 
authorizing  said  Thomas  to  act  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim,  and  to  take 
possession  of  the  books,  records,  and  papers,  and  other  public  property  in 
the  war  department,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,        ) 
WASHINGTON,  February  21,  1868. f 

SIR: — Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton  having  been  this  day  removed  from  office  as  sec 
retary  for  the  department  of  war,  you  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to  act 
as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim,  and  will  immediately  enter  upon  the  discharge  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  357 

the  duties  pertaining  to  that  office.  Mr.  Stanton  has  been  instructed  to  transfer  to 
you  all  the  records,  books,  papers,  and  other  public  property  now  in  his  custody  and 
charge.  Respectfully  yours,  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

To  BREVET  MAJOR  GENERAL  LORENZO  THOMAS,  Adjutant  General  of  the  United 
States  Army,  Washington,  District  of  Columbia. 

Official  copy  respectfully  furnished  to  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton. 

L.  THOMAS, 
Secretary  of  War  ad  interim? 

"  Upon  the  evidence  collected  by  the  committee,  which  is  herewith  pre 
sented,  and  in  virtue  of  the  powers  with  which  they  have  been  invested  by 
the  House,  they  are  of  the  opinion  that  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the 
United  States,  be  impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.  They  there 
fore  recommend  to  the  House  the  adoption  of  the  accompanying  resolution  : 

THADDEUS  STEVENS, 
GEORGE  S.  BOUTWELL, 
JOHN  A.  BINGHAM, 
C.  T.  HULBURD, 
JOHN  F.  FARNSWOETH, 
F.  C.  BEAMAN, 
H.  E.  PAINE." 

"  Resolution  providing  for  the  impeachment  of  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  : 

"'JResolved,  That  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  be 
impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  in  office.'  " 

On  the  24th  of  February  the  resolution  providing  for  im 
peachment  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  126  yeas  and  47  nays. 

On  the  same  day  Mr.  Stevens  introduced  the  following  reso 
lution,  which  was  agreed  to : 

"  Itesolved,  That  a  committee  of  two  be  appointed  to  go  to  the  Senate 
and,  at  the  bar  thereof,  in  the  name  of  the  House  of  Representatives  and  of 
all  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to  impeach  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  in  office,  and 
acquaint  the  Senate  that  the  House  of  Representatives  will,  in  due  time, 
exhibit  particular  articles  of  impeachment  against  him  and  make  good  the 
same  ;  and  that  the  committee  do  demand  that  the  Senate  take  order  for  the 
appearance  of  said  Andrew  Johnson  to  answer  to  said  impeachment. 

11  2.  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  seven  be  appointed  to  prepare  and 
report  articles  of  impeachment  against  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the 
United  States,  with  power  to  send  for  persons,  papers,  and  records,  and  to 
take  testimony  under  oath." 

The  speaker  then  announced  the  following  committees 
under  these  resolutions : 

Committee  to  communicate  to  the  Senate  the  action  of  the  House  order 
ing  an  impeachment  of  the  President  of  the  United  States: — Thaddeus 
Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  John  A.  Bingham,  of  Ohio. 


358  RECOLLECTIONS 

Committee  to  declare  articles  of  impeachment  against  the  President  of 
the  United  States  :  —  George  S.  Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts  ;  Thaddeus 
Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  John  A.  Bingham,  of  Ohio  ;  James  F.  Wilson,  of 
Iowa  ;  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois  ;  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana  ;  and 
Hamilton  Ward,  of  New  York. 

The  trial  of  this  impeachment  by  the  Senate  was  an  impos 
ing  spectacle,  which  excited  profound  interest  during  its  con 
tinuance.  It  was  soon  developed  that  the  gravamen  of  the 
charges  was  not  the  removal  of  Stanton,  but  was  the  attempt 
of  the  President  to  force  General  Lorenzo  Thomas  into  a  high 
office  without  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate. 

In  the  trial  of  this  impeachment  I  wished  to  be,  and  I  think 
I  was,  absolutely  impartial.  I  liked  the  President  personally 
and  harbored  against  him  none  of  the  prejudice  and  animosity 
of  some  others.  I  knew  he  was  bold  and  rash,  better  fitted  for 
the  storms  of  political  life  than  the  grave  responsibilities  of 
the  chief  magistrate  of  a  great  country.  His  education,  such 
as  it  was,  was  acquired  late  in  life,  when  his  character  was 
formed  and  his  habits  fixed.  Still,  his  mind  was  vigorous  and 
his  body  strong,  and  when  thoroughly  aroused  he  was  an  able 
speaker ;  his  language  was  forcible  and  apt  and  his  influence 
over  a  popular  audience  was  effective.  I  disliked  above  all 
things  to  be  a  judge  in  his  case.  I  knew  some  of  my  associates 
were  already  against  the  President,  and  others  were  as  decided 
in  his  favor.  I  resolutely  made  up  my  mind,  so  far  as  human 
nature  would  admit,  to  fairly  hear  and  impartially  consider 
all  the  evidence  produced  and  all  the  arguments  made. 

The  counsel  for  the  President  were  Henry  Stanbery,  B.  R. 
Curtis,  Jeremiah  S.  Black,  William  M.  Evarts,  William  S.  G roes- 
beck,  and  Thomas  A.  R.  Nelson.  The  managers  on  the  part  ol 
the  House  of  Representatives  were  John  A.  Bingham,  George 
S.  Boutwell,  James  F.  Wilson,  John  A.  Logan,  Thomas  Wil 
liams,  Benjamin  F.  Butler  and  Thaddeus  Stevens.  The  trial 
lasted  nearly  two  months,  was  ably  conducted  on  both  sides, 
and  ended  by  the  acquittal  of  the  President,  on  the  eleventh 
article  of  impeachment,  by  a  vote  of  35  guilty  and  19  not  guilty. 
Two-thirds  of  those  voting  not  having  pronounced  "  guilty,"  as 
required  by  the  constitution,  the  President  was  acquitted  upon 
this  article.  Two  other  articles  were  voted  on  with  the  same 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  359 

result.  Thereupon,  on  the  26th  day  of  May,  1868,  the  Senate 
sitting  as  a  court  of  impeachment  adjourned  without  day. 
Mr.  Stanton  resigned  and  General  Schofield  became  Secretary 
of  War. 

I  voted  for  conviction  for  the  reasons  stated  in  the  opin 
ion  given  by  me.  I  have  carefully  reviewed  this  opinion  and 
am  entirely  content  with  it.  I  stated  in  the  beginning  my 
desire  to  consider  the  case  without  bias  or  feeling.  I  quote  in 
full  the  opening  paragraphs: 

"  This  cause  must  be  decided  upon  the  reasons  and  presumptions  which 
by  law  apply  to  all  other  criminal  accusations.  Justice  is  blind  to  the 
official  station  of  the  respondent,  and  to  the  attitude  of  the  accusers  speak 
ing  in  the  name  of  all  the  people  of  the  United  States.  It  only  demands  of 
the  Senate  the  application  to  this  cause  of  the  principles  and  safeguards 
provided  for  every  human  being  accused  of  crime.  For  the  proper  appli 
cation  of  these  principles  we  ourselves  are  on  trial  before  the  bar  of  public 
opinion.  The  noveity  of  this  proceeding,  the  historical  character  of  the 
trial,  and  the  grave  interests  involved,  only  deepen  the  obligation  of  the 
special  oath  we  have  taken  to  do  impartial  justice  according  to  the  constitu 
tion  and  laws. 

"And  this  case  must  be  tried  upon  the  charges  now  made  by  the  House 
of  Representatives.  We  cannot  consider  other  offenses.  An  appeal  is  made 
to  the  conscience  of  each  Senator  of  guilty  or  not  guilty  by  the  President 
of  eleven  specific  offenses.  In  answering  this  appeal  a  Senator  cannot  jus 
tify  himself  by  public  opinion,  or  by  political,  personal,  or  partisan  demands, 
or  even  grave  considerations  of  public  policy.  His  conscientious  conviction 
of  the  truth  of  these  charges  is  the  only  test  that  will  justify  a  verdict  of 
guilty.  God  forbid  that  any  other  should  prevail  here.  In  forming  this 
conviction  we  are  not  limited  merely  to  the  rules  of  evidence,  which,  by  the 
experience  of  ages,  have  been  found  best  adapted  to  the  trial  of  offenses  in 
the  double  tribunal  of  court  and  jury,  but  we  may  seek  light  from  history, 
from  personal  knowledge,  and  from  all  sources  that  will  tend  to  form  a  con 
scientious  conviction  of  the  truth.  And  we  are  not  bound  to  technical  defi 
nitions  of  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

"A  willful  violation  of  the  law,  a  gross  and  palpable  breach  of  moral 
obligations  tending  to  unfit  an  officer  for  the  proper  discharge  of  his  office, 
or  to  bring  the  office  into  public  contempt  and  derision,  is,  when  charged 
and  proven,  an  impeachable  offense.  And  the  nature  and  criminality  of 
the  offense  may  depend  on  the  official  character  of  the  accused.  A  judge 
would  be  held  to  higher  official  purity,  and  an  executive  officer  to  a  stricter 
observance  of  the  letter  of  the  law.  The  President,  bound  as  a  citizen  to 
obey  the  law,  and  specially  sworn  to  execute  the  law,  may  properly,  in  his 
high  office  as  chief  magistrate,  be  held  to  a  stricter  responsibility  than  if  his 
example  was  less  dangerous  to  the  public  safety.  Still,  to  justify  the  con- 


360  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

viction  of  the  President  there  must  be  specific  allegations  of  some  crime  or 
misdemeanor  involving  moral  turpitude,  gross  misconduct,  or  a  willful  vio 
lation  of  law,  and  the  proof  must  be  such  as  to  satisfy  the  conscience  of  the 
truth  of  the  charge. 

"The  principal  charges  against  the  President  are  that  he  willfully  and 
purposely  violated  the  constitution  and  the  laws,  in  the  order  for  the  re 
moval  of  Mr.  Stanton,  and  in  the  order  for  the  appointment  of  General 
Thomas  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim.  These  two  orders  were  con 
temporaneous —  part  of  the  same  transaction  —  but  are  distinct  acts,  and  are 
made  the  basis  of  separate  articles  of  impeachment." 

I  stated  the  grounds  of  my  conviction  that  the  action  of 
the  President,  in  placing  Lorenzo  Thomas  in  charge  of  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  War,  without  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  was  a  clearly  illegal  act,  committed  for  the  pur 
pose  of  obtaining  control  of  that  office.  I  held  that  the  Presi 
dent  had  the  power  to  remove  Secretary  Stanton,  but  that  he 
had  not  the  power  to  put  anyone  in  his  place  unless  the  per 
son  appointed  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate. 

Did  the  act  of  March  2,  1867,  commonly  known  as  the 
"tenure  cf  office  act,"  confer  this  authority?  On  the  con 
trary,  it  plainly  prohibits  all  temporary  appointments  ex 
cept  as  specially  provided  for.  The  third  section  repeats  the 
constitutional  authority  of  the  President  to  fill  all  vacancies 
happening  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate  by  death  or  resigna 
tion,  and  provides  that  if  no  appointment  is  made  during  the 
following  session  to  fill  such  vacancy,  the  office  shall  remain  in 
abeyance  until  an  appointment  is  duly  made  and  confirmed,  and 
provision  is  made  for  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  office  in 
the  meantime.  The  second  section  provides  for  the  suspension 
of  an  officer  during  the  recess,  and  for  a  temporary  appoint 
ment  during  the  recess.  This  power  was  exercised  and  fully  ex 
hausted  by  the  suspension  of  Mr.  Stanton  until  restored  by  the 
Senate,  in  compliance  with  the  law.  No  authority  whatever 
is  conferred  by  this  act  for  any  temporary  appointment  during 
the  session  of  the  Senate,  but,  on  the  contrary,  such  an  ap 
pointment  is  plainly  inconsistent  with  the  act,  and  could  not 
be  inferred  or  implied  from  it. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
THE  FORTIETH  CONGRESS. 

Legislation  During  the  Two  Years  —  Further  Reduction  of  the  Currency  by  the 
Secretary  Prohibited  —  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Conference— Bill  for  Re 
funding   the   National   Debt  — Amounted   to    $2,639,382,572.68  on  De 
cember  1,  1867  —  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments  Recommended  — 
Refunding  Bill   in  the  Senate  —  Change  in  My  Views— Debate 
Participated  in  by  Nearly    Every   Senator  — Why  the  Bill 
Failed   to  Become  a   Law  —  Breach   Between   Congress 
and  the  President  Paralyzes  Legislation  —  Nomina 
tion  and  Election  of  Grant  for  President  —  His 
Correspondence  with   General    Sherman. 

DURING  the  40th  Congress,  extending  from  the  4th  of 
March,  1867,  to  the  4th  of  March,  1869,  the  chief  sub 
jects  of  debase  were  the  contraction  of  the  currency, 
the  refunding  of  the  public  debt,  the  payment  of 
United  States  notes  in  coin,  and  a  revision  of  the  laws  impos 
ing  internal  taxation  and  duties  on  imported  goods. 

Early  in  the  first  session  of  this  Congress,  the  opposition  of 
the  people  to  the  policy  of  contraction,  constantly  pressed  by 
Secretary  McCulloch,  became  so  imperative  that  both  Houses 
determined  to  take  from  him  all  power  to  diminish  the  volume 
of  currency  then  in  circulation.  On  the  5th  of  December,  1867, 
Robert  C.  Schenck,  chairman  of  the  committee  of  ways  and 
means,  reported  a  bill  in  the  following  words  : 

"  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  so  much  of  an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  amend 
an  act  to  provide  ways  and  means  to  support  the  government,"  approved 
April  12,  1866,  as  authorizes  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  retire  United 
States  notes  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  $4,000,000  in  any  one  month,  is 
hereby  repealed. 

"  Sec.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  from  and  after  the  passage 
of  this  act  the  further  reduction  of  the  currency  by  retiring  or  canceling 
United  States  notes  shall  be,  and  hereby  is,  prohibited." 

This  bill  was  taken  up  for  consideration  on  the  7th  of 
December,  and,  after  a  brief  debate,  with  little  opposition, 

(361) 


362  RECOLLECTIONS 

passed  the  House  by  the  vote  of  127  yeas  and  32  nays.  It  was 
sent  to  the  Senate,  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance,  and 
was  carefully  considered.  That  committee,  with  but  two  dis 
senting  voices,  directed  me  to  report  the  bill  to  the  Senate  with 
a  single  amendment.  On  the  9th  of  January,  1868,  I  called  up 
the  bill  for  consideration,  and  made  a  brief  explanation,  in 
which  I  said  the  committee,  after  full  reflection,  had  thought 
proper  to  recommend  the  passage  of  the  bill  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  in  substance  as  it  was  sent  to  us,  only  chang 
ing  the  phraseology.  I  said  that  the  bill  contemplated  further 
legislation  during  that  session.  It  was  understood  by  all  that 
some  more  comprehensive  measures  must  be  adopted  dur 
ing  that  session,  but  until  further  legislation  there  should 
be  no  more  contraction  of  the  currency.  I  thus  stated  the 
reasons  which,  in  my  opinion,  justified  the  passage  of  the 
bill: 

"  First.  It  will  satisfy  the  public  mind  that  no  further  contraction  will 
be  made  when  industry  is  in  a  measure  paralyzed.  We  hear  the  complaint 
from  all  parts  of  the  country,  from  all  branches  of  industry,  from  every 
state  in  the  Union,  that  industry  for  some  reason  is  paralyzed,  and  that  trade 
and  enterprise  are  not  so  well  rewarded  as  they  were.  Many,  perhaps 
erroneously,  attribute  all  this  to  the  contraction  of  the  currency — a  contrac 
tion  that  I  believe  is  unexampled  in  the  history  of  any  nation.  $140,000- 
000  have  been  withdrawn  out  of  $737,000,000  in  less  than  two  years.  There 
is  no  example,  that  I  know  of,  of  such  rapid  contraction.  It  may  be  wise,  it 
may  be  beneficial,  but  still  it  has  been  so  rapid  as  to  excite  a  stringency 
that  is  causing  complaint,  and  I  think  the  people  have  a  right  to  be  relieved 
from  that. 

"  Second.  This  bill  will  restore  to  the  legislature  their  power  over  the 
currency,  a  power  too  important  to  be  delegated  to  any  single  officer  of  the 
government.  I  do  not  wish  to  renew  the  discussion  that  occurred  here  two 
years  ago  on  the  passage  of  the  law  of  April  12,  1866;  but  it  is  still  my 
opinion,  as  it  has  been  always,  that  the  question  of  the  amount  of  currency 
ought  to  be  fixed  by  Congress.  We  have  the  power  to  coin  money,  and  to 
regulate  the  value  thereof.  We  have  coined  money  in  the  form  of  paper 
money,  and  certainly  the  power  of  Congress  in  this  respect  ought  not  to  be 
delegated  to  any  single  officer.  If  contraction  ought  to  be  established  as 
the  policy  it  should  be  by  Congress,  not  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  it  is  not  wise  to  confer  upon  any  officer  of  the  government  a  power  of 
this  kind,  which  can  be  and  may  be  properly  controlled  and  limited  by 
Congress. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  363 

"  Third.  This  will  strongly  impress  upon  Congress  the  imperative  duty 
of  acting  wisely  upon  financial  measures,  for  the  responsibility  will  then 
rest  entirely  upon  Congress,  and  will  not  be  shared  with  them  by  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  Fourth.  It  will  encourage  business  men  to  continue  old,  and  embark 
in  new,  enterprises,  when  they  are  assured  that  no  change  will  be  made  in 
the  measure  of  value  without  the  open  and  deliberate  consent  of  their 
representatives. 

"  These  considerations  are  amply  sufficient  to  justify  this  measure,  but 
it  is  only  preliminary  to  others  of  far  greater  importance  that  must  command 
our  attention.  These  involve  — 

"  1.  The  existence  of  the  banking  system  of  the  United  States. 

"  2.  The  time  and  manner  of  resuming  specie  payments. 

"  3.  The  mode  of  redeeming  the  debt  of  the  United  States  and  the 
kind  of  money  in  which  it  may  be  redeemed  ;  and,  in  this  connection,  the 
taxes,  if  any,  that  may  be  levied  upon  the  public  creditors. 

"  4.  Such  a  reduction  of  our  expenditures  and  taxes  as  will  relieve  our 
constituents,  as  far  as  practicable,  from  the  burdens  resulting  from  the  re 
cent  war." 

This  led  to  a  long  debate,  which  continued  until  the  15th  of 
January,  when  the  bill,  as  amended,  passed  by  a  vote  of  33  yeas 
and  4  nays. 

These  decisive  votes  against  contraction  definitely  settled 
the  policy  of  the  government  to  retain  in  circulation  the  then 
existing  volume  of  United  States  notes.  The  disagreement  be 
tween  the  two  Houses  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  confer 
ence,  and  the  conferees  reported  the  bill  in  the  following  form : 

"  JSe  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled, 

"  That,  from  and  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  the  authority  of  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury  to  make  any  reduction  of  the  currency,  by  retiring 
or  canceling  United  States  notes,  shall  be,  and  is  hereby,  suspended  ;  but 
nothing  herein  contained  shall  prevent  the  cancellation  and  destruction  of 
mutilated  United  States  notes,  and  the  replacing  of  the  same  with  notes  of 
the  same  character  and  amount." 

This  bill  was  sent  to  the  President,  and,  not  having  been 
returned  by  him  within  ten  days,  it  became  a  law  without  his 
approval,  under  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 

On  the  17th  of  December,  1867,  I  reported  from  the  com 
mittee  on  finance  a  bill  for  refunding  the  national  debt  and 
for  a  conversion  of  the  notes  of  the  United  States.  This  bill 


364  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  accompanied  by  an  elaborate  report.  This  report  was 
carefully  prepared  by  me,  and  met,  I  believe,  the  general  ap 
proval  of  the  committee  on  finance.  In  that  Congress  there 
were  but  five  Democratic  Senators,  and  it  so  happened  that  all 
the  members  of  the  committee  on  finance  were  Republicans, 
but  these  represented  widely  different  opinions  on  financial 
subjects.  I  undertook,  in  this  report,  to  deal  in  a  general  way 
with  these  topics.  Upon  a  careful  reading  of  it  now  I  find  but 
little  that  I  do  not  approve.  The  general  policy  set  out  in  this 
report  was  subsequently  embodied  into  laws,  but  the  measures 
relating  to  refunding  the  debt  and  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments  were  not  adopted  until  several  years  after  the  date 
of  the  report. 

The  ascertained  debt  on  the  first  day  of  December,  1867,  as 
stated  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was  $2,639,382,572.68, 
divided  as  follows : 


DEBT    BEARING    COIN    INTEREST. 


5  per  cent,  bonds,  10-40's  and  old  fives  $205,532,850  00 

6  per  cent,  bonds  of  1867  and  1868.  . .       14,690,941  80 

6  per  cent,  bonds,  1881 282,731,550  00 

6  per  cent.  5-20  bonds 1,324,412,550  00 

Navy  pension  fund 13,000,000  00 

-  $1,840,367,891  80 

DEBT  BEARING  CURRENCY  INTEREST. 

6  per  cent,  bonds 18,601,000  00 

3-year  compound  interest  notes 62,249,360  00 

3-year  7-30  notes 285,587,100  00 

3  per  cent,  certificates 12,855,000  00 

$379,292,460  00 

MATURED    DEBT    NOT    PRESENTED    FOR    PAYMENT. 

3-year  7-30  notes,  due  August  15,  1867  $2,855,400  00 

Compound  interest  notes,  matured  June 
10,  July  15,  August  15,  and  Octo 
ber  15,  1867 7,065,750  00 

Bonds,  Texas  indemnity 260,000  00 

Treasury  notes,  acts  July  17,  1861  and 

prior   thereto 163,011  64 

Bonds,  April  15,  1842 54,061  64 

Treasury  notes,  March  3,  1863 868,240  00 

Temporary    loan 2,880,900  55 

Certificates  of  indebtedness 31,000  00 

$14,178,363  83 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  365 

DEBT  BEARING  NO  INTEREST. 

United  States  notes $356,212,473  00 

Fractional    currency 30,929,984  05 

Gold  certificates  of  deposit 18,401,400  00 

$405,543,857  05 


Total  debt $2,639,382,572  68 

Amount  in  treasury,  coin $100,690,645  69 

Amount  in  treasury,  currency 37,486,175  24 

138,176,820  93 


Amount  of  debt  less  cash  in  treasury $2,501,205,751   75 

Besides  the  amounts  thus  stated  there  were  large  balances 
due  to  loyal  states,  upon  accounts  not  then  rendered  or  ascer 
tained,  and  to  individuals  for  losses  sustained  during  the  war. 

The  ascertained  debt  consisted  of  twenty  different  forms  of 
liability,  some  payable  in  coin  and  some  in  lawful  money. 
Much  of  this  debt  was  due  on  demand,  but  the  great  body  of 
it  was  payable  in  from  one  to  twenty  years,  while  the  unascer 
tained  debt  was  being  stated  from  time  to  time  and  had  to  be 
met  from  accruing  revenues.  Nearly  $300,000,000  of  debt  had 
been  paid  out  of  current  revenue  since  the  close  of  the  war. 
The  first  recommendation  of  the  committee  was  that  the  debt 
should  be  refunded  as  rapidly  as  practicable  into  bonds  bearing 
as  low  a  rate  of  interest  as  possible,  payable  in  twenty  or  thirty 
years,  but  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  in 
five  or  ten  years.  This  recommendation  was  based  on  the  fixed 
policy  of  the  government  to  limit  the  duration  of  a  bond  with 
in  a  lifetime,  and  thus  leave  it  to  the  option  of  the  government 
to  pay  its  indebtedness  and  to  reduce  the  rate  of  interest  after 
a  brief  period,  if  the  condition  of  the  public  revenues  and  of 
the  money  market  should  enable  it  to  do  so. 

Here  the  question  arose  whether  the  bonds  known  as  the 
5-20  bonds  could  be  paid  in  lawful  money  after  the  period  of 
five  years,  when,  by  their  terms,  they  were  redeemable.  These 
bonds  promised  to  pay  so  many  dollars.  Other  bonds  were  spe 
cifically  payable  in  coin,  and  still  other  bonds  were  payable  in 
lawful  money;  that  is,  in  United  States  notes.  These  notes 
were  then  at  a  discount,  being  worth  in  the  market  about  88 
cents  in  coin.  But  the  notes  were  obligations  of  the  United 


366  RECOLLECTIONS 

States,  and  it  was  the  duty,  and  then  within  the  power  of  the 
United  States,  to  advance  these  notes  to  par  in  coin. 

The  majority  of  the  committee,  I  among  them,  believed 
that  the  United  States  should  not  take  advantage  of  its  own 
wrong,  in  not  redeeming  its  notes  in  coin,  but  should  either 
advance  these  notes  to  par  in  coin,  or  pay  its  bonds  in  coin. 
The  committee,  therefore,  recommended  that  both  the  notes 
and  bonds  should  be  received  in  exchange  for  the  funding 
bonds,  and  that  the  notes  should  be  reissued  and  maintained 
at  par  with  coin,  and  be  supported  by  a  reserve  of  coin  ample 
to  maintain  the  notes  at  par  with  coin.  In  other  words,  the 
United  States  would  resume  specie  payments.  The  committee 
expressed  the  opinion  that,  with  the  system  of  taxation  then 
in  existence,  this  policy  of  refunding  and  resumption  could  be 
maintained,  and  that  the  rate  of  interest  then  paid  could  be 
reduced  to  four  or  five  per  cent.,  and  the  money  then  in  circu 
lation  would  be  kept  at  par  with  coin  at  the  cost  only  of  the 
interest  on  the  bullion  and  coin  held  to  meet  any  notes  pre 
sented  for  redemption.  The  committee  also  recommended 
that  the  internal  and  tariff  taxes  be  revised  to  correct  irregu 
larities  or  defects,  and  to  repeal  such  as  were  oppressive. 

While  the  committee  opposed  any  contraction  of  the  cur 
rency  it  also  opposed  any  increase  of  it.  The  general  theory 
of  the  report  was  to  advance  both  bonds  and  notes  to  par  in 
coin,  and  to  issue  bonds  in  such  form  and  terms  that  the  gov 
ernment  could  redeem  them,  or  renew  them  at  lower  rates  of 
interest. 

The  report  states : 

"  Your  committee  are  therefore  of  opinion  that  no  legal  tender  notes, 
beyond  the  amount  now  limited  by  law,  should  be  issued  under  any 
pressure  of  financial  or  political  necessity  until  they  are  convertible  into 
gold  and  silver.  Our  duty  is  to  elevate  the  *  greenback,'  the  standard  of 
national  credit,  to  the  standard  of  gold,  the  money  of  the  world.  Until 
then  we  are  not  on  a  substantial  foundation.  Let  us  make  the  dollar  of  our 
promise  in  the  pocket  of  a  laboring  man  equal  to  the  dollar  of  our  mint. 
The  rapidity  of  the  process  is  a  question  of  public  policy.  It  may  be  by 
gradually  diminishing  the  volume  of  currency,  or  be  left  at  its  present 
amount  until  increased  business  or  improved  credit  bring  it  up  to  the 
specie  standard." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  367 

The  refunding  bill  was  taken  up  by  the  Senate  on  the  27th 
of  February,  1868,  and  was  fully  discussed  by  me.  After  stat 
ing  its  general  objects  I  said : 

"  It  is  with  this  view,  and  actuated  by  this  principle,  that  the  committee 
on  finance  have  endeavored  to  make  this  bill  a  bill  of  relief,  reducing,  if 
possible,  consistent  with  the  public  faith,  the  interest  of  the  public  debt, 
and  giving  increased  value  to  United  States  notes.  We  have  endeavored 
in  this  bill  to  accomplish  three  results  :  First,  to  reduce  the  rate  of  interest 
with  the  voluntary  consent  of  the  holders  of  our  securities  ;  second,  to  make 
a  distinct  provision  for  the  payment  of  the  public  debt ;  and  third,  to  give 
increased  value  to  United  States  notes,  and  to  provide  for  a  gradual  re 
sumption  of  specie  payments.  All  these  are  objects  admitted  to  be  of  the 
highest  importance.  The  only  question  is,  whether  the  measure  proposed 
tends  to  accomplish  them." 

I  then  quoted  the  example  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  in  reducing  the  rate  of  interest  on  public  securities.  I 
do  not  approve  all  I  said  in  that  speech.  It  has  been  fre 
quently  quoted  as  being  inconsistent  with  my  opinions  and  ac 
tion  at  a  later  period.  It  is  more  important  to  be  right  than 
to  be  consistent.  I  then  proposed  to  use  the  doubt  expressed 
by  many  people  as  to  the  right  of  the  government  to  redeem 
the  5-20  bonds  in  the  legal  tender  money  in  circulation  when 
the  bonds  were  sold,  as  an  inducement  to  the  holders  of  bonds 
to  convert  them  into  securities  bearing  a  less  rate  of  interest 
but  specifically  payable  in  coin.  Upon  this  policy  I  changed 
my  opinion.  I  became  convinced  that  it  was  neither  right 
nor  expedient  to  pay  these  bonds  in  money  less  valuable  than 
coin,  that  the  government  ought  not  to  take  advantage  of  its 
neglect  to  resume  specie  payments  after  the  war  was  over,  by 
refusing  the  payment  of  the  bonds  with  coin.  I  acted  on  this 
conviction  when  years  afterwards  the  resumption  act  was 
adopted,  and  the  beneficial  results  from  this  action  fully  justi 
fied  my  change  of  opinion. 

The  debate  on  this  bill  was  participated  in  by  nearly  every 
Senator,  and  was  conceded  to  be  the  most  comprehensive  and 
instructive  debate  on  financial  questions  for  many  years. 

The  bill,  as  it  then  stood,  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  issue  registered  or  coupon  bonds  of  the  United 
States,  in  such  form  and  of  such  denominations  as  he  might 


368  RECOLLECTIONS 

prescribe,  payable,  principal  and  interest,  in  coin,  and  bearing 
interest  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent,  per  annum,  payable  semi- 
annually,  such  bonds  to  be  payable  forty  years  from  date  and 
to  be  redeemable  in  coin  after  ten  years. 

It  authorized  the  exchange  of  the  bonds  commonly  known 
as  the  5-20  bonds  for  the  bonds  authorized  by  that  bill.  It 
also  authorized  the  holders  of  United  States  notes  to  the 
amount  of  $1,000,  or  any  multiple  of  that  sum,  to  convert  them 
into  the  five  per  cent,  bonds  provided  for  by  the  bill.  This  bill 
passed  the  Senate  on  the  14th  of  July,  1868.  It  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives  soon  after,  with  amendments  that 
were  disagreed  to  by  the  Senate.  The  bill  and  amendments 
were  referred  to  a  conference  committee  which  reported  a 
modified  bill  which  passed  both  Houses  and  was  sent  to  Presi 
dent  Johnson,  but  at  so  late  a  period  of  the  session  that  it  was 
not  approved  by  him  and  thus  failed  to  become  a  law. 

The  committee  on  finance  at  the  next  and  closing  session  of 
that  Congress  deemed  it  useless  to  report  another  funding  bill, 
and  on  the  16th  of  December,  1868,  I  reported,  by  direction  of 
that  committee,  the  following  resolution : 

"  Resolved  by  the  Senate,  That  neither  public  policy  nor  the  good  faith 
of  the  nation  will  allow  the  redemption  of  the  5-20  bonds  until  the  United 
States  shall  perform  its  primary  duty  of  paying  its  notes  in  coin  or  making 
them  equivalent  thereto  ;  and  measures  shall  be  adopted  by  Congress  to  se 
cure  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  at  as  early  a  period  as  practicable." 

This  resolution  was  the  foundation  of  the  act  "to  strengthen 
the  public  credit,"  the  first  act  subsequently  adopted  in  Gen 
eral  Grant's  administration.  Neither  this  nor  any  other  finan 
cial  measure  was  pressed  to  a  conclusion,  as  we  knew  that  any 
measure  that  would  be  sanctioned  by  Congress  would  probably 
be  vetoed  by  the  President.  This,  however,  did  not  stop  the 
almost  continous  financial  debate  which  extended  to  currency, 
banking,  funding  and  taxation.  The  drift  of  opinion  was  in 
favor  of  resumption  without  contraction,  and  funding  at  low 
rates  of  interest  on  a  coin  basis.  The  wide  breach  between 
Congress  and  the  President  paralyzed  legislation.  But  one 
vital  question  had  been  settled,  that  no  further  contraction  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  359 

the  currency  should  occur ;  and  it  was  well  settled,  though  not 
embodied  in  law,  that  no  question  would  be  made  as  to  the 
payment  of  bonds  in  coin. 

While  Congress  was  drifting  to  a  sound  financial  policy, 
the  President  and  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  were  wide 
ly  divergent,  the  former  in  favor  of  repudiation,  and  the 
latter  in  favor  of  paying  and  canceling  all  United  States 
notes. 

President  Johnson,  in  his  last  annual  message  to  Congress, 
on  the  9th  of  December,  1868,  substantially  recommended  a 
repudiation  of  the  bonds  of  the  United  States,  as  follows : 

"  Upon  this  statement  of  facts  it  would  seem  but  just  and  equitable 
that  the  six  per  cent,  interest  now  paid  by  the  government  should  be  ap 
plied  to  the  reduction  of  the  principal  in  semi-annual  installments,  which  in 
sixteen  years  and  eight  months  would  liquidate  the  entire  national  debt. 
Six  per  cent,  in  gold  would,  at  present  rates,  be  equal  to  nine  per  cent,  in 
currency,  and  equivalent  to  the  payment  of  the  debt  one  and  a  half  times  in 
a  fraction  less  than  seventeen  years.  This,  in  connection  with  the  other 
advantages  derived  from  their  investment,  would  afford  to  the  public  cred 
itors  a  fair  and  liberal  compensation  for  the  use  of  their  capital,  and  with 
this  they  should  be  satisfied.  The  lessons  of  the  past  admonish  the  lender 
that  it  is  not  well  to  be  over  anxious  in  exacting  from  the  borrower  rigid 
compliance  with  the  letter  of  the  bond." 

While  the  President  wished  to  apply  the  interest  on  the 
United  States  bonds  to  the  redemption  of  the  principal,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  pressing  for  the  restoration  of 
the  specie  standard.  I  quote  from  his  report  to  Congress, 
made  on  the  same  day  the  message  of  the  President  was 
sent  us: 

"  The  first  and  most  important  of  these  measures  are  those  which  shall 
bring  about,  without  unnecessary  delay,  the  restoration  of  the  specie  stand 
ard.  The  financial  difficulties  under  w^hich  the  country  is  laboring  may  be 
traced  directly  to  the  issue,  and  continuance  in  circulation,  of  irredeemable 
promises  as  lawful  money.  The  country  will  not  be  really  and  reliably 
prosperous  until  there  is  a  return  to  specie  payments.  The  question  of  a 
solvent,  convertible  currency,  underlies  all  other  financial  and  economical 
questions.  It  is,  in  fact,  a  fundamental  question  ;  and  until  it  is  settled, 
and  settled  in  accordance  with  the  teachings  of  experience,  all  attempts  at 
other  financial  and  economical  reforms  will  either  fail  absolutely,  or  be  but 

S.— 24 


370  RECOLLECTIONS 

partially  successful.  A  sound  currency  is  the  lifeblood  of  a  commercial 
nation.  If  this  is  debased  the  whole  current  of  its  commercial  life  must  be 
disordered  and  irregular.  The  starting  point  in  reformatory  legislation 
must  be  here.  Our  debased  currency  must  be  retired  or  raised  to  the  par 
of  specie,  or  cease  to  be  lawful  money,  before  substantial  progress  can  be 
made  with  other  reforms." 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  manifest  that  no  wise 
financial  legislation  could  be  secured  until  General  Grant 
should  become  President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Republican  national  convention  met  at  the  city  of 
Chicago,  on  the  20th  of  May,  1868.  It  declared  its  approval 
of  the  reconstruction  policy  of  Congress,  denounced  all  forms 
of  repudiation  as  a  national  crime,  and  pledged  the  nation 
al  good  faith  to  all  creditors  at  home  and  abroad,  to  pay  all 
public  indebtedness,  not  only  according  to  the  letter,  but 
the  spirit,  of  the  law.  It  favored  the  extension  of  the  national 
debt  over  a  fair  period  for  redemption,  and  the  reduction  of 
the  rate  of  interest  whenever  it  could  be  honestly  made.  It 
arraigned,  with  severity,  the  treachery  of  Andrew  Johnson, 
and  deplored  the  tragic  death  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  The  en 
tire  resolutions  were  temperate  in  tone;  they  embodied  the 
recognized  policy  of  the  Republican  party,  and  made  no  issue 
on  which  Republicans  were  divided. 

The  real  issue  was  not  one  of  measures,  but  of  men.  The 
nomination  of  General  Grant  for  President,  and  of  Schuyler 
Colfax  for  Vice  President,  upon  the  basis  of  reconstruction  by 
loyal  men,  was  antagonized  by  the  nomination,  by  the  Demo- 
ocratic  convention,  of  Horatio  Seymour  for  President  and  Fran 
cis  P.  Blair  for  Vice  President,  upon  the  basis  of  universal 
amnesty,  and  immediate  restoration  to  power,  in  the  states 
lately  in  rebellion,  of  the  men  who  had  waged  war  against  the 
government. 

In  this  contest,  Grant  was  the  representative  Union  soldier 
of  the  war,  and  Seymour  was  the  special  representative  of  the 
opponents  in  the  north  to  the  war.  Grant  received  197  elec 
toral  votes,  and  Seymour  72. 

A  few  hours  in  advance  of  the  meeting  of  the  national 
convention,  there  was  a  great  mass  meeting  of  soldiers 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  371 

and  sailors  of  the  war,  a  delegation  from  whom,  headed 
by  General  Lucius  Fairchild,  of  Wisconsin,  entered  the  con 
vention  after  its  organization  and  presented  this  resolu 
tion: 

"  Resolved,  That  as  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  steadfast  now  as  ever  to  the 
Union  and  the  flag,  fully  recognize  the  claims  of  Gen.  Ulysses  S.  Grant  to 
the  confidence  of  the  American  people,  and  believing  that  the  victories 
won  under  his  guidance  in  war  will  be  illustrated  by  him  in  peace  by  such 
measures  as  will  secure  the  fruits  of  our  exertions  and  restore  the  Union 
upon  a  loyal  basis,  we  declare  our  deliberate  conviction  that  he  is  the  choice 
of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Union  for  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States." 

This  resolution  was  received  with  great  applause.  Henry 
S.  Lane,  of  Indiana,  leaped  upon  a  chair,  and  moved  to  nomi 
nate  Grant  by  acclamation.  This  was  done  without  rules  and 
amid  great  excitement. 

I  need  not  say  that  I  gave  to  General  Grant  my  cordial  and 
active  support.  From  the  beginning  of  the  canvass  to  the  end, 
there  was  no  doubt  about  the  result.  I  spoke  in  his  behalf  in 
several  states  and  had  frequent  letters  from  him.  Assuming 
that  his  election  was  already  foreordained,  I  invited  him  to 
stop  with  me  at  Mansfield,  on  his  way  to  Washington,  and 
received  from  him  the  following  autograph  letter,  which, 
though  dated  at  the  Headquarters,  Army  of  the  United  States, 
was  written  at  Galena,  Illinois : 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  October  26,  1868. 
DEAR  SENATOR  :  —  Your  invitation  to  Mrs.  Grant  and  myself  to  break 
our  journey  east  and  spend  a  day  or  two  with  you  was  duly  received,  and 
should  have  been  sooner  acknowledged.  I  thank  you  for  the  invitation 
and  would  gladly  accept  it,  but  my  party  will  be  large  and  having  a  special 
car  it  will  inconvenience  so  many  people  to  stop  over.  Mrs.  Grant  too  and 
her  father  are  anxious,  when  they  start,  to  get  through  to  Washington 
before  they  unpack.  Yours  truly,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

HON.  J.  SHERMAN,  U.  S.  S. 

On  the  same  day  he  wrote  a  letter  to  General  Sherman, 
which  was  referred  to  me  by  the  latter.  I  regard  this  letter, 
which  exhibits  clearly  the  cordial  relations  existing,  at  the 


372 


RECOLLECTIONS 


time,  between  these  two  men,  as  of  sufficient  interest  to  justify 
its  publication: 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  October  26,  1868.  \ 

DEAR  GENERAL  : — Your  letter  inclosing  one  from  your  brother  was  duly 
received.  As  I  did  not  want  to  change  your  determination  in  regard  to  the 
publication  of  the  correspondence  between  us,  and  am  getting  to  be  a  little 
lazy,  I  have  been  slow  in  answering.  I  had  forgotten  what  my  letter  to 
you  said  but  did  remember  that  you  spoke  of  the  probable  course  the 
Ewings  would  take,  or  something  about  them  which  you  would  not  prob 
ably  want  published  with  the  letters.  The  fact  is,  general,  I  never  wanted 
the  letters  published  half  so  much  on  my  own  account  as  yours.  There  are 
a  great  many  people  who  do  not  understand  as  I  do  your  friendship  for  me. 
I  do  not  believe  it  will  make  any  difference  to  you  in  the  end,  but  I  do  fear 
that,  in  case  I  am  elected,  there  will  be  men  to  advocate  the  '  abolition  of  the 
general '  bill  who  will  charge,  in  support  of  their  motion,  lack  of  evidence 
that  you  supported  the  Union  cause  in  the  canvass.  I  would  do  all  I  could 
to  prevent  any  such  legislation,  and  believe  that  without  my  doing  anything 
the  confidence  in  you  is  too  genuine  with  the  great  majority  of  Congress 
for  any  such  legislation  to  succeed.  If  anything  more  should  be  necessary 
to  prove  the  falsity  of  such  an  assumption  the  correspondence  between  us 
heretofore  could  then  be  produced. 

I  agree  with  you  that  Sheridan  should  be  let  alone  to  prosecute  the  In 
dian  War  to  its  end.  If  no  treaty  is  made  with  the  Indians  until  they  can 
hold  out  no  longer  we  can  dictate  terms,  and  they  will  then  keep  them. 
This  is  the  course  that  has  been  pursued  in  the  northwest,  where  Crook  has 
prosecuted  war  in  his  own  way,  and  now  a  white  man  can  travel  through  all 
that  country  with  as  much  security  as  if  there  was  not  an  Indian  in  it. 

I  have  concluded  not  to  return  to  Washington  until  after  the  election. 
I  shall  go  very  soon  after  that  event,  however.  My  family  are  all  well  and 
join  me  in  respects  to  Mrs.  Sherman  and  the  children. 

Yours  truly,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

LT.  GEN.  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  U.  S.  Army. 

In  the  spring  of  1871  there  was  a  good  deal  of  feeling 
against  Grant,  and  some  opposition  indicated  to  his  renomi- 
nation  for  the  presidency.  Several  influential  papers  had 
recommended  the  nomination  of  General  Sherman,  who  then, 
as  always  afterwards,  had  resolutely  announced  his  pur 
pose  not  to  allow  his  name  to  be  used  in  connection  with  the 
office  of  President.  This  suggestion  arose  out  of  the  feeling  that 
injustice  had  been  done  to  General  Sherman  by  the  Secretary  of 
War,  Mr.  Belknap,  who  practically  ignored  him,  and  issued 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  373 

orders  in  the  name  of  the  President,  greatly  interfering  with 
the  personnel  of  the  army.  This  led  to  the  transfer  of  General 
Sherman  from  Washington  to  St.  Louis.  General  Sherman 
made  no  complaint  of  Grant,  who  had  the  power  to  con 
trol  the  action  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  but  the  general 
impression  prevailed  that  the  friendly  relations  that  had  al 
ways  subsisted  between  the  President  and  General  Sherman 
had  been  disturbed,  but  this  was  not  true.  I  have  no  doubt 
that  Grant,  in  the  following  letter,  stated  truthfully  his  per 
fect  willingness  that  General  Sherman  should,  if  he  wished, 
be  made  his  successor  as  President : 

LONG  BRANCH,  N.  J.,  June  14,  1871. 

DEAR  SENATOR  : — Being  absent  at  West  Point  until  last  evening,  for  the 
last  week,  your  letter  of  the  5th  inst.,  inclosing  one  to  you  from  General  Sher 
man,  is  only  just  received.  Under  no  circumstances  would  I  publish  it ;  and 
now  that  the  '  New  York  Herald '  has  published  like  statements  from  him 
it  is  particularly  unnecessary.  I  think  his  determination  never  to  give  up 
his  present  position  a  wise  one,  for  his  own  comfort,  and  the  public,  knowing 
it,  will  relieve  him  from  the  suspicion  of  acting  and  speaking  with  reference 
to  the  effect  his  acts  and  sayings  may  have  upon  his  claims  for  political  pre 
ferment.  If  he  should  ever  change  his  mind,  however,  no  one  has  a  better 
right  than  he  has  to  aspire  to  anything  within  the  gift  of  the  American 
people.  Very  truly  yours, 

HON.  J.  SHERMAN,  U.  S.  S.  U.  S.  GRANT. 


CHAPTER  XX. 
BEGINNING  OF   GRANT'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

His  Arrival  at  Washington  in  1864  to  Take  Command  of  the  Armies  of  the  United 
States  —  Inaugural  Address  as  President  — "An  Act  to  Strengthen  the  Public 
Credit"  Becomes  a  Law  on  March  19,  1 869  —  Formation  of  the  Presi 
dent's  Cabinet— Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  — Bill  to 
Fund  the  Public  Debt  and  to  Aid  in  the  Resumption  of  Specie 
Payment  — Bill  Finally  Agreed  to  by  the  House  and  Sen 
ate  —  A   Redemption    Stipulation    Omitted  —  Reduc 
tion  of  the  Public  Debt— Problem  of  Advancing 
United  States   Notes  to  Par  with  Coin. 

PRESIDENT  Grant  entered  into  his  high  office  without 
any  experience  in  civil  life.  In  his  training  he  was  a 
soldier.  His  education  at  West  Point,  his  services  as 
a  subordinate  officer  in  the  Mexican  War,  and  as  the 
principal  officer  in  the  Civil  War  of  the  Rebellion,  had  demon 
strated  his  capacity  as  a  soldier,  but  he  was  yet  to  be  tested  in 
civil  life,  where  his  duties  required  him  to  deal  with  problems 
widely  differing  from  those  he  had  successfully  performed  in 
military  life.  I  do  not  recall  when  I  first  met  him,  but  am 
confident  it  was  before  his  coming  to  Washington,  in  March, 
1864,  to  take  command  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States. 
His  arrival  in  Washington  then  was  not  generally  known  until 
he  entered  the  dining  hall  at  Willard's  hotel.  He  came  in 
alone,  and  was  modestly  looking  for  a  vacant  seat  when  I  rec 
ognized  him  and  went  to  him  and  invited  him  to  a  seat  at  my 
table.  He  quietly  accepted,  and  then  the  word  soon  passed 
among  the  many  guests  at  the  tables,  that  General  Grant  was 
there,  and  something  like  an  ovation  was  given  him.  His  face 
was  unknown,  but  his  name  and  praise  had  been  sounded  for 
two  years  throughout  the  civilized  world.  His  coming  to  take 
full  command  of  the  Union  forces  was  an  augury  of  success  to 
every  loyal  citizen  of  the  United  States.  His  personal  mem 
oirs,  written  in  the  face  of  death,  tell  the  story  of  his  life  in 

(374) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  375 

a  modest  way,  without  pretension  or  guile.  I  am  not  sure  that 
he  added  to  his  fame  by  his  eight  years  of  service  as  President 
of  the  United  States,  but  what  he  did  in  subduing  the  Rebel 
lion  will  always  keep  his  name  among  those  of  the  greatest 
benefactors  of  his  country.  He  was  elected  because  of  his 
military  services,  and  would  have  been  elected  in  1868  by  any 
party  that  put  him  in  nomination,  without  respect  to  platform 
or  creed. 

He  opened  his  inaugural  address  with  these  words: 

"Your  suffrages  having-  elected  me  to  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  I  have,  in  conformity  with  the  constitution  of  our  country, 
taken  the  oath  of  office  prescribed  therein.  I  have  taken  this  oath  without 
mental  reservation  and  with  the  determination  to  do  to  the  best  of  my  abil 
ity  all  that  it  requires  of  me.  The  responsibilities  of  the  position  I  feel  but 
accept  them  without  fear.  The  office  has  come  to  me  unsought.  I  com 
mence  its  duties  untrammeled.  I  bring  to  it  a  conscientious  desire  and  de 
termination  to  fill  it  to  the  best  of  my  ability  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
people. 

"  On  all  leading  questions  agitating  the  public  mind  I  will  always  ex 
press  my  views  to  Congress,  and  urge  them  according  to  my  judgment ; 
and  when  I  think  it  advisable  will  exercise  the  constitutional  privilege  of 
interposing  a  veto  to  defeat  measures  which  I  oppose.  But  all  laws  will  be 
faithfully  executed  whether  they  meet  my  approval  or  not. 

"I  shall  on  all  subjects  have  a  policy  to  recommend, but  none  to  enforce 
against  the  will  of  the  people.  Laws  are  to  govern  all  alike,  those  opposed 
as  well  as  those  who  favor  them.  I  know  no  method  to  secure  the  repeal 
of  bad  or  obnoxious  laws  so  effective  as  their  stringent  execution." 

And  closed  with  these  words : 

"  In  conclusion  I  ask  patient  forbearance  one  toward  another  through 
out  the  land,  and  a  determined  effort  on  the  part  of  every  citizen  to  do  his 
share  toward  cementing  a  happy  Union  ;  and  I  ask  the  prayers  of  the  nation 
to  Almighty  God  in  behalf  of  this  consummation." 

I  believe  he  strictly  performed  what  he  thought  was  his 
duty,  and  if  he  erred,  it  was  from  a  want  of  experience  in  the 
complicated  problems  of  our  form  of  government.  The  execu 
tive  department  of  a  republic  like  ours  should  be  subordinate 
to  the  legislative  department.  The  President  should  obey  and 
enforce  the  laws,  leaving  to  the  people  the  duty  of  correcting 
any  errors  committed  by  their  representatives  in  Congress, 


376  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  first  act  of  the  41st  Congress,  entitled  "An  act  to 
strengthen  the  public  credit,"  was  introduced  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  by  General  Schenck,  on  the  12th  of  March, 
1869,  and  was  passed  the  same  day.  It  came  to  the  Senate  on 
the  15th  of  March,  and,  on  my  motion,  was  substituted  for  a 
similar  bill,  reported  from  the  committee  on  finance,  and,  after 
a  brief  debate,  was  passed  by  the  decisive  vote  of  42  yeas  and 
13  nays,  as  follows: 

"  That  in  order  to  remove  any  doubt  as  to  the  purpose  of  the  govern 
ment  to  discharge  all  just  obligations  to  the  public  creditors,  and  to  settle 
conflicting  questions  and  interpretations  of  the  laws  by  virtue  of  which 
said  obligations  have  been  contracted,  it  is  hereby  provided  and  declared 
that  the  faith  of  the  United  States  is  solemnly  pledged  to  the  payment  in 
coin,  or  its  equivalent,  of  all  obligations  of  the  United  States  not  bearing 
interest,  known  as  United  States  notes,  and  of  all  interest-bearing  obliga 
tions  of  the  United  States,  except  in  cases  where  the  law  authorizing  the 
issue  of  any  such  obligations  has  expressly  provided  that  the  same  may  be 
paid  in  lawful  money  or  other  currency  than  gold  and  silver.  But  none  of 
said  interest-bearing  obligations  not  already  due  shall  be  redeemed  or  paid 
before  maturity,  unless  at  such  time  United  States  notes  shall  be  convertible 
into  coin  at  the  option  of  the  holder,  or  unless  at  such  time  bonds  of  the 
United  States  bearing  a  lower  rate  of  interest  than  the  bonds  to  be  re 
deemed  can  be  sold  at  par  in  coin.  And  the  United  States  also  solemnly 
pledges  its  faith  to  make  provision,  at  the  earliest  practicable  period,  for  the 
redemption  of  the  United  States  notes  in  coin." 

It  was  approved  by  the  President  and  became  a  law  on  the 
19th  of  March.  Thus  the  controversy  as  to  the  payment  of 
bonds  in  coin  was  definitely  decided. 

But  little  else  of  importance  was  done  by  Congress  during 
this  session.  The  usual  general  appropriation  bill  for  the 
Indian  department  having  failed  in  the  previous  Congress,  a 
bill  for  that  purpose  was  introduced  in  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  and  became  a  law  on  the  10th  of  April.  The  bill  to 
provide  for  deficiencies  was  passed  on  the  same  day.  A  change 
was  made  in  the  tax  on  distilled  spirits  and  tobacco,  and  pro 
vision  was  made  for  submitting  the  constitutions  of  Virginia, 
Mississippi  and  Texas  to  a  vote  of  the  people.  A  number  of 
measures  of  local  importance  were  passed,  and,  on  the  10th  of 
April,  the  Congress  adjourned  without  day. 


U.  S.  GRANT. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  377 

The  Senate  convened  in  pursuance  of  a  proclamation  of  the 
President  immediately  on  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  and  aft 
er  a  few  days,  confined  mainly  to  executive  business,  adjourned. 

The  early  movements  of  Grant  as  President  were  very 
discouraging.  His  attempt  to  form  a  cabinet  without  con 
sultation  with  anyone,  and  with  very  little  knowledge,  ex 
cept  social  intercourse  with  the  persons  appointed,  created  a 
doubt  that  he  would  not  be  as  successful  as  a  President  as  he 
had  been  as  a  general,  a  doubt  that  increased  and  became  a 
conviction  in  the  minds  of  many  of  his  best  friends.  The  ap 
pointments  of  Stewart  and  Borie  were  especially  objectionable. 
George  S.  Boutwell  was  well  fitted  for  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  to  which  he  was  appointed  after  Stewart  was 
excluded  by  the  law.  Washburne  was  a  man  of.  ability  and  ex 
perience,  but  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State  only  for  a 
brief  time,  and  was  succeeded  by  Hamilton  Fish.  Mr.  Fish  was 
eminently  qualified  for  that  office,  and  during  both  of  the  terms 
of  Grant  discharged  the  duties  of  it  with  great  ability  and 
success.  Jacob  D.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  was  an  educated  gentleman,  a 
soldier  of  great  merit,  and  an  industrious  and  competent  Secre 
tary  of  the  Interior. 

The  impression  prevailed  that  the  President  regarded  these 
heads  of  departments,  invested  by  law  with  specific  and  inde 
pendent  duties,  as  mere  subordinates,  whose  functions  he  might 
assume.  This  is  not  the  true  theory  of  our  government.  The 
President  is  intrusted  by  the  constitution  and  laws  with  im 
portant  powers,  and  so  by  law  are  the  heads  of  departments. 
The  President  has  no  more  right  to  control  or  exercise  the 
powers  conferred  by  law  upon  them  than  they  have  to  control 
him  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  It  is  especially  the  custom 
of  Congress  to  intrust  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  specific 
powers  over  the  currency,  the  public  debt  and  the  collection  of 
the  revenue.  If  he  violates  or  neglects  his  duty  he  is  subject  to 
removal  by  the  President,  or  impeachment  by  the  House  of 
Representatives,  but  the  President  cannot  exercise  or  control 
the  discretion  reposed  by  law  in  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
or  in  any  head  or  subordinate  of  any  department  of  the  govern 
ment.  This  limitation  of  the  power  of  the  President,  and  the 


378  RECOLLECTIONS 

distribution  of  power  among  the  departments,  is  an  essential 
requisite  of  a  republican  government,  and  it  is  one  that  an 
army  officer,  accustomed  to  give  or  receive  orders,  finds  it 
difficult  to  understand  and  to  observe  when  elected  President. 

Congress  convened  on  the  6th  of  December,  1869.  The 
chief  recommendations  submitted  to  Congress  by  the  President 
related  to  the  gradual  reconstruction  of  the  states  lately  in 
rebellion,  to  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  and  the  reduc 
tion  of  taxation.  The  relations  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  growing  out  of  the  war  were  treated  as  a  grave  question, 
and  a  hope  was  expressed  that  both  governments  would  give 
immediate  attention  to  a  solution  of  the  just  claims  of  the 
United  States  growing  out  of  the  Civil  War.  The  message  was 
brief,  modest,  conservative  and  clear.  He  closed  by  saying  that 
on  his  part  he  promised  a  rigid  adherence  to  the  laws  and  their 
strict  enforcement. 

The  most  important  measure  consummated  during  this 
Congress  was  the  adoption  of  the  15th  amendment  of  the  con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  declared,  in  a  proclamation  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  March  30,  1870,  to  have  been 
ratified  by  the  legislatures  of  twenty-nine  of  the  thirty-seven 
states,  as  follows  : 

"  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied 
or  abridged  by  the  United  States,  or  by  any  state,  on  account  of  race,  color, 
or  previous  condition  of  servitude." 

It  is  a  question  of  grave  doubt  whether  this  amendment, 
though  right  in  principle,  was  wise  or  expedient.  The  de 
clared  object  was  to  secure  impartial  suffrage  to  the  negro 
race.  The  practical  result  has  been  that  the  wise  provisions  of 
the  14th  amendment  have  been  modified  by  the  15th  amend 
ment.  The  latter  amendment  has  been  practically  nullified 
by  the  action  of  most  of  the  states  where  the  great  body  of 
this  race  live  and  will  probably  always  remain.  This  is  done, 
not  by  an  express  denial  to  them  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  but 
by  ingenious  provisions,  which  exclude  them  on  the  alleged 
ground  of  ignorance,  while  permitting  all  of  the  white  race, 
however  ignorant,  to  vote  at  all  elections.  No  way  is  pointed 
out  by  which  Congress  can  enforce  this  amendment.  If  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  379 

principle  of  the  14th  amendment  had  remained  in  full  force, 
Congress  could  have  reduced  the  representation  of  any  state, 
in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of  the  male  inhabitants  of 
such  state,  denied  the  right  of  suffrage,  might  bear  to  the  whole 
number  of  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age,  in  such  state. 
This  simple  remedy,  easily  enforced  by  Congress,  would  have 
secured  the  right  of  all  persons,  without  distinction  of  race  or 
color,  to  vote  at  all  elections.  The  reduction  of  representation 
would  have  deterred  every  state  from  excluding  the  vote  of 
any  portion  of  the  male  population  above  twenty-one  years  of 
age.  As  the  result  of  the  15th  amendment,  the  political  power 
of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion  has  been  increased,  while  the 
population,  conferring  this  increase,  is  practically  denied  all 
political  power.  I  see  no  remedy  for  this  wrong  except  the 
growing  intelligence  of  the  negro  race,  which,  in  time,  I  trust, 
will  enable  them  to  demand  and  to  receive  the  right  of  suf 
frage. 

The  most  important  financial  measure  of  that  Congress  was 
the  act  to  refund  the  national  debt.  The  bonds  known  as  the 
5-20's,  bearing  interest  at  six  per  cent.,  became  redeemable, 
and  the  public  credit  had  so  advanced  that  a  bond  bearing  a 
less  rate  of  interest  could  be  sold  at  par.  The  committee  on 
finance  of  the  Senate,  on  the  3rd  day  of  February,  1870,  after 
more  care  and  deliberation  than,  so  far  as  I  know,  it  has  ever 
bestowed  on  any  other  bill,  finally  reported  a  bill  to  fund  the 
public  debt,  to  aid  in  the  resumption  of  specie  payments,  and 
to  advance  the  public  credit. 

The  first  section  authorized  the  issue  of  $400,000,000  of 
bonds,  redeemable  in  coin  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United 
States,  at  any  time  after  ten  years,  bearing  interest  at  five  per 
cent. 

The  second  section  authorized  the  issue  of  bonds  to  the 
amount  of  $400,000,000,  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  gov 
ernment,  at  any  time  after  fifteen  years,  and  bearing  interest 
at  four  and  a  half  per  cent. 

The  third  section  authorized  the  issue  of  $400,000,000  of 
bonds,  redeemable  at  any  time  after  twenty  years,  and  bearing 
interest  at  the  rate  of  four  per  cent. 


380  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  proceeds  of  all  these  bonds  were  to  be  applied  to  the 
redemption  of  5-20  and  10-40  bonds,  and  other  obligations  of 
the  United  States  then  outstanding. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  this  bill  provided  for  the  issue  of 
securities,  all  of  which  were  redeemable  within  twenty  years, 
and  two-thirds  of  which  were  redeemable  within  fifteen  years; 
so  that  if  the  bill,  as  reported  by  the  committee  on  finance, 
had  become  the  law,  no  such  difficulty  as  we  labored  under 
eighteen  years  later,  when  we  had  a  large  surplus  revenue, 
would  have  existed. 

The  bill  passed  the  Senate,  in  substantially  the  form  reported 
from  the  committee  on  finance,  by  the  large  vote  of  33  to  10, 
and  was,  perhaps,  the  most  carefully  prepared  of  any  of  the 
financial  measures  of  the  government. 

In  opening  the  debate,  I  called  the  attention  of  the  Senate 
to  the  great  advantage  the  government  had  derived  from  mak 
ing  its  bonds  redeemable  at  brief  periods,  like  the  5-20  bonds, 
the  10-40  bonds,  and  the  treasury  notes.  I  also  called  atten 
tion  to  the  fact  that  the  same  principle  of  maintaining  the 
right  to  redeem  had  been  ingrafted  in  the  bill  then  before  the 
Senate,  that  the  duration  of  the  bonds  was  divided  into  three 
periods  of  ten,  fifteen,  and  twenty  years,  during  which  time,  by 
the  gradual  application  of  the  surplus  revenue,  the  whole  debt 
might  be  paid.  This  was  the  bill  sent  by  the  Senate  to  the 
House  of  representatives,  and  if  it  had  been  adopted  by  the 
House,  there  would  have  been  no  trouble  about  the  application 
of  the  surplus  revenue,  but  by  common  consent  it  would  have 
been  used  in  the  speedy  extinction  of  the  public  debt. 

The  bill  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  on  the 
llth  of  March,  and  there  seems  to  have  slept  for  nearly 
three  months  without  any  action  on  the  part  of  the  House. 

On  the  6th  of  June  the  committee  on  ways  and  means 
reported  House  bill  2167,  covering  the  same  subject-matters 
as  were  contained  in  the  Senate  bill.  The  consideration  of 
this  bill  was  commenced,  by  sections,  on  the  80th  of  June. 
The  material  part  of  the  first  section  of  this  bill  is  as  follows  : 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  hereby  authorized  to  issue,  in  a 
sum  or  sums  not  exceeding  in  the  aggregate  $1,000,000,000,  coupon  or 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  381 

registered  bonds  of  the  United  States,  in  such  form  as  he  may  prescribe,  and 
of  denomination  of  $50,  or  some  multiple  of  that  sum,  redeemable  in  coin  of 
the  present  standard  value  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  thirty 
years  from  the  date  of  their  issue,  and  bearing  interest  payable  semi-annu- 
ally  in  such  coin  at  the  rate  of  four  per  cent,  per  annum." 

Thus  it  will  be  perceived  that  instead  of  the  three  series  of 
bonds  provided  by  the  Senate,  the  House  proposed  to  authorize 
the  issue  of  $1,000,000,000,  redeemable  in  coin  after  thirty  years 
from  the  date  of  their  issue,  with  interest  at  four  per  cent.  This 
difference  in  the  description  of  the  bonds  was  the  chief  difference 
between  the  propositions  of  the  House  and  the  Senate.  To  em 
phasize  this  difference  I  quote  what  was  said  by  the  chairman 
of  the  House  committee,  Mr.  Schenck,  in  reporting  the  bill : 

"  It  is  a  proposition  to  refund  a  portion  of  the  public  debt  of  the  coun 
try  at  a  very  much  lower  rate  of  interest.  It  is  a  proposition  that  $1,000, 
000,000  of  that  debt  shall  take  the  form  of  bonds,  upon  which  the  United 
States  will  agree  to  pay  only  four  per  cent,  per  annum.  But,  in  order  to 
make  those  bonds  acceptable  to  capitalists  at  home  and  abroad,  further  pro 
vision  is  made  that  the  bonds  themselves  shall  have  a  longer  time  to  run, 
not  merely  for  thirty  years,  but  that  they  shall  only  be  redeemable  after 
thirty  years ;  thus  giving  them,  without  the  objections,  the  advantages 
which  in  a  great  degree  attach  to  a  perpetual  loan." 

This  bill,  with  a  very  limited  debate,  passed  the  House  on 
the  1st  of  July,  and  then  immediately  was  offered  as  a  sub 
stitute  for  the  Senate  bill,  and  was  adopted. 

Those  two  rival  propositions,  differing  mainly  upon  the 
question  of  the  character  of  the  bonds  to  be  issued,  were  sent 
to  a  committee  of  conference,  composed  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate  of  Messrs.  Sherman,  Sumner  and  Davis.  The  chief  con 
troversy  in  the  conference  was  as  to  the  description  of  funding 
bonds  to  be  provided  for.  After  many  meetings  it  was  finally 
agreed  that  the  bonds  authorized  should  be  $200,000,000  five 
per  cent,  bonds,  $300,000,000  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds, 
of  the  character  described  in  the  Senate  bill,  and  $1,000,000,000 
of  four  per  cent,  bonds,  as  described  in  the  House  bill.  In  other 
words,  it  was  a  compromise  which,  like  many  other  compro 
mises,  was  in  its  results  an  injury  of  great  magnitude,  but  it 
was  an  honest  difference  of  opinion  between  the  Senate  and 
the  House,  in  which,  tested  by  the  march  of  time,  the  Senate 


382  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  right  and  the  House  was  wrong.  But  it  was  perfectly  mani 
fest  that  without  this  concession  by  the  Senate  to  the  House, 
the  bill  could  not  have  passed,  and  even  with  this  concession 
the  first  report  of  the  committee  of  conference  was  disagreed 
to  by  the  House,  because  of  certain  provisions  requiring  the 
national  banks  to  substitute  the  new  bonds  as  the  basis  of 
banking  circulation. 

This  disagreement  by  the  House  compelled  a  second  com 
mittee  of  conference,  in  which  the  contested  banking  section 
was  stricken  out,  and  the  bill  agreed  to  as  it  now  stands  on  the 
statute  books. 

And  thus  thirty-year  securities,  subsequently  at  a  premium 
of  more  than  twenty-five  per  cent.,  were  forced  into  the  law  by 
the  determined  action  of  the  House. 

This  proved  to  be  an  error.  No  bonds  should  have  been 
authorized  that  did  not  contain  a  stipulation  that  the  govern 
ment  might  pay  them  at  pleasure,  after  a  brief  period  and  before 
they  became  due.  This  stipulation  during  the  war  was  inserted 
in  the  5-20  and  the  10-40  bonds.  Its  wisdom  and  importance 
were  demonstrated  by  the  early  substitution  of  bonds  bearing 
a  lower  rate  of  interest  for  the  5-20  six  per  cent,  bonds.  When 
this  precedent  was  cited,  and  its  saving  to  the  government 
shown,  it  was  strongly  urged  by  the  House  conferees  that  such 
a  provision  would  prevent  the  sale  of  bonds,  and  that  there  was 
no  probability  that  bonds  bearing  less  than  four  per  cent,  could 
be  sold  at  any  time  at  par.  This  was  proven  to  be  an  error 
within  a  short  period,  for  securities  of  the  United  States  bear 
ing  three  per  cent,  interest  have  been  sold  at  par. 

Some  years  later,  Senator  Beck,  of  Kentucky,  arraigned  me 
for  consenting  to  the  issue  of  bonds  running  thirty  years,  but  I 
was  able  to  show  by  the  public  records  that  I  resisted  this  long 
duration  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds,  that  the  House  insisted 
upon  it,  and  that  Mr.  Beck,  then  a  Member  of  the  House, 
voted  for  it.  The  same  objection  was  made  by  the  Senate  con 
ferees  to  the  bonds  bearing  four  and  a  half  and  five  per  cent., 
that  no  stipulation  was  made  authorizing  the  government  to 
anticipate  the  payment  of  these  bonds.  Under  the  Senate  bill 
the  bonds  would  have  been  redeemable  in  a  brief  period,  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  383 

would,  no  doubt,  have  been  redeemed  by  bonds  bearing  four, 
three  and  a  half,  or  three  per  cent,  interest. 

The  bill,  as  it  passed,  authorized  the  conversion  of  all  forms 
of  securities,  then  outstanding,  into  the  bonds  provided  for  by  the 
refunding  act  at  par  one  with  the  other.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  could  sell  the  bonds  provided  for  by  the  refunding  act 
at  par,  and  with  the  proceeds  pay  off  the  then  existing  securi 
ties  as  they  became  redeemable.  In  the  discussion  of  this  bill 
in  the  Senate,  on  the  28th  of  February,  1870, 1  made  a  carefully 
prepared  speech,  giving  a  detailed  history  of  the  various  securi 
ties  outstanding,  and  expressed  the  confident  opinion  that  the 
existing  coin  bonds  bearing  six  per  cent,  interest,  and  other 
securities  bearing  interest  in  lawful  money,  could  be  refunded 
into  bonds  running  for  a  short  period,  bearing  a  reduced  rate 
of  interest.  I  said  : 

"After  a  long  and  memorable  debate  of  over  two  months  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  the  act  of  February  25,  1862,  was  adopted.  That  was 
a  revolutionary  act.  It  was  a  departure  from  every  principle  of  the  finan 
cial  policy  of  this  government  from  its  foundation.  It  overthrew,  not  only 
the  mode  and  manner  of  borrowing  money,  but  the  character  of  our  public 
securities,  and  was  the  beginning  of  a  new  financial  system,  unlike  anything 
that  had  been  ventured  upon  by  any  people  in  the  world  before.  This  new 
policy  was  adopted  under  the  pressure  of  the  severest  necessities,  and  only 
because  of  those  necessities,  and  was  intended  to  meet  a  state  of  affairs 
never  foreseen  by  the  framers  of  the  constitution. 

"  Now,  sir,  it  is  important  to  understand  the  principles  of  this  act ;  for 
this  act  was  the  foundation  of  all  the  financial  measures  during  the  war.  It 
was  upon  the  basis  of  this  act,  enlarged  and  modified  from  time  to  time, 
that  we  were  enabled  to  borrow  $3,000,000,000  in  three  years  and  to  put 
down  the  most  formidable  rebellion  in  modern  history.  This  act  was  based 
upon  certain  fundamental  conditions. 

"  Extraordinary  power  was  conferred  upon  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  borrow  money  in  almost  any  form,  at  home  or  abroad,  practically  without 
limitation  as  to  amount,  or  with  limits  repeatedly  enlarged.  Every  form  of 
security  which  the  ingenuity  of  man  could  devise  was  provided  for  by  this 
act  or  the  acts  amending  it.  Under  these  acts  bonds  were  issued,  payable 
in  twenty  years,  treasury  notes  were  issued,  certificates  of  indebtedness, 
compound-interest  notes,  and  other  forms  of  indebtedness,  with  varying 
rates  of  interest.  There  were,  however,  distinct  limitations  upon  the  nature 
and  character  of  these  loans.  It  was  stipulated  first,  that  more  than  six  per 
cent,  interest  in  gold  should  not  be  paid  on  the  bonds  issued,  nor  more  than 
seven  and  three-tenths  interest  in  currency  should  be  paid  on  the  notes 


384  RECOLLECTIONS 

issued  ;  and  second,  all  the  loans  provided  by  this  act  were  short  loans,  re 
deemable  within  a  short  period  of  time  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States. 
Thus  the  gold  bonds  were  redeemable  after  five  years,  the  treasury  notes 
were  redeemable  after  three  years,  and  all  forms  of  security  were  within  the 
power  of  the  United  States  at  the  end  of  five  years  at  furthest.  And  third, 
no  securities  \vere  to  be  sold  less  than  par.  Their  unavoidable  depreciation 
was  measured,  not  by  the  rate  of  their  discount,  but  by  the  depreciation 
of  the  currency.  We  held  our  bonds  at  par  in  paper  money,  though  at 
times  they  were  worth  only  forty  per  cent,  of  gold. 

"Now,  Mr.  president,  it  may  be  proper  to  state  the  reasons  for  this 
policy.  Short  loans  were  adopted  that  we  might  not  bind  the  future  to 
the  payment  of  usurious  rates  of  interest.  We  recognized  the  existence  of 
a  great  pressing  necessity  that  would  tend  to  depreciate  the  public  credit ; 
and  we  took  care,  therefore,  not  to  make  those  loans  for  a  long  period,  so  as 
to  bind  the  future  to  the  payment  of  the  rates  which  we  were  then  com 
pelled  to  pay. 

"  We  provided  for  gold  interest  and  gold  revenue,  to  avoid  the  extreme 
inflations  of  an  irredeemable  currency.  We  wished  to  rest  our  paper  fabric 
on  a  coin  basis,  and  to  keep  constantly  in  view  ultimate  specie  payments. 
I  believe  but  for  that  provision  in  the  loan  act  of  February  25,  1862,  that  in 
1864  our  financial  system  would  have  been  utterly  overthrown.  There  was 
nothing  to  anchor  it  to  the  earth  except  the  collection  of  duties  in  coin  and 
the  payment  of  the  interest  on  our  bonds  in  coin. 

"  But,  sir,  the  most  important  and  the  most  revolutionary  principle  of 
the  act  of  February  25,  1862,  was  the  legal  tender  clause.  This  was  a 
measure  of  imperious  and  pressing  necessity.  I  can  recall  very  well  the 
debates  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  House  of  Representatives  upon  the  legal 
tender  clause.  We  were  then  standing  in  the  face  of  a  deficit  of  some 
$70,000,000  of  unpaid  requisitions  to  our  soldiers.  Creditors  in  all  parts  of 
the  country,  among  them  the  most  powerful  corporations  of  this  country, 
had  refused  our  demand  notes,  then  very  slightly  depreciated.  We  were 
under  the  necessity  of  raising  two  or  three  million  dollars  per  day.  We 
were  then  organizing  armies  unheard  of  before.  We  stood  also  in  the  pres 
ence  of  defeat,  constant  and  imminent,  which  fell  upon  our  armies  in  all 
parts  of  the  country.  It  was  before  daylight  was  shed  upon  any  part  of  our 
military  operations.  We  adopted  the  legal  tender  clause  then  as  an  abso 
lute  expedient.  Remembering  the  debate,  I  know  with  what  slow  steps  the 
majority  of  the  Senate  came  to  the  necessity  of  adopting  legal  tenders." 

The  debt  of  the  United  States  on  the  31st  of  August,  1866, 
when  it  reached  its  maximum,  amounted  to  $2,844.649,627. 
On  the  1st  of  March,  1870,  the  debt  had  been  reduced  to  less 
than  $2,500,000,000,  of  which  about  $400,000,000  was  in  United 
States  notes,  for  the  redemption  of  which  no  provision  was 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  385 

made.  It  was  the  confident  expectation  of  Congress,  which 
proved  to  be  correct,  that  before  the  refunding  operations  were 
complete,  the  debt  would  be  gradually  reduced,  so  that  the 
sum  of  $1,500,000,000,  provided  for  in  the  law,  would  be  suffi 
cient  to  refund  all  existing  debts,  except  United  States  notes, 
into  the  new  securities. 

The  process  of  refunding  progressed  slowly,  was  confined  to 
the  five  per  cent,  bonds,  and  was  somewhat  interrupted  by  the 
financial  stringency  of  1873. 

By  the  act  approved  January  20,  1871,  the  amount  of  five 
per  cent,  bonds  authorized  by  the  act  approved  July  14,  1870, 
was  increased  to  $500,000,000,  but  the  act  was  not  to  be  con 
strued  to  authorize  any  increase  of  bonds  provided  for  by  the 
refunding  act. 

Prior  to  the  24th  of  August,  1876,  there  had  been  sold,  for 
refunding  purposes,  the  whole  of  the  $500,000,000  five  per  cents, 
authorized  by  that  act,  and  on  that  day  Lot  M.  Morrill,  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  entered  into  a  contract  for  the  sale  of 
$40,000,000  of  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  authorized 
by  the  refunding  act.  By  this  process  of  refunding  an  annual 
saving  had  been  made  of  $5,400,000  a  year,  by  the  reduction  of 
interest  in  the  sale  of  $540,000,000  bonds.  On  the  9th  day  of 
June,  1877,  I,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  terminated  the  con 
tract  made  by  Mr.  Morrill,  my  predecessor,  and  placed  on  the 
market  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  provided  for  by  the  refunding 
act.  The  subsequent  proceedings  under  this  act  will  be  more 
appropriately  referred  to  hereafter. 

The  more  difficult  problem  remained  of  advancing  United 
States  notes  to  par  in  coin.  This  could  be  accomplished  by 
reducing  the  amount  of  these  notes  outstanding,  and,  thus,  by 
their  scarcity,  add  to  their  value.  They  were  a  legal  tender  in 
payment  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  except  for  duties  on 
imported  goods  and  interest  on  the  public  debt.  As  long  as 
these  notes  were  at  a  discount  for  coin  they  could  circulate 
only  in  the  United  States,  and  until  they  were  at  par  with 
coin,  coin  would  not  circulate  as  money  in  the  United  States, 
except  to  pay  coin  liabilities.  The  notes  were  a  dishonored, 
depreciated  promise,  the  purchasing  power  of  which  varied  day 

S.-25 


386  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

.by  day,  the  football  of  "bulls  and  bears."  In  many  respects 
these  notes  were  better  than  any  other  form  of  depreciated 
paper  money,  for  the  people  of  the  United  States  had  full  con 
fidence  in  their  ultimate  redemption.  They  were  much  better 
and  in  higher  favor  with  the  people  than  the  state  bank  notes 
which  they  replaced  and  which  were  not  only  depreciated  like 
United  States  notes  but  had  been  often  proven  worthless  in 
the  hands  of  innocent  holders.  They  were  as  good  as  national 
bank  notes,  however  well  secured,  for  these  notes  were  not  pay 
able  in  coin,  but  could  be  redeemed  by  United  States  notes. 
Still,  with  all  their  defects  the  United  States  notes  were  the 
favorite  money  of  the  people,  and  any  attempt  to  contract 
their  volume  was  met  by  a  strong  popular  opposition. 

As  already  stated,  the  gradual  reduction  of  the  volume  of 
United  States  notes,  urged  so  strongly  by  Secretary  McCulloch 
and  provided  for  by  the  resumption  act,  met  with  popular  op 
position  and  was  repealed  by  Congress.  Under  these  condi 
tions  it  became  necessary  to  approach  the  specie  standard  of 
value  without  a  contraction  of  the  currency.  The  act  to 
strengthen  the  public  credit,  already  referred  to,  was  the  be 
ginning  of  this  struggle.  The  government  was,  by  this  act, 
committed  to  the  payment  of  the  United  States  notes  in  coin 
or  its  equivalent.  But  when  and  how  was  not  stated  or  even 
considered.  The  extent  to  which  Congress  would  then  go,  and 
to  which  popular  opinion  would  then  consent,  was  the  declara 
tion  that  the  "  United  States  solemnly  pledges  its  faith  to 
make  provision  at  the  earliest  practicable  period  for  the  re 
demption  of  the  United  States  notes,  in  coin."  Many  events 
must  occur  before  the  fulfillment  of  this  promise  could  be 
attempted. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 
OUR  COINAGE  BEFORE  AND  AFTER  THE  WAR. 

But  Little  Coin  in  Circulation  in  1869  —  General  Use  of  Spanish  Pieces  —  No  Mention 
of  the  Dollar  Piece  in  the  Act  of  1853  —  Free  Circulation  of   Gold  After  the 
1853  Act—  No  Truth  in  the  "  Demonetization  "  Charge  —  Account  of  the  Bill 
Revising  the  Laws  Relative  to  the  Mint,  Assay  Offices  and  Coinage  of  the 
United  States  —  Why  the  Dollar  was  Dropped  from  the  Coins  —  Then 
Known  Only  as  a  Coin  for  the  Foreign  Market  —  Establishment 
of  the  "  Trade  Dollar  "  —  A  Legal  Tender  for  Only  Five  Dol 
lars  —  Repeated  Attempts  to  Have  Congress  Pass  a  Free- 
Coinage  Act  —  How  it  Would  Affect  Us  —  Controversy 
Between   Senator  Sumner  and  Secretary  Fish. 

AT  the  date  of  the  passage  of  the  act  "to  strengthen 
the  public  credit,"  on  March  19,  1869,  there  was  but 
little  coin  in  circulation  in  the  United  States  except 
gold  coin,  and  that  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  Pacific 
coast,  or  to  the  large  ports  of  entry,  to  be  used  in  payment  of 
duties  on  imported  goods.  Silver  coins  were  not  in  circulation. 
The  amount  of  silver  coined  in  1869  was  less  than  one  million 
dollars  and  that  mainly  for  exportation.  Fractional  notes  of 
different  denominations,  from  ten  to  fifty  cents,  were  issued  by 
the  treasury  to  the  amount  of  $160,000,000,  of  which  $120,000,- 
000  had  been  redeemed,  and  $40,000,000  were  outstanding  in 
circulation  or  had  been  destroyed.  These  fractional  notes 
superseded  silver  coin  as  United  States  notes  superseded  gold 
coin.  The  coinage  laws  as  they  then  existed  were  scattered 
through  the  laws  of  the  United  States  from  1793  to  1853,  and 
were  in  many  respects  imperfect  and  conflicting. 

The  ratio  fixed  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  of  fifteen  ounces  of 
silver  as  the  equivalent  of  one  ounce  of  gold,  was,  at  the  time  it 
was  adopted,  substantially  the  market  ratio,  but  the  constant 
tendency  of  silver  to  decline  in  relative  value  to  gold  had  been 
going  on  for  years  and  it  continued  to  decline,  almost  impercep 
tibly  perhaps,  and  the  legal  ratio  in  France  having  been  fixed 

(387) 


388  RECOLLECTIONS 

at  fifteen  and  a  half  to  one,  there  was  an  advantage  in  shipping 
gold  to  that  country  from  this,  and  consequently  very  little  if 
any  of  our  gold,  even  if  coined,  came  into  circulation.  By  the 
act  of  1793  foreign  coins  were  made  a  legal  tender  for  circula 
tion  in  this  country,  and  the  Spanish  silver  dollar,  on  which  ours 
was  founded,  with  its  8ths  or  "real"  pieces,  found  great  favor. 
Singularly  enough,  in  Mexico  and  the  West  Indies,  the  Spanish 
population  would  exchange  their  dollars  for  ours,  dollar  for  dol 
lar,  although  their  pieces,  if  not  worn,  were  each  three  grains 
heavier.  This  led  to  an  exchange  of  our  dollars  for  the  Span 
ish  ones,  which  were  promptly  recoined  at  the  mint  at  a  fair 
profit  to  the  depositor. 

This  put  upon  the  government  the  expense  of  manufactur 
ing  coins  with  no  advantage.  The  evil  grew  so  great  that  in 
1806  the  further  coinage  of  our  silver  dollars  was  prohibited  by 
President  Jefferson,  in  an  order  issued  through  the  state  de 
partment,  as  follows : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  May  1,  1806. 

SIR: — In  consequence  of  a  representation  from  the  director  of  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States,  that  considerable  purchases  have  been  made  of  dollars 
coined  at  the  mint  for  the  purpose  of  exporting  them,  and  as  it  is  probable 
further  purchases  and  exportations  will  be  made,  the  President  directs  that 
all  the  silver  to  be  coined  at  the  mint  shall  be  of  small  denominations,  so  that 
the  value  of  the  largest  pieces  shall  not  exceed  half  a  dollar. 

I  am,  etc.,  JAMES  MADISON. 

ROBERT  PATTERSON,  ESQ.,  Director  of  the  Mint. 

The  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  at  our  mint  was  not  resumed 
until  1836.  The  small  and  worn  Spanish  pieces,  being  legal 
tender,  also  drove  from  circulation  our  fractional  coins  coming 
bright  and  plump  from  the  mint.  Bank  notes  and  these  worn 
pieces  furnished  the  circulation  of  the  country. 

The  condition  of  the  currency  became  so  objectionable  that 
in  1830  the  subject  was  taken  up  by  a  special  committee  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  appointed  for  that  purpose.  Three 
reports  were  submitted,  in  one  of  which  the  committee  stated 
that  of  $37,000,000  coined  at  our  mints  only  $5,000,000  re 
mained  in  circulation.  A  bill  was  submitted  to  the  House  fix 
ing  the  ratio  at  15.625  to  one,  and  was  strongly  urged.  There 
appeared  no  special  opposition  to  the  measure  for  a  time,  but 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  389 

the  feeling  of  opposition  to  the  circulation  of  bank  bills  had 
become  very  strong  among  the  people  and  was  reflected  by  the 
administration. 

In  the  Senate  the  opposition  to  bank  bills  was  headed  by 
Thomas  H.  Benton,  who  openly  advocated  so  changing  the 
coinage  ratio  that  gold  would  circulate  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
notes,  and  perhaps  incidentally  of  silver  also.  The  matter  of 
providing  for  silver,  however,  received  little  attention.  The 
ratio  was  changed  to  sixteen  to  one,  John  Quincy  Adams  and 
Daniel  Webster  joining  with  Calhoun  and  Benton  in  bringing 
it  about.  It  was  well  understood  at  the  time  that  the  opera 
tion  of  this  act  would  banish  silver.  The  object  of  the  change 
was  distinctly  stated,  especially  by  Mr.  Benton,  who  said  : 

"  To  enable  the  friends  of  gold  to  go  to  work  at  the  right  place  to  effect 
the  recovery  of  that  precious  metal,  which  their  fathers  once  possessed  ; 
which  the  subjects  of  European  kings  now  possess  ;  which  the  citizens  of 
the  young  republics  to  the  south  all  possess  ;  which  even  the  free  negroes  of 
San  Domingo  possess  ;  but  of  which  the  yeomanry  of  this  America  have 
been  deprived  for  more  than  twenty  years,  and  will  be  deprived  forever, 
unless  they  discover  the  cause  of  the  evil  and  apply  the  remedy  to  its  root." 

By  the  act  of  1834,  superadded  to  by  the  act  of  1837,  the  ratio 
of  sixteen  to  one  instead  of  fifteen  to  one  was  adopted.  The 
result  was  that  gold  coins  were  largely  introduced  and  circu 
lated  ;  but  as  sixteen  ounces  of  silver  were  worth  more  than  one 
ounce  of  gold,  the  silver  coins  disappeared,  except  the  depre 
ciated  silver  coin  of  other  countries,  then  a  legal  tender.  To 
correct  this  evil,  Congress,  on  the  21st  of  February,  1853,  pro 
vided  for  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  by  the  government,  to 
be  coined  by  it  and  not  for  the  owners  of  the  bullion.  That 
was  the  first  time  the  government  had  ever  undertaken  to 
buy  bullion  for  coinage  purposes.  It  provided  for  the  purchase 
of  silver  bullion  and  the  coinage  of  subsidiary  silver  coins  at 
the  ratio  of  less  than  fifteen  to  one.  No  mention  was  made 
of  the  dollar  in  the  act  of  1853.  It  had  fallen  into  disuse  and 
when  coined  was  exported,  being  more  valuable  as  bullion  than 
as  coin. 

As  the  value  of  the  minor  coins  was  less  than  gold  at  the 
coinage  ratio,  they  were  limited  as  a  legal  tender  to  five  dollars 


390  RECOLLECTIONS 

in  any  one  payment.  They  were,  in  fact,  a  subsidiary  coin  made 
on  government  account,  and,  from  their  convenience  and  neces 
sity,  were  maintained  in  circulation.  They  were  similar  to 
the  coins  now  in  use,  revived  and  reenacted  by  the  resumption 
act  of  1875. 

It  was  not  the  intention  of  the  framers  of  this  law  to  demone 
tize  silver,  because  they  were  openly  avowed  bimetallists,  but 
it  limited  coinage  to  silver  bought  by  the  government  at 
market  price.  They  saw,  in  this  expedient,  a  way  in  which 
silver  could  be  more  generally  utilized  than  in  any  other. 
Mr.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  an  avowed  bimetallist,  in  a  report  to  the 
United  States  Senate,  said : 

"  The  mischief  would  be  great  indeed  if  all  the  world  were  to  adopt  but 
one  of  the  precious  metals  as  the  standard  of  value.  To  adopt  gold  alone 
would  diminish  the  specie  currency  more  than  one-half  ;  and  the  reduction 
the  other  way,  should  silver  be  taken  as  the  only  standard,  would  be  large 
enough  to  prove  highly  disastrous  to  the  human  race." 

He  evidently  did  not  consider  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion 
at  its  coinage  value  by  the  government,  instead  of  the  free 
coinage  of  silver,  as  monometallism. 

After  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1853,  gold  in  great  quanti 
ties,  the  product  of  the  mines  in  California,  was  freely  coined 
at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,  and  was  in  general  circulation. 
If,  then,  the  purchase  of  silver,  instead  of  the  free  coinage  of 
silver,  is  the  demonetization  of  silver,  it  was  demonetized  prac 
tically  in  1834,  and  certainly  in  1853,  when  the  purchase  of 
silver  and  its  use  as  money  increased  enormously.  In  1852 
the  coinage  of  silver  was  less  than  $1,000,000.  In  the  next 
year  the  coinage  of  silver  rose  to  over  $9,000,000,  and  reached 
the  aggregate  of  nearly  $50,000,000  before  the  beginning  of  the 
Civil  War.  Then,  as  now,  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  led 
to  a  greater  coinage  than  free  coinage. 

This  was  the  condition  of  our  coinage  until  the  war,  like  all 
other  great  wars  in  history,  drove  all  coins  into  hoarding  or  ex 
portation,  and  paper  promises,  great  and  small,  from  five  cents 
to  a  thousand  dollars,  supplanted  both  silver  and  gold. 

When,  therefore,  it  became  necessary  to  prepare  for  the 
coinage  of  gold  and  silver  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  act 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  391 

of  1869,  "  to  strengthen  the  public  credit,"  it  was  deemed  by  the 
treasury  department  advisable  to  revise  and  codify  the  coinage 
laws  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Boutwell,  then  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  with  the  assistance  of  John  Jay  Knox,  deputy  comp 
troller,  afterwards  comptroller,  of  the  currency,  and  the  officers 
of  the  mints  of  the  United  States,  prepared  a  complete  code 
of  the  coinage  laws.  It  was  submitted  to  experts,  not  only  to 
those  in  the  treasury  but  also  to  all  persons  familiar  with  the 
subject.  The  bill  was  entitled,  "  An  act  revising  and  amend 
ing  the  laws  relative  to  the  mint,  assay  offices,  and  coinage  of 
the  United  States." 

The  law,  tested  by  experience,  is  conceded  to  be  an  excellent 
measure.  A  single  provision  of  this  bill  has  been  the  subject 
of  charges  and  imputations  that  the  silver  dollar  was,  in  a 
fraudulent  and  surreptitious  way,  "demonetized"  by  this  act. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  foundation  for  this  imputation.  The 
bill  was  sent  to  me  as  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance, 
and  submitted  to  the  Senate  with  this  letter  : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  April  25,  1870. 

SIR: — I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  a  bill  revising  the  laws  rel 
ative  to  the  mint,  assay  offices,  and  coinage  of  the  United  States,  and 
accompanying  report.  The  bill  has  been  prepared  under  the  supervision  of 
John  Jay  Knox,  deputy  comptroller  of  the  currency,  and  its  passage  is  rec 
ommended  in  the  form  presented.  It  includes,  in  a  condensed  form,  all  the 
important  legislation  upon  the  coinage,  riot  now  obsolete,  since  the  first  mint 
was  established,  in  1792 ;  and  the  report  gives  a  concise  statement  of  the 
various  amendments  proposed  to  existing  laws  and  the  necessity  for  the 
change  recommended.  There  has  been  no  revision  of  the  laws  pertaining 
to  the  mint  and  coinage  since  1837,  and  it  is  believed  that  the  passage  of  the 
inclosed  bill  will  conduce  greatly  to  the  efficiency  and  economy  of  this 
important  branch  of  the  government  service. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

GEO.  S.  BOUTWELL,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 

Chairman  Finance  Committee,  United  States  Senate. 

Section  15  of  the  original  bill  omitted  the  silver  dollar.  It 
was  as  follows : 

"  SEC.  15.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  of  the  silver  coin,  the  weight 
of  the  half  dollar,  or  piece  of  50  cents,  shall  be  192  grains ;  and  that  of  the 
quarter  dollar  and  dime  shall  be,  respectively,  one-half  and  one-fifth  of 


392  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  weight  of  said  half  dollar.  That  the  silver  coin  issued  in  conformity 
with  the  above  section  shall  be  a  legal  tender  in  any  one  payment  of  debts 
for  all  sums  less  than  one  dollar." 

Section  18  prohibited  all  coins  except  those  named,  as 
follows : 

"  SEC.  18.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  no  coins,  either  gold,  silver, 
or  minor  coinage,  shall  hereafter  be  issued  from  the  mint  other  than  those  of 
the  denominations,  standards,  and  weights  herein  set  forth." 

Special  attention  was  called  to  the  dropping  out  of  the 
silver  dollar,  both  by  Secretary  Boutwell  and  Mr.  Knox,  and 
the  opinion  of  experts  was  invited  and  given  on  this  special 
matter  and  communicated  to  Congress.  These  sections,  in 
the  three  years  that  the  bill  was  pending  in  Congress,  were 
changed  either  in  the  House  or  Senate  in  only  one  or  two 
unimportant  particulars. 

Accompanying  the  report  of  Mr.  Knox  were  the  statements 
of  Kobert  Patterson,  of  Philadelphia,  confessedly  one  of  the 
ablest  scientists  and  metallists  in  the  United  States,  in  favor 
of  dropping  from  our  coinage  the  silver  dollar.  Dr.  Linderman, 
the  director  of  the  mint,  made  the  same  recommendation.  In 
the  report  accompanying  the  introduction  of  the  bill,  under 
date  of  April  25,  1870,  Comptroller  Knox  gives  the  history 
of  the  silver  dollar  and  the  reasons  for  its  discontinuance  as 
follows : 

"The  dollar  unit,  as  money  of  account,  was  established  by  the  act  of 
Congress  April  2,  1792,  and  the  same  act  provides  for  the  coinage  of  a  sil 
ver  dollar,  * of  the  value  of  a  Spanish  milled  or  pillar  dollar,  as  the  same 
is  now  current.'  The  silver  dollar  was  first  coined  in  1794,  weighing  416 
grains,  of  which  371J  grains  were  pure  silver,  the  fineness  being  892.4. 
The  act  of  January  18,  1837,  reduces  the  standard  weight  to  412J  grains, 
but  increases  the  fineness  to  900,  the  quantity  of  pure  silver  remaining  371J 
grains  as  before,  and  at  these  rates  it  is  still  coined  in  limited  amount." 

He  then  says : 

"The  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  piece,  the  history  of  which  is  here 
given,  is  discontinued  in  the  proposed  bill.  It  is,  by  existing  law,  the  dollar 
unit,  and  assuming  the  value  of  gold  to  be  fifteen  and  one-half  times  that  of 
silver,  being  about  the  mean  ratio  for  the  past  six  years,  is  worth  in  gold  a 
premium  of  about  three  per  cent,  (its  value  being  103.12)  and  intrinsically  more 
than  seven  per  cent,  premium  in  our  other  silver  coin,  its  value  thus  being 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  393 

107.42.  The  present  laws  consequently  authorize  both  a  gold  dollar  unit  and 
a  silver  dollar  unit,  differing  from  each  other  in  intrinsic  value.  The  present 
gold  dollar  piece  is  made  the  dollar  unit  in  the  proposed  bill,  and  the  silver 
dollar  piece  is  discontinued.  If,  however,  such  a  coin  is  authorized,  it  should 
be  issued  only  as  a  commercial  dollar,  not  as  a  standard  unit  of  account,  and 
of  the  exact  value  of  the  Mexican  dollar,  which  is  the  favorite  for  circulation 
in  China  and  Japan  and  other  oriental  countries. 

"  NOTE. — Assuming  the  value  of  gold  to  be  fifteen  and  one-half  times 
that  of  silver,  the  French  5-franc  piece  is  worth  about  96J  cents  (96.4784)  ; 
the  standard  Mexican  dollar  104.90,  our  silver  dollar  piece  103.12,  and  two 
of  our  half-dollar  pieces  96  cents." 

The  finance  committee  carefully  examined  the  bill.  We 
were  not  in  any  hurry  about  it.  It  was  sent  to  us  in  April, 
1870,  and  was  printed  and  sent,  by  the  order  of  the  Senate,  to 
everyone  who  desired  to  read  it  or  look  over  it. 

That  committee  was  composed  of  Messrs.  Sherman,  Wil 
liams,  Cattell,  Morrill,  Warner,  Fenton  and  Bayard. 

The  bill  was  reported  unanimously  to  the  Senate  December 
19,  1870,  after  lying  in  the  committee  room  for  eight  months. 

The  dollar  was  dropped  from  the  coins  in  the  bill  framed 
in  the  treasury  department.  It  was  then  an  unknown  coin. 
Although  I  was  quite  active  in  business  which  brought  under 
my  eye  different  forms  of  money,  I  do  not  remember  at  that 
time  ever  to  have  seen  a  silver  dollar.  Probably  if  it  had 
been  mentioned  to  the  committee  and  discussed  it  would 
have  been  thought,  as  a  matter  of  course,  scarcely  worthy  of 
inquiry.  If  it  was  known  at  all,  it  was  known  as  a  coin  for 
the  foreign  market. 

No  one  proposed  to  reissue  it.  The  Pacific  coast  had  six 
intelligent,  able,  and  competent  Senators  on  the  floor  of  the 
Senate.  They  would  have  carefully  looked  out  for  the  interest 
of  silver,  if  the  bill  affected  them  injuriously.  The  authority 
given  in  the  bill  as  it  finally  passed  for  coining  the  so-called 
trade  dollar,  met  all  the  demands  of  the  silver  producing 
states.  But  the  silver  dollar  at  that  time  was  worth  more  than 
the  gold  dollar.  California  and  Nevada  were  on  the  gold 
standard. 

The  bill  was  printed  over  and  over  again,  finally  reported, 
and  brought  before  the  Senate.  It  was  debated  there  for  three 


394  RECOLLECTIONS 

days.  Every  Senator  from  the  Pacific  coast  spoke  upon  the 
measure.  Eepresenting  the  committee,  I  presented  the  ques 
tions  as  they  occurred  from  time  to  time,  until  finally  we 
differed  quite  seriously  upon  the  question  of  a  charge  for  the 
coinage  of  gold.  The  only  yea  and  nay  vote  in  the  Senate  on 
the  passage  of  that  bill,  after  two  days  debate,  occurred  on 
the  10th  of  January,  1871.  Those  who  voted  in  favor  of  the 
bill  were  Messrs.  Bayard,  Boreman,  Brownlow,  Casserly,  Cole, 
Conkling,  Corbett,  Davis,  Gilbert,  Hamlin,  Harlan,  Jewett, 
Johnston,  Kellogg,  McCreary,  Morton,  Nye,  Patterson,  Pome- 
roy,  Pool,  Ramsey,  Rice,  Saulsbury,  Spencer,  Stewart,  Stockton, 
Simmer,  Thurman,  Tipton,  Trumbull,  Vickers,  Warner,  Willey, 
Williams,  Wilson  and  Yates— 36. 

Every  one  of  the  six  Members  of  the  Pacific  coast  voted  for 
the  bill  after  full  debate. 

Against  this  bill  were  Messrs.  Abbott,  Ames,  Anthony, 
Buckingham,  Carpenter,  Chandler,  Fenton,  Hamilton,  of  Texas, 
Harris,  Howell,  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  Pratt,  Scott  and  Sher 
man — 14. 

So  that  on  the  only  yea  and  nay  vote  which  was  ever  taken 
upon  the  bill  I  voted  against  it.  It  was  not  on  account  of  de 
monetizing  the  silver  dollar.  I  did  not  do  it  because  of  that, 
but  I  did  it  because  gold  was  then  only  coined  for  the  benefit 
of  private  depositors;  we  were  not  using  gold  except  for  limited 
purposes.  Gold  was  the  standard  in  California,  and  we  thought 
the  people  of  that  state  ought  to  continue  to  pay  the  old  and 
reasonable  rate  for  coinage  of  one-fifth  of  one  cent  to  the  dol 
lar.  No  action  was  taken  on  the  bill  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  and  it  failed  to  pass  during  that  Congress.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  next  Congress  the  bill  was  introduced  by  Win. 
D.  Kelley,  and  reported  by  him  favorably  to  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives.  It  gave  rise  to  considerable  debate,  especially 
the  section  defining  the  silver  coins.  No  one  proposed  to 
restore  the  old  silver  dollar,  but  the  House  inserted  a 
coin  precisely  the  equivalent  of  five  francs,  or  two  half 
dollars  of  our  subsidiary  coin,  and  this  franc  dollar,  as  it 
was  called,  was  made,  like  other  subsidiary  coins,  a  legal 
tender  for  only  five  dollars.  On  the  9th  of  April,  1872,  Mr. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  395 

Hooper,  having  charge  of  the  bill,  called  especial  attention 
to  the  dropping  of  the  old  dollar  and  the  substitution  of  the 
French  dollar.  He  said,  on  April  9,  1872: 

"  Section  16  reenacts  the  provisions  of  existing  laws  defining  the  silver 
coins  and  their  weights,  respectively,  except  in  relation  to  the  silver  dollar, 
which  is  reduced  in  weight  from  41 2 J  to  384  grains ;  thus  making  it  a  sub 
sidiary  coin  in  harmony  with  the  silver  coins  of  less  denomination,  to  secure 
its  concurrent  circulation  with  them.  The  silver  dollar  of  412^  grains,  by 
reason  of  its  bullion  and  intrinsic  value  being  greater  than  its  nominal  value, 
long  since  ceased  to  be  a  coin  of  circulation,  and  is  melted  by  manufactur 
ers  of  silverware.  It  does  not  circulate  now  in  commercial  transactions  with 
any  country,  and  the  convenience  of  those  manufacturers,  in  this  respect,  can 
better  be  met  by  supplying  small  stamped  bars  of  the  same  standard,  avoid 
ing  the  useless  expense  of  coining  the  dollar  for  that  purpose.  The  coinage 
of  the  half  dime  is  discontinued  for  the  reason  that  its  place  is  supplied  by 
the  copper  nickel  five-cent  piece,  of  which  a  large  issue  has  been  made,  and 
which,  by  the  provisions  of  the  act  authorizing  its  issue,  is  redeemable  in 
United  States  currency." 

When  the  bill  was  sent  to  the  Senate  it,  in  compliance 
with  the  memorial  of  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  California, 
inserted  in  place  of  the  French  dollar,  of  384  grains  of  stand 
ard  silver,  a  dollar  containing  420  grains  of  standard  silver, 
called  the  "trade  dollar."  This  was  urged  upon  the  ground 
that,  as  the  Mexican  dollar  contained  416  grains,  or  3^  grains 
more  than  the  old  silver  dollar,  it  had  an  advantage  in  trade 
with  China  and  Japan  over  our  dollar,  and  that  a  coin  contain 
ing  a  few  grains  more  than  the  Mexican  dollar  would  give 
our  people  the  benefit  of  this  use  for  silver.  This  dollar  was, 
in  conference,  agreed  to  by  the  House,  but  was  a  legal  tender 
for  only  five  dollars.  On  final  action  on  that  bill,  the  con 
ferees  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  were  Messrs.  Sherman,  Scott 
and  Bayard.  The  amendment  of  the  Senate  adopting  the 
trade  dollar  was  agreed  to  by  the  House,  and  the  bill  passed  in 
both  Houses  without  a  division. 

There  never  was  a  bill  proposed  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  which  was  so  publicly  and  openly  presented  and  agi 
tated.  I  know  of  no  bill  in  my  experience  which  was  printed, 
as  this  was,  thirteen  times,  in  order  to  invite  attention  to  it.  1 
know  no  bill  which  was  freer  from  any  immoral  or  wrong  influ 
ence  than  this  act  of  1873. 


396  RECOLLECTIONS 

During  the  pendency  of  this  bill,  the  Senators  and  Repre 
sentatives  from  the  Pacific  coast  were  in  favor  of  the  single 
standard  of  gold  alone.  This  was  repeatedly  shown  during  the 
debates,  but  now  they  complain  that  the  silver  dollar  was  de 
monetized,  and  that,  though  present,  taking  the  most  active 
interest  in  the  consideration  of  the  bill,  they  did  not  observe 
that  the  silver  dollar  was  dropped  from  the  coinage.  The  pub 
lic  records  are  conclusive  against  this  pretense.  Mr.  Stewart, 
Senator  from  Nevada,  and  all  the  Senators  from  the  Pacific 
coast,  who  took  an  active  part  in  the  debate  on  the  bill,  must 
have  known  of  the  dropping  of  the  silver  dollar  from  the  coin 
age.  It  appears  from  the  "Congressional  Record"  that,  on 
the  llth  of  February,  1874,  Mr.  Stewart  said  : 

"I  want  the  standard  gold,  and  no  paper  money  not  redeemable  in 
gold  ;  no  paper  money  the  value  of  which  is  not  ascertained  ;  no  paper 
money  that  will  organize  a  gold  board  to  speculate  in  it." 

Again,  only  a  few  days  after  this,  on  the  20th  of  Febru 
ary,  when  he  was  speaking  in  favor  of  the  resolution,  instruct 
ing  the  committee  on  finance  to  report  a  bill  providing  for  the 
convertibility  of  treasury  notes  into  gold  coin  or  five  per  cent, 
bonds,  he  said : 

"  By  this  process  we  shall  come  to  a  specie  basis,  and  when  the  laboring 
man  receives  a  dollar  it  will  have  the  purchasing  power  of  a  dollar,  and  he 
will  not  be  called  upon  to  do  what  is  impossible  for  him  or  the  producing 
classes  to  do,  figure  upon  the  exchanges,  figure  upon  the  fluctuations,  figure 
upon  the  gambling  in  New  York  ;  but  he  will  know  what  his  money  is 
worth.  Gold  is  the  universal  standard  of  the  world.  Everybody  knows 
what  a  dollar  in  gold  is  worth." 

To  review  the  history  of  the  act  of  1873 :  It  was  framed  in 
the  treasury  department  after  a  thorough  examination  by  ex 
perts,  transmitted  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  thoroughly  ex 
amined  and  debated  during  four  consecutive  sessions,  with  in 
formation  called  for  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  printed 
thirteen  times  by  order  and  broadly  circulated,  and  many 
amendments  were  proposed,  but  no  material  changes  were  made 
in  the  coinage  clause  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  con 
troversy.  It  added  the  French  dollar  for  a  time,  but  that  was 
superseded  by  the  trade  dollar,  and  neither  was  made  a  legal 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  397 

tender  but  for  five  dollars.  It  passed  the  Senate  on  the  10th  of 
January,  1871—36  yeas  and  14  nays — every  Senator  from  the 
Pacific  coast  voting  for  it. 

It  was  introduced  in  the  House  of  Representatives  by  Mr. 
Kelley,  at  the  next  session.  It  was  debated,  scrutinized,  and 
passed  unanimously,  dropping  the  silver  dollar,  as  directly 
stated  by  Mr.  Hooper.  It  was  reported,  debated,  amended,  and 
passed  by  the  Senate  unanimously.  In  every  stage  of  the  bill, 
and  every  print,  the  dollar  of  41 2 \  grains  was  prohibited,  and 
the  single  gold  standard  recognized,  proclaimed,  and  under 
stood.  It  was  not  until  silver  was  a  cheaper  dollar  that  any 
one  demanded  it,  and  then  it  was  to  take  advantage  of  a 
creditor. 

It  has  always  been  within  the  power  of  Congress  to  correct 
this  error,  if  error  was  made;  but  Congress  has  refused  over 
and  over  again  to  do  it.  When  the  controversy  arose,  in  1878, 
on  the  Bland  bill,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  pro 
posed  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  the  Senate  rejected  it  after  a 
deliberate  contest,  and  substituted  in  place  of  it  what  is  called 
the  Bland- Allison  act,  which  required  the  purchase,  by  the 
government,  of  silver  bullion  at  its  market  value,  and  its 
coinage  to  a  limited  amount.  Every  effort  has  been  made, 
from  that  time  to  this,  to  have  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  pass  a  free  coinage  act. 

If  this  is  done,  it  will  be  to  secure  a  cheaper  dollar  of  less 
purchasing  power,  with  the  view  to  enable  debtors  to  pay 
debts,  contracted  on  the  basis  of  gold  coin,  with  silver  coins, 
worth,  with  free  coinage,  less  than  one-half  of  gold  coin. 

In  reviewing,  at  this  distance  of  time,  the  legislation  of 
1873,  in  respect  to  the  coinage  of  silver,  I  am  of  the  opinion 
that  it  was  fortunate  that  the  United  States  then  dropped  the 
coinage  of  the  old  silver  dollar.  No  one  then  contemplated  the 
enormous  yield  of  silver  from  the  mines,  and  the  resulting  fall 
in  the  market  value  of  silver,  but,  acting  upon  the  experience 
of  the  past,  that  a  parity  between  silver  and  gold  could  not  be 
maintained  at  any  fixed  ratio,  Congress  adopted  gold  as  the 
standard  of  value,  and  coined  silver  as  a  subsidiary  coin,  to  be 
received  and  maintained  at  a  parity  with  gold,  but  only  a  lega] 


398  RECOLLECTIONS 

tender  for  small  sums.  This  was  the  principle  adopted  in  the 
act  of  1853,  when  silver  was  more  valuable  than  gold  at  the 
legal  ratio.  Silver  was  not  then  coined  into  dollars,  because 
it  was  then  worth  more  as  bullion  than  as  coin.  It  was  needed 
for  change,  and,  under  the  law  of  1853,  it  was  furnished  in 
abundance.  Similar  laws  are  now  in  force  in  all  countries 
where  gold  is  the  sole  standard.  Under  these  laws,  a  larger 
amount  of  silver  is  employed  as  subsidiary  coins  than  when  the 
coinage  of  silver  was  free. 

The  same  condition  of  coinage  now  exists  in  the  United 
States.  While  silver  is  reduced  in  market  value  nearly  one- 
half,  silver  coins  are  maintained  at  par,  with  gold  at  the 
old  ratio,  by  the  fiat  of  the  government.  It  is  true  that  the 
purchase  of  silver,  under  recent  laws,  involved  a  heavy  loss  to 
the  government,  but  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  under  the  ratio 
of  sixteen  to  one,  would  exclude  gold  from  our  currency,  detach 
the  United  States  from  the  monetary  standard  of  all  the  chief 
commercial  nations  of  the  world,  and  change  all  existing  con 
tracts  between  individuals  and  with  the  government.  In  view 
of  these  results,  certain  to  come  from  the  free  coinage  of  silver, 
I  am  convinced  that  until  some  international  arrangement 
can  be  made,  the  present  system  of  coinage  should  continue 
in  force.  This  has  now  become  a  political,  or,  rather,  a  mone 
tary  question,  to  be  decided  sooner  or  later,  by  popular  opinion, 
at  the  polls.  This  subject  will  be  further  discussed  at  a  later 
period,  when  efforts  were  made  to  adopt  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  at  the  old  ratio. 

Prior  to  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  1870,  a  con- 
troversy  had  arisen  between  Senator  Sumner  and  Secretary 
Fish,  which  created  serious  embarrassment,  and  I  think  had  a 
very  injurious  influence  during  that  and  succeeding  sessions  of 
Congress.  Mr.  Sumner  had  long  been  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  on  foreign  relations,  and  no  doubt  exercised  a  domineer 
ing  power  in  this  branch  of  the  public  service.  Mr.  Fish  and 
Mr.  Sumner  had  differed  widely  in  respect  to  the  annexation  of 
San  Domingo  and  certain  diplomatic  appointments  and  former 
treaties,  among  them  the  highly  important  English  negotiation 
for  the  settlement  of  claims  growing  out  of  the  war.  On  these 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  399 

topics  the  President  and  Mr.  Sumner  could  not  agree.  Mr. 
Sumner  insisted  that  the  hasty  proclamation  by  Great  Britain 
of  neutrality  between  the  United  States  and  the  Southern  Con 
federacy  was  the  gravamen  of  the  Alabama  claims.  The  Presi 
dent  and  Mr.  Fish  contended  that  this  proclamation  was  an 
act  of  which  we  could  not  complain,  except  as  an  indication  of 
an  unfriendly  spirit  by  Great  Britain,  and  that  the  true  basis  of 
the  Alabama  claims  was  that  Great  Britain,  after  proclaiming 
neutrality,  did  not  enforce  it,  but  allowed  her  subjects  to  build 
cruisers,  and  man,  arm  and  use  them,  under  cover  of  the  rebel 
flag,  to  the  destruction  of  our  commercial  navy. 

This  difference  of  opinion  between  the  President  and  Mr. 
Sumner  led  to  the  removal  of  John  L.  Motley,  our  minister  to 
England,  who  sided  with  Sumner,  and  unquestionably  intensi 
fied  the  feeling  that  had  arisen  from  the  San  Domingo  treaty. 

As  to  that  treaty  it  was  a  conceded  fact  that  before  the 
President  had  become  publicly  committed  to  it  he  had,  waiving 
his  official  rank,  sought  the  advice  and  counsel  of  Mr.  Sumner, 
and  was  evidently  misled  as  to  Mr.  Sumner's  views  on  this  sub 
ject.  The  subsequent  debating,  in  both  open  and  executive 
session,  led  to  Mr.  Sumner's  taking  the  most  extreme  and  active 
opposition  to  the  treaty,  in  which  he  arrayed  with  great  severity 
the  conduct  of  the  naval  officers,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Mr.  Fish  and  the  President.  This  was  aggravated  by  alleged 
public  conversations  with  Mr.  Sumner  by  "interviewers/7  in 
which  the  motives  of  the  President  and  others  were  impugned. 

In  the  meantime,  social  relations  between  the  Secretary  of 
State  and  Mr.  Sumner  had  become  impossible  ;  and — consider 
ing  human  passion,  prejudice  and  feeling — anything  like  frank 
and  confidential  communication  between  the  President  and  Mr. 
Sumner  was  out  of  the  question. 

A  majority  of  the  Republican  Senators  sided  with  the  Presi 
dent.  We  generally  agreed  that  it  was  a  false-pretended 
neutrality,  and  not  a  too  hasty  proclamation  of  neutrality, 
that  gave  us  an  unquestionable  right  to  demand  indemnity 
from  Great  Britain  for  the  depredations  of  the  Alabama  and 
other  English  cruisers.  And  as  for  the  San  Domingo  treaty,  a 
large  majority  of  Eepublican  Senators  had  voted  for  it — though 


400  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  did  not ;  and  nearly  all  of  us  had  voted  for  the  commission  of 
inquiry  of  which  Mr.  Wade  was  the  chief  member. 

When  we  met  in  March,  it  was  known  that  both  these  im 
portant  subjects  would  necessarily  be  referred  to  the  committee 
on  foreign  relations,  and  that,  aside  from  the  hostile  personal 
relations  of  Mr.  Sumner  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  he  did  not, 
and  could  not,  and  would  not,  represent  the  views  of  a  majority 
of  his  Republican  colleagues  in  the  Senate,  and  that  a  majority 
of  his  committee  agreed  with  him.  Committees  are  and 
ought  to  be  organized  to  represent  the  body,  giving  a  majority 
of  the  members  to  the  prevailing  opinion,  but  fairly  represent 
ing  the  views  of  the  minority.  It  has  been  the  custom  in  the 
Senate  to  allow  each  party  to  choose  its  own  representatives 
in  each  committee,  and  in  proportion  to  its  numbers. 

In  the  Republican  conference  the  first  question  that  arose 
was  as  to  Mr.  Sumner.  He  was  the  oldest  Senator  in  consecu 
tive  service.  He  was  eminent  not  only  as  a  faithful  representa 
tive  of  Republican  principles,  but  as  especially  qualified  to  be 
chairman  of  our  foreign  relations.  He  had  long  held  that 
position,  and  it  was  not  usual  in  the  Senate  to  change  the  com 
mittees,  but  to  follow  the  rule  of  seniority,  placing  Senators 
of  the  majority  party  in  the  order  of  their  coming  into  the 
Senate  and  those  of  the  minority  at  the  foot  of  the  list. 

In  deciding  Mr.  Sumner's  case,  in  view  of  the  facts  I  have 
stated,  two  plans  were  urged : 

First — To  place  him  at  the  head  of  the  new  and  important 
committee  of  privileges  and  elections,  leaving  the  rest  of  the 
committee  on  foreign  relations  to  stand  in  the  precise  order 
it  had  been,  with  one  vacancy  to  be  filled  in  harmony  with  the 
majority. 

Second — To  leave  Mr.  Sumner  to  stand  in  his  old  place  as 
chairman,  and  to  make  a  change  in  the  body  of  the  commit 
tee  by  transferring  one  of  its  members  to  another  committee, 
and  fill  the  vacancy  by  a  Senator  in  harmony  with  the  ma 
jority. 

My  own  opinion  was  that  the  latter  course  was  the  most 
polite  and  just;  but  the  majority  decided,  after  full  considera 
tion  and  debate,  upon  the  first  alternative. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  401 

Simon  Cameron  was  next  to  Mr.  Sumner  on  the  list  of 
Republican  members  of  the  committee,  and,  by  uniform  usage, 
became  its  chairman. 

This  affair  created  feeling  in  the  Senate  which  it  is  diffi 
cult  now  to  realize,  but  it  was  decided  in  a  Republican  caucus, 
in  which  there  was  an  honest  difference  of  opinion.  We  fore 
saw,  whichever  way  it  should  be  decided,  that  it  would  create 
—  and  it  did  create — bad  feeling  among  Senators,  which  ex 
isted  as  long  as  Mr.  Sumner  lived.  I  think  it  proper  to  make 
this  statement  of  my  own  views  at  the  time,  though  by  the 
happening  of  great  events  this  incident  has  almost  passed  out 
of  memory. 

Mr.  Sumner  died  in  Washington,  March  11,  1874.  He  was 
distinguished  for  his  literary  attainments,  and  his  strong  oppo 
sition  to  the  institution  of  slavery  and  his  severe  arraignment 
of  it.  The  brutal  attack  made  upon  him  by  Preston  S.  Brooks 
created  profound  sympathy  for  him. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 
SOME  EVENTS  IN  MY  PRIVATE  LIFE. 

Feuds  and  Jealousies  During  Grant's  Administration  —  Attack  on  Me  by  the  Cin 
cinnati  "  Enquirer "  —  Reply  and  Statement  Regarding  My  Worldly  Posses 
sions  —  I  Am  Elected  to  the  Senate  for  the  Third  Term  —  Trip  to  the 
Pacific  with  Colonel  Scott  and  Party  —  Visit  to  the  Yoseinite  Val 
ley  —  San  Diego  in  1872  —  Return  Via  Carson  City  and  Salt 
Lake  —  We    Call    on    Brigham    Young  —  Arrival     Home 
to    Enter   Into     the    Greeley-Grant    Canvass  —  Elec 
tion  of   General    Grant   for    the   Second   Term. 

1HAVE  purposely  followed  the  legislation  of  Congress  on 
financial  questions  until  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1873, 
passing  over  other  events  in  my  personal  history  and  that 
of  President  Grant. 

It  can  hardly  be  said  that  we  had  a  strictly  Eepublican 
administration,  during  his  two  terms.  While  Republicans 
were  selected  to  fill  the  leading  offices,  the  policy  adopted  and 
the  controlling  influence  around  him  were  purely  personal. 
He  consulted  but  few  of  the  Senators  or  Members,  and  they 
were  known  as  his  personal  friends.  Mr.  Conkling,  by  his  im 
perious  will,  soon  gained  a  strong  influence  over  the  President, 
and  from  this  came  feuds,  jealousies  and  enmities,  that  greatly 
weakened  the  Republican  party  and  threatened  its  ascendency. 
This  was  a  period  of  bitter  accusations,  extending  from  the 
President  to  almost  everyone  in  public  life.  During  the  entire 
period  of  Grant's  administration,  I  was  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  on  finance  of  the  Senate,  and  had  to  act  upon  all  ques 
tions  of  taxation,  debt,  banking  or  finance,  and  had  occasion  to 
talk  with  the  President  upon  such  measures,  but  he  rarely 
expressed  any  opinion  or  took  any  interest  in  them.  His  veto 
of  the  bill  to  increase  the  amount  of  United  States  notes,  on 
the  22nd  of  April,  1874,  was  an  exception,  but  on  this  he  changed 
his  mind,  as  he  had  expressed  his  approval  of  the  bill  when  pend 
ing.  He  was  charged  with  being  in  a  whisky  ring  and  with 
other  offensive  imputations,  all  of  which  were  without  the 

(402) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  403 

slightest  foundation.  General  Grant  was,  in  every  sense  of 
the  word,  an  honest  man.  He  was  so  honest  that  he  did  not 
suspect  others,  and  no  doubt  confided  in,  and  was  friendly 
with,  those  who  abused  his  confidence.  It  was  a  period  of 
slander  and  scandal. 

I  did  not  escape  the  general  crimination.  I  usually  met 
accusations  with  silence,  as  my  accusers  were  answered  by 
others.  In  March,  1871,  the  Cincinnati  "Enquirer"  contained 
the  following  imputation : 

"  We  are  informed  that  a  gentleman  who  lately  filled  a  responsible 
office  in  this  city,  who  has  recently  returned  from  Washington,  says  that  the 
Southern  Railroad  bill  would  have  passed  the  United  States  Senate  if  it 
had  not,  unfortunately,  happened  that  Senator  Sherman  had  no  direct  pe 
cuniary  interest  in  it.  In  these  days,  and  with  such  Congresses,  it  takes 
grease  to  oil  the  wheels  of  legislation." 

On  the  12th  of  March  I  wrote  to  the  editors  of  the  "En 
quirer  "  the  following  note,  after  quoting  the  editorial : 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  March  12,  1871.  ) 
To  THE  EDITORS  OF  THE  'ENQUIRER  : ' 

GENTLEMEN  :  —  Some  one,  perhaps  in  your  office,  sends  me  the  follow 
ing  editorial,  cut  from  your  paper : 

•x-#-x-#-x-#-x-## 

All  I  can  say  in  reply  is  that  it  contains  a  falsehood  and  a  calumny. 
I  introduced  the  bill  for  the  Southern  Railroad ;  am  strongly  in  favor 
of  it,  and  pressed  it  at  every  stage  as  rapidly  as  the  rules  of  the  Sen 
ate  and  the  strong  opposition  to  it  would  allow.  This  is  known  by  every 
Senator,  and  I  am  quite  sure  Judge  Thurman  and  Mr.  Davis  would  say  so. 
I  alone  took  an  active  interest  in  the  bill,  and  at  the  very  moment  your  edi 
torial  was  received  I  was  pressing  a  Republican  caucus  to  make  it  an  excep 
tion  to  a  resolution  not  to  take  up  general  legislation  at  this  session.  Every 
one  familiar  with  our  rules  knew  that  it  was  the  sheerest  folly  to  try  to  pass 
the  bill  on  the  last  day  of  the  session,  especially  as  against  our  appropria 
tion  bills.  When  it  does  pass  it  will  take  days  of  debate,  and  will  not  re 
ceive  support  from  any  of  your  political  associates,  who  think  Kentucky 
can  block  up  all  intercourse  between  the  north  and  south.  Still  I  yielded 
to  the  earnest  desire  of  the  trustees  to  try  to  get  a  vote,  but  failed  to  get 
the  floor  at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  only  moment  it  was  possible  to 
submit  even  the  motion  to  take  it  up.  The  bill  to  abolish  the  duty  on  coal 
was  taken  up  and  was  not  acted  on,  nor  would  the  railroad  bill,  or  any  other 
contested  bill,  have  passed  at  that  stage  of  the  session. 


404  RECOLLECTIONS 

As  to  the  base  imputation  you  attribute  to  'a  gentleman  who  lately 
filled  a  responsible  office  in  this  city,'  I  can  only  say  that,  whether  it  orig 
inates  with  you  or  anyone  else,  it  is  utterly  false.  Neither  in  this  nor  in 
any  measure  that  has  passed  Congress,  or  is  pending,  have  I  had  any  direct 
pecuniary  interest.  I  respectfully  ask  that  you  print  this,  and  also  the 
name  of  the  '  gentleman '  you  refer  to. 

I  intend,  in  the  interests  of  the  city  of  Cincinnati  and  of  the  whole 
country,  to  press  the  Southern  Railroad  bill,  and  to  secure  its  passage  as 
soon  as  possible,  but  it  is  rather  poor  encouragement  to  read  such  libels  in 
a  prominent  paper  in  your  city.  Yours  etc.,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

This  was  followed  by  an  article  in  the  "  Enquirer  "  embod 
ied  in  my  reply,  as  follows  : 

WASHINGTON,  March  20,  1871. 

GENTLEMEN  : — In  your  editorial  in  the  'Enquirer'  of  March  17,  in  com 
menting  on  my  card  to  you  as  to  my  action  on  the  Cincinnati  Southern 
Railroad  bill,  you  repeat  my  statement  that  '  neither  in  this  nor  in  any  meas 
ure  that  has  passed  Congress,  or  is  pending,  have  I  had  any  pecuniary  interest,' 
and  you  say : 

'If  this  is  true,  he  has  certainly  been  a  very  badly  slandered  gentleman. 
Somehow  or  other  there  is  a  popular  impression  that  Mr.  Sherman  has  con 
trived  to  make  his  connection  with  politics  a  highly  lucrative  business,  and 
that  he  has  exhibited,  since  he  has  been  in  Congress,  a  worldly  thrift  that  is 
remarkable.  There  is  a  further  impression  that  he  is  now  a  very  rich  man, 
whereas,  a  few  years  ago,  before  he  was  in  public  affairs,  his  circumstances  were 
decidedly  moderate.  Perhaps  our  senatorial  friend  may  not  be  aware  of 
the  existence  of  these  derogatory  reports,  and  will  thank  us  for  giving  him 
an  opportunity,  now  that  he  knows  of  their  existence,  to  disprove  them.' 

I  have  not  been  ignorant  that  there  has  been  a  studied  effort — ascribed 
by  me  to  the  common  tactics  of  political  warfare — to  create  the  impression, 
by  vague  innuendo,  that  I  have  used  my  official  position  to  make  money  for 
myself.  I  know  that  this  charge  or  imputation  is  without  the  slightest 
foundation,  and  I  now  repeat  that  I  never  was  pecuniarily  interested  in  any 
question,  bill  or  matter  before  Congress ;  that  I  never  received  anything  in 
money,  or  property,  or  promise,  directly  or  indirectly,  for  my  vote  or  influ 
ence  in  Congress  or  in  the  departments  ;  that  I  have  studiously  avoided 
engaging  in  any  business  depending  upon  legislation  in  Congress.  The 
only  enterprise  in  which  I  ever  engaged,  which  rests  upon  an  act  of  Con 
gress,  is  that  in  1862,  after  the  bill  passed  authorizing  the  construction  of  a 
street  railroad  in  this  city,  I,  with  others,  openly  subscribed  stock,  and 
undertook  to  build  it  in  pursuance  of  the  act  of  Congress. 

From  the  position  assigned  me  here,  I  have  had  to  deal  with  great  ques 
tions  involving  our  financial  system  of  currency,  taxes  and  debt,  and  I  can 
appeal  to  all  my  associates  in  Congress,  to  each  of  the  eminent  men  with 
whom,  as  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury,  I  have  been  intimate,  and  to  every  man 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  405 

of   the   multitude    with   whom  I  have   been  brought  into   contact,    to    say 
whether  I  have  ever  been  influenced  in  my  course  by  pecuniary  interest. 

But  you  say  that  the  impression  is  that  I  am  a  very  rich  man,  whereas, 
before  I  was  in  public  affairs,  my  circumstances  were  decidedly  moderate. 
This  allegation  contains  two  gross  exaggerations.  When  I  entered  public 
life,  I  was  largely  engaged  in  my  profession  and  other  lucrative  business. 
If  I  had  not  engaged  in  politics,  I  might  have  been  the  rich  man  you 
suppose.  I  am  not  this  day  relatively  richer,  considering  the  changed  value 
of  property,  than  I  was  when  I  entered  the  Senate.  Some  time  ago  it  was 
stated  in  your  paper  that  I  was  worth  millions.  A  very  small  fraction,  in 
deed,  of  one  million  dollars  will  cover  all  I  am  worth.  My  property  con 
sists  mainly  of  real  estate,  palpable  to  the  eye,  and  the  rest  of  it  is  chiefly  in 
a  railroad  with  which  I  was  connected  before  I  entered  public  life. 

I  have  managed  my  business  affairs  with  reasonable  care,  prudence, 
economy  and  success.  What  I  have  is  the  result  of  this. 

You  kindly  offer  me  an  opportunity  to  disprove  to  you  these  reports. 
Well,  how  can  I?  What  charge  is  made  against  me?  How  can  I  fight 
shadows?  How  can  a  man  prove  himself  innocent  against  an  innuendo  ? 

But  as  you  offer  me  the  opportunity,  I  now  invite  Mr.  Faran  to  come 
to  my  home  at  Mansfield,  and  I  will  show  him  all  I  possess  there,  and  ren 
der  him  a  full  account  of  all  I  have  elsewhere,  and  if  I  can't  fairly  account 
for  it  without  being  suspected  of  receiving  bribes,  or  gifts,  or  stealing,  then 
he  can  repeat  these  baseless  accusations  with  an  easy  conscience. 

You  may  ask  why  I  have  not  met  these  derogatory  reports  before. 
Perhaps  I  ought,  but  I  feel  the  humiliation  of  such  a  controversy,  and 
thought  it  time  enough  when  a  specific  charge  was  made.  And  I  am  told 
by  Mr.  Hedges,  my  former  law  partner,  that  in  my  absence,  last  summer, 
he  corrected  some  gross  misstatements  in  your  paper  about  me,  and  that 
you  refused  or  neglected  to  publish  it  —  even  to  notice  it.  As,  however, 
you  now,  in  a  courteous  way,  invite  this  letter,  I  take  great  pleasure  in 
accepting  your  offer.  Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MESSRS.  FARAN  &  McLEAN,  editors  of  the  'Enquirer.' 

I  doubted  the  policy  of  my  publishing  such  a  letter,  or  of 
taking  any  notice  of  so  indefinite  a  charge,  but  the  response 
from  the  press  was  fair,  especially  from  the  "Shield  and 
Banner,"  a  Democratic  paper  printed  in  Mansfield,  as  follows : 

"  We  publish  a  letter  of  Hon.  John  Sherman  to  the  editors  of  the  Cin 
cinnati  *  Enquirer.'  It  is  hardly  necessary  that  we  should  say  that  we  have 
no  sympathy  with  the  political  creed  of  John  Sherman.  Between  him  and 
us  there  is  a  vast  and  wide  difference  ;  but  we  are  not,  we  trust,  so  much  of 
the  partisan  that  we  cannot  do  justice  to  a  neighbor,  if  that  neighbor  differs 
with  us.  We  have  known  John  Sherman,  not  only  during  all  his  public  life, 
but  from  the  time  we  became  a  resident  of  Mansfield,  now  covering  a  period 


406  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  thirty  years,  and  we  have  always  known  him  as  industrious,  prudent  and 
careful  in  his  profession,  and  economical  and  thrifty  in  his  business.  We 
placed  very  little  credence  in  the  rumors  that  he  was  a  man  of  immense 
wealth.  His  property  is  mostly  in  real  estate.  He  was  fortunate  in  get 
ting  hold  of  very  desirable  property  in  and  around  our  city,  and  the  advance 
in  that  has  doubtless  given  him  a  competence  ;  but  it  is  folly  to  charge  him 
with  being  a  millionaire.  We  have,  in  common  with  our  neighbors,  enjoyed 
his  hospitality,  and  his  style  of  living  is  neither  extravagant  nor  ostentatious. 
"  Mr.  Sherman  is  one  of  our  townsmen,  and  although  all  wrong  as  a  poli 
tician  and  statesman,  and  holding  to  a  creed  we  utterly  disapprove,  he  is  a 
highminded  and  honorable  man,  and  we  are  bound  to  accept  his  statement 
about  his  pecuniary  affairs  as  true. " 

I  have  often  since  been  accused  of  the  crime  of  "  being  rich," 
but  as  nearly  all  my  possessions  are  visible  to  the  naked  eye, 
and  their  history  and  acquisition  are  known  to  so  many,  I 
think  I  am  not  required  to  prove  that  I  have  not  made  them 
as  the  result  of  legislation  or  my  holding  public  trusts. 

My  second  term  in  the  Senate  expired  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1873.  The  election  of  my  successor  devolved  upon  the  legisla 
ture  that  convened  on  the  first  Monday  of  January,  1872. 

The  canvass  in  Ohio,  in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1871,  was  an 
active  and  exciting  one  and  attracted  great  interest  in  other 
states.  The  result  would  indicate  the  strength  or  weakness  of 
Grant's  administration.  I  felt  it  was  necessary,  not  only  for 
my  re-election,  but  for  the  success  of  the  Republican  party,  that 
every  effort  should  be  made  to  elect  a  Republican  majority  in 
the  legislature,  and  I,  therefore,  at  the  state  convention  and 
in  most  of  the  congressional  districts  of  Ohio,  made  earnest 
speeches  in  behalf  of  the  state  ticket  and  members  of  the  leg 
islature.  I  received  many  letters  of  encouragement,  one  of 
which,  from  Senator  Carpenter  in  reference  to  my  speech  in  the 
convention,  I  insert : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  20,  1871. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  just  read  your  speech  to  the  state  convention  of 
Ohio.  It  is  splendid.  The  only  fault  I  have  to  find  with  it  is,  that  you 
have  covered  the  whole  ground  and  reduced  us  'lesser  lights'  to  the  neces 
sity  of  repeating  and  elaborating.  This  is  very  mean  of  you;  you  might 
have  left  some  topic  of  the  next  campaign  untouched,  for  us  to  dwell  upon. 
But  you  have  pre-empted  everything  and  we  must  follow  after. 

Very  truly  yours,  MATT  H.  CARPENTER. 


Kmird  Stote  JStowfe  (Jkmfes. 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  407 

The  legislature  was  elected  in  October,  1871,  but  the  major 
ity  for  the  Republicans  was  so  small  that  the  election  of  a  Re 
publican  Senator  was  in  doubt. 

I  received  many  hearty  letters  of  congratulation  on  our 
success  in  Ohio  from  my  colleagues  in  the  Senate,  among  them 
one  from  Senator  Conkling  as  follows  : 

UTICA,  N.  Y.,  October  13,  1871. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  MANSFIELD,  OHIO. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Having  waited  for  certainties  touching  your  election 
and  the  legislature,  and  having  watched  the  canvass  with  sincere  solicitude, 
I  congratulate  you  most  heartily  upon  the  result. 

Your  own  speeches  have  been  among  the  best  you  ever  made,  and  your 
canvass  has  been  full  of  the  pluck  without  which  no  canvass  and  no  political 
contest  is  thorough  or  truthful. 

This  state  is  ours  unless  the  people  are  discouraged  from  voting  in  the 
country  by  the  belief  that  with  Tammany  to  count,  it  matters  not  what 
majority  roll  up  above  the  Highlands. 

Notwithstanding  the  grievous  statement  of  the  '  Tribune '  and  inspired  by 
the  'Tribune,'  we  have  done  nothing  harsh  to  the  anti-administration  minor 
ity,  but  the  least  and  mildest  thing  which  would  prevent  a  split  in  our  or 
ganization  with  trouble  for  the  future,  and  probably  a  double  delegation  in 
the  next  national  convention.  Yours  sincerely,  ROSCOE  CONKLING. 

It  was  conceded  that  a  decided  majority  of  the  Republican 
members  of  the  legislature  were  in  favor  of  my  re-election, 
but  it  was  believed  that  an  effort  would  be  made  by  five 
Republican  members  to  combine  with  the  Democratic  members 
and  thus  secure  the  election  of  ex-Governor  Jacob  D.  Cox. 

A  Republican  legislative  caucus  was  convened  on  the  even 
ing  of  January  4th,  to  nominate  a  candidate.  The  first  and  in 
formal  ballot  gave  me  61  votes  to  14  scattering  and  the  second 
ballot  71  votes  to  4  scattering.  This  settled  the  matter  unless 
the  few  dissenting  votes  could  combine  with  the  solid  Demo 
cratic  vote  upon  some  other  candidate.  It  was  soon  found 
that  this  attempt  would  be  abortive,  as  several  Democrats, 
and  especially  those  from  Richland  and  Fairfield  counties, 
would  vote  for  me  if  the  choice  came  between  Cox  and  my 
self.  Every  effort  was  made  by  General  Ashley  and  the  few 
others  who  were  opposed  to  my  nomination  to  combine  upon 
anyone  who  could  defeat  me.  They  offered  their  support  to 
Governor  Hayes,  but  this  was  promptly  refused  by  him.  The 


408  RECOLLECTIONS 

same  effort  was  made  with  Governor  Dennison,  General  Gar- 
field  and  General  Schenck,  and  failed. 

The  joint  convention  for  the  election  of  a  Senator  was  held 
on  the  second  Tuesday  of  January.  It  was  an  open  meeting. 
The  voting  was  soon  over  on  roll  call,  and  the  result  was  as 
follows :  Sherman  73  ;  Morgan  64 ;  Cox  1 ;  Schenck  1 ;  Perry  1. 
Thus  I  was  elected  by  six  majority  over  all.  When  this  result 
was  known  five  Democrats  changed  from  Morgan  to  Cox,  and 
others  were  preparing  to  do  so  when  Lieutenant  Governor  Muel 
ler  announced  the  result  of  the  vote.  He  was  an  educated  Ger 
man  of  high  standing,  but  his  English  was  very  imperfect.  His 
decision  that  I,  having  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast,  was 
duly  elected,  was  clearly  right,  and  this  was  conceded,  but  his 
imperfect  English  created  great  noise  and  merriment.  It  was 
printed  in  the  "  Ohio  Statesman,"  on  the  same  day,  as  follows  : 

"  John  Sherman,  having  received  seventy-three  votes  for  President  in 
Congress  [laughter],  I  mean  for  Senator  in  Congress,  which  being  a 
majority  over  all  them  others,  I  declares  John  Sherman  duly  elected  Sen 
ator  in  Congress  from  Ohio." 

If  the  changing  of  the  minority  vote  had  proceeded,  some  of 
the  Democratic  votes  would  have  been  cast  for  me,  and  my  ma 
jority  would  have  been  increased,  but  I  preferred  the  election  as 
it  occurred.  My  election  for  the  third  term  was  after  a  hot 
political  contest,  but  it  left  no  wounds  unhealed.  Most  of  the 
gentlemen  opposed  to  me  became  afterwards  my  warm  friends. 

In  July,  1872,  two  months  after  the  close  of  the  session  of 
Congress,  I  received  the  following  letter  from  Thomas  A. 
Scott,  President  of  the  Texas  and  Pacific  Railroad  Company  : 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  19,  1872. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — A  few  gentlemen  connected  with  the  Texas  and  Pa 
cific  road,  and  myself,  propose  to  go  to  the  Pacific  coast,  leaving  Philadelphia 
about  the  12th  to  the  15th  of  August. 

If  your  engagements  will  permit,  I  shall  be  very  glad  indeed  to  have 
you  go  with  us. 

I  am  going  from  San  Francisco  to  San  Diego,  and  shall  return  by  way 
of  San  Francisco  ;  the  trip  will  occupy  about  thirty  days. 

Please  let  me  hear  from  you,  and,  if  possible,  let  me  have  the  pleasure 
of  your  company.  Very  truly  yours, 

THOMAS  A.  SCOTT,  President. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  409 

I  accepted  the  invitation,  and  with  a  very  agreeable  party 
of  ladies  and  gentlemen,  among  whom  were  Mr.  W.  T.  Walters, 
of  Baltimore,  and  his  daughter,  made  my  first  voyage  to  the 
Pacific  coast.  Mr.  Scott,  as  president  of  the  Pennsylvania  Kail- 
road  Company,  had  command,  by  courtesy,  of  every  conven 
ience  of  travel.  We  had  a  dining  car  which  we  could  attach 
to  any  train,  with  ample  room  for  beds,  and  a  full  supply  of 
provisions.  The  journey  to  San  Francisco  was  broken  by  sev 
eral  stops  on  the  way  at  places  that  we  thought  interesting. 

Great  changes  had  occurred  in  the  brief  period  since  my  trip 
in  an  ambulance  with  General  Sherman.  The  Indians  and  buf 
faloes  had  disappeared  from  the  plains,  the  former  placed  on  res 
ervations  distant  from  the  railroad,  and  the  latter  by  gradual 
extinction.  When  we  crossed  the  Laramie  plains  I  was  in,  to 
me,  a  "  terra  incognita."  The  great  basin  of  Salt  Lake,  with 
the  varied  and  picturesque  scenery  to  the  east  and  west  of  it, 
attracted  our  attention,  but  the  want  of  water,  the  dry  air,  the 
dust  and  the  absence  of  trees  and  vegetation  of  any  kind,  con 
demn  all  that  country  to  waste  and  desolation,  except  in  a 
few  cases  where  irrigation  can  be  had.  The  Nevada  range  of 
mountains  was  crossed  at  night,  but  we  were  to  explore  them 
on  our  return.  When  the  broad  valley  of  the  Sacramento 
opened  to  our  view,  we  could  hardly  express  our  delight.  Here, 
indeed,  was  the  land  of  gold,  with  its  clear  air,  its  grand  moun 
tains,  its  rich  plains. 

Aside  from  the  wonderful  variety  of  its  scenery,  the  history 
of  California  has  always  excited  poetic  interest — its  long  set 
tlement  by  mixed  races  living  in  quiet  peaceful  harmony, 
mainly  as  herdsmen  and  shepherds,  suddenly  disturbed  and 
conquered  without  firing  a  gun,  by  an  aggressive  race  who  soon 
revolutionized  the  habits  of  the  natives,  and  planted  a  new  civ 
ilization,  with  all  the  bad  as  well  as  the  good  elements  of  our 
race.  Then  the  discovery  of  gold,  immediately  following  the  con 
quest  of  California,  drew  to  it,  from  all  parts  of  the  United 
States,  the  most  restless  and  adventurous  of  our  population,  some 
of  the  worst  and  many  of  the  best.  The  rapid  admixture  of 
these  diverse  elements  threatened  for  a  time  hostile  conflicts, 
in  which  criminals,  under  cover  of  law,  committed  murder  and 


410  RECOLLECTIONS 

other  crimes,  and  peaceful,  law-abiding  citizens  were  compelled 
to  appeal  to  force  and  mob  law  to  preserve  civilization. 

The  railway  soon  brought  us  through  Sacramento  to  San 
Francisco,  where  we  remained  several  days.  We  were  kindly 
received  and  entertained.  The  enterprise  of  Scott  was  not 
then  favored  in  San  Francisco,  but  this  did  not  prevent  our 
hearty  welcome.  Here  I  met  Mr.  Hollister,  whom  I  had  known 
in  Ohio.  He  was  the  great  shepherd  of  California.  I  was  in 
formed  that  he  owned  100,000  sheep,  divided  into  flocks  of 
about  3,000  each.  These  flocks  were  wintered  at  a  large  ranch 
near  the  Pacific  coast  belonging  to  him.  The  climate  was 
mild,  and  the  sheep  could  live  without  shelter  during  the  win 
ter.  The  flocks  would  start  eastwardly  over  the  great  valley, 
each  flock  cared  for  by  a  shepherd,  a  boy  and  a  dog,  feeding  in 
the  open  country,  some  of  the  flocks  reaching  the  Mariposa 
valley,  one  hundred  miles  away.  When  the  grass  failed  they 
were  turned  to  the  west  to  their  home.  Whether  this  tale  is 
an  exaggeration  I  cannot  say,  but  certain  it  is  that  at  that  time 
sheep  raising  and  the  production  of  wool  was  one  of  the  chief 
industries  of  California.  Hollister  was  also  interested  in  woolen 
manufacture,  especially  of  blankets,  equal  to  any  in  the  world. 
When  I  knew  him  in  Ohio,  he  and  his  brother  were  the  own 
ers,  by  inheritance,  of  a  large  and  valuable  farm  in  Licking 
county.  When  gold  was  discovered  in  California,  Hollister 
sold  to  his  brother  one-half  of  the  farm,  and  with  the  proceeds 
purchased  a  large  flock  of  the  best  Ohio  sheep,  and  drove  them 
to  California,  taking  two  years  for  the  journey.  He  was  fond  of 
telling  his  adventures,  and  proud  of  his  success.  He  died  a  few 
years  since  in  California,  but  whether  his  good  fortune  fol 
lowed  him  to  the  close  of  his  life  I  do  not  know.  He  was  very 
kind  to  our  party  and  accompanied  us  to  San  Diego. 

From  San  Francisco  we  made  a  trip  to  the  Mariposa  Grove, 
and  the  Yosemite  valley.  We  traveled  by  rail  to  a  small  station 
nearest  the  grove.  Then  by  stage  we  rode  to  the  terminus  of 
the  line.  From  there  we  went  but  a  short  distance  to  the 
grove.  This  majestic  survivor  of  the  forest  has  been  so  often 
described  that  details  are  not  necessary.  We  measured  the 
trees,  and  rode  on  horseback  nearly  one  hundred  feet  through 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  411 

one  of  the  fallen  monsters.  We  also  attempted  to  form  a  ring 
with  hands  and  arms  extended  around  one  of  these  trees,  but  our 
party  was  not  numerous  enough  to  encircle  it.  I  felt  a  sense 
of  insignificance  when  I  realized  the  long  life  of  some  of  these 
trees,  estimated  to  span  forty  generations  of  men,  and  still  in 
health  and  strength.  We  returned  to  the  stage  station  and 
again  mounted  our  horses  and  mules  for  the  perilous  adventure 
of  a  descent  into  the  Yosemite  valley.  It  so  happened  that 
Mr.  Bell,  the  keeper  of  the  station,  was  a  former  resident  of  Bell- 
ville,  in  Eichland  county,  Ohio,  in  which  I  live.  He  knew  me 
well,  and  his  wife  I  knew  as  the  daughter  of  a  leading  farmer 
of  that  county.  I  thought  I  might  utilize  this  acquaintance 
by  asking  him  to  see  that  I  was  well  mounted  to  descend  to 
the  valley.  Much  to  my  surprise  a  spirited  horse,  well  ac 
coutred,  was  brought  out  for  Colonel  Scott,  and  a  shaggy  short- 
legged  mule,  with  a  California  saddle  and  a  common  but  stout 
bridle,  was  brought  out  for  me.  I  felt  that  Bell  had  disregarded 
the  obligation  of  "  auld  acquaintance,"  but  said  nothing. 

My  mount  started  at  the  heels  of  the  cavalcade  in  a  steady 
walk,  but  I  noticed  he  was  sure-footed,  and  that,  at  the  end  of 
two  or  three  weary  hours,  he  had  passed  most  of  the  party  and 
soon  after  was  close  in  the  wake  of  Colonel  Scott.  In  the 
meantime,  I  had  noticed  that  I  was  the  subject  of  merriment. 
My  feet  were  in  close  proximity  to  the  ground.  The  length  of 
my  legs  was  out  of  proportion  to  that  of  the  legs  of  the  mule. 
When  we  came  to  descend  the  mountain,  however,  at  an  angle 
of  nearly  forty-five  degrees,  on  a  very  narrow  path,  I  found  that 
my  mule  could  turn  the  bends  of  the  track,  and,  by  a  peculiar 
gathering  of  his  feet,  could  slide  down  difficult  places,  while 
Colonel  Scott,  on  his  already  jaded  horse,  was  troubled  and 
worried.  He  dismounted  when  the  path  widened  and  asked 
me  to  go  ahead.  He  then  followed  me,  leading  his  horse. 
After  that,  I  made  up  my  mind  that  my  Richland  county  friend 
had  not  failed  me  in  my  hour  of  need. 

As  for  the  scenery  through  which  we  were  passing,  no  lan 
guage  can  describe  it.  We  saw,  four  thousand  feet  below,  a 
beautiful  little  valley  about  half  a  mile  wide  at  the  widest 
part,  with  what  appeared  to  be  a  very  small  stream  dancing 


412  RECOLLECTIONS 

along  from  side  to  side  of  the  valley,  and  surrounded  by  pre 
cipitous  mountains  in  every  direction.  The  eye  and  mind  can 
now  vividly  recall  the  picture  of  the  scenes  then  around  me. 
My  mule  had  my  confidence,  but  I  feared  lest  some  fatal  mis 
hap  might  befall  some  of  my  companions,  and  especially  I 
feared  for  a  lady  who  ventured  the  journey,  but  she  fortunately 
displayed  pluck  and  coolness,  and  at  the  end  of  the  day  we  all 
arrived  at  the  hut  in  the  valley  safe  and  sound,  but  very  weary. 
Since  that  time,  I  understand  that  a  good  road  has  been  made 
up  the  valley,  by  which  tourists  can  enjoy  the  grandest  scen 
ery  in  nature,  without  the  risk  we  took. 

We  enjoyed  a  hearty  supper  of  plain  food,  and  a  sound  sleep 
on  corn-husk  mattresses.  The  next  day  we  explored  the  val 
ley,  and  enjoyed  the  changing  views  of  near  and  distant  moun 
tains.  These  have  often  been  described,  but  they  can  only  be 
appreciated  by  a  personal  visit.  We  left  the  valley  by  another 
route  to  the  north,  and  reached  the  railroad  by  a  different  line 
of  stages. 

Returning  to  San  Francisco,  we  took  the  boat  for  San 
Diego,  stopping,  on  the  way,  at  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Pedro. 
From  this  place  we  drove  to  Los  Angeles,  then  a  typical  Mex 
ican  town  of  great  interest.  The  good  people  hoped  for  the 
railroad,  but  Colonel  Scott  expected  the  road  of  which  he  was 
president  would  be  able  to  reach  San  Diego. 

Our  arrival  at  San  Diego  was  an  event  of  interest  to  the 
few  people  of  that  town.  We  inspected  the  remarkable  harbor 
and  the  surrounding  country.  It  was  apparently  a  good  site  for 
a  great  city.  Fresh  water  was  the  great  want  and  rain-falls  were 
rare,  but  it  was  claimed  that  an  ample  supply  of  water  could 
be  had  from  the  hills.  The  real  obstacle  to  that  site,  as  a  ter 
minus  for  the  railroad,  was  the  mountains  east  of  San  Diego, 
which,  upon  a  survey,  were  found  to  be  extremely  difficult,  and 
this  turned  the  route  to  Los  Angeles,  over  natural  passes  and 
through  the  beautiful  region  of  San  Bernardino. 

We  returned,  by  boat,  to  San  Francisco,  and  soon  after 
turned  our  way  eastward.  We  stopped  at  Reno,  and  went  by 
rail  to  Carson  City,  the  capital  of  Nevada.  It  was  then  an  em 
bryo  town.  From  there  we  went  to  Lake  Tahoe,  one  of  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  413 

finest  bodies  of  water  on  the  earth.  Its  clear,  cold  waters  filled 
a  natural  basin  in  the  midst  of  the  Nevada  range  of  mountains, 
which  was  supplied  by  the  melting  snows.  We  then  returned 
to  Carson  City,  ascended,  by  rail,  an  inclined  plain  of  high 
grade,  to  Virginia  City.  Most  of  the  party  descended  into  the 
mines,  but  I  was  prevented  from  doing  so  by  an  attack  of  neu 
ralgia,  a  complaint  from  which  I  never  suffered  before  or  since, 
caused,  as  it  was  said,  by  the  high  altitude  and  thin  air.  Here 
I  met  several  natives  of  Ohio,  who  had  sought  their  fortunes 
in  the  far  west.  They  were  very  kind  to  the  party  and  to 
myself.  It  got  to  be  a  common  remark,  that  Ohio  had  every 
thing  good  in  the  west.  I  could  answer  that  they  all  seemed 
to  deserve  what  they  had.  I  was  disposed  to  be  proud  of  them 
and  of  my  native  state,  but  soon  after,  on  the  way  east,  we 
heard  of  an  atrocious  murder  committed  by  two  Ohio  men. 
This  turned  the  tables  on  my  native  state,  and  I  was  com 
pelled  to  confess  that  bad  men  came  from  Ohio  as  well  as  from 
other  states;  but,  if  so,  Ohio  people  excelled  in  the  atrocity  of 
their  crimes  as  well  as  in  the  excellence  of  their  merits ! 

Our  next  stopping  place  was  at  Salt  Lake  City.  Whatever 
opinion  we  may  have  of  the  religious  creed  and  dogmas  of  the 
Mormons,  we  cannot  deny  the  industry  and  courage  of  that 
sect  in  building  up  a  city  in  a  wilderness  where  natural  condi 
tions  seemed  to  forbid  all  hope  of  success  in  such  an  enterprise. 
And  yet  there  it  was,  a  well-ordered  city  laid  out  with  squares, 
avenues,  streets,  and  reservations  for  schools,  churches  and 
other  public  uses,  with  water  introduced  in  great  abundance. 
All  the  needs  of  city  life  were  provided,  such  as  stores,  markets 
and  shops.  We  were  invited  by  the  delegate  in  Congress,  from 
Utah,  to  call  on  Brigham  Young,  and  we  did  so.  He  was  a 
large,  well-built  man,  then  about  sixty  years  old.  He  took 
great  interest  in  the  enterprise  of  Colonel  Scott  and  seemed 
familiar  with  all  the  railways  built  or  projected  in  the  western 
country.  There  was  nothing  in  his  conversation  or  manner 
that  indicated  the  "crank,"  nor  did  he  exhibit  any  of  the  signs 
of  a  zealot  or  fanatic.  He  made  no  allusions  to  his  creed  or 
the  habits  of  his  followers  and  betrayed  no  egotism  or  pride. 
He  has  died  since  but  the  organization  he  left  behind  him  is 


414  RECOLLECTIONS 

still  in  existence,  and  the  Mormon  faith  is  still  the  creed  and 
guide  of  the  great  body  of  those  who  followed  Brigham  Young 
into  the  wilderness,  and  of  their  numerous  descendants.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  the  government  and  people  of  the  United 
States  will  let  the  Mormons  severely  alone,  allowing  them  to 
believe  what  they  will,  and  to  do  in  the  way  of  worship  what 
they  choose.  In  this  way  only  can  their  confidence  in  alleged 
revelations  be  shaken,  and  Mormonism  will  disappear  among 
the  many  vain  attempts  of  humanity  to  explore  the  mysteries 
of  life  and  death.  Persecution  never  weakens  delusions,  nor 
disturbs  faith,  however  ignorant  and  groundless. 

From  Salt  Lake  our  party  went  to  Cheyenne  and  thence  to 
Denver.  This  city  was  growing  rapidly  and  was  plainly  des 
tined  to  be  the  principal  center  of  the  mineral  development  of 
several  states.  I  had,  on  a  previous  trip,  visited  the  interest 
ing  region  of  the  "Garden  of  the  Gods,"  Colorado  Springs  and 
Pike's  Peak.  Our  party  left  Denver  for  home.  On  the  long 
stretch  via  Kansas  City,  St.  Louis  and  Indianapolis  we  saw 
nothing  new,  as  we  were  traveling  over  familiar  ground.  It 
was  early  in  September,  when  corn,  the  great  western  staple, 
was  approaching  maturity,  and  the  earth  was  giving  forth  its 
increase.  We  were  crossing  the  largest  and  perhaps  most  fer 
tile  valley  of  the  world.  All  of  it  had  been  redeemed  from  na 
ture  and  the  Indians,  within  one  hundred  years.  During  our 
trip  we  had  passed  through  great  cities,  prosperous  towns  and 
amidst  wonderful  scenery.  All  of  the  route  except  through 
the  Yosemite  valley  was  passed  over  in  a  palace  car.  The 
ocean  voyage  was  in  a  steamboat  even  more  luxurious  than  the 
palace  car.  All  this  rapid  development  did  not  satisfy  the 
desire  of  Colonel  Scott  and  Mr.  Walters.  Their  minds  were 
occupied  with  vast  railroad  projects,  some  of  which  were  ac 
complished  before  their  death.  I  also  had  my  dreams  but 
they  related  to  public  policies  rather  than  internal  improve 
ments  and  some  of  these  have  been  realized. 

I  was  awakened  one  bright  morning  in  September  and  told 
that  the  car  was  in  Ohio.  This  was  enough  to  drive  sleep  from 
my  eyelids.  I  looked  out  upon  the  rich  lands  of  the  Miami 
valley,  the  comfortable  homesteads  on  every  farm,  the  fat 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  415 

cattle  and  herds  of  sheep,  the  broad  fields  of  yellow  corn,  and 
every  sign  of  fertility.  All  these,  and  perhaps  a  little  admix 
ture  of  state  pride,  led  me  to  say  that,  after  all,  the  people  of 
Ohio  need  not  go  beyond  the  bounds  of  that  state  with  any 
hope  to  improve  their  condition  or  to  secure  a  better  oppor 
tunity  for  a  happy  life.  I  soon  parted  with  my  friends  with 
sincere  regrets,  for  in  our  journeyings  we  were  in  truth  a 
happy  family. 

The  canvass  in  Ohio  was  then  progressing  for  the  election  of 
a  President  and  Members  of  Congress,  in  which  I  was  expected, 
as  usual,  to  take  a  part.  The  strange  anomaly  of  Horace 
Greeley  running  on  a  Democratic  ticket  was  enough  in  itself 
to  excite  opposition,  especially  in  the  southern  states.  The  re 
sult  was  that  General  Grant,  in  November,  1872,  was  elected 
President  by  31  states  with  286  electoral  votes.  Greeley  died 
after  the  election,  and  before  the  electors  voted,  so  that  no 
electoral  vote  was  counted  for  him.  If  he  had  lived  he  would 
probably  have  received  60  electoral  votes. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 
THE  PANIC  OF  1873  AND  ITS  RESULTS. 

Failure  of  Jay  Cooke  and  Co.  —  Wild  Schemes  "for  the  Belief  of  the  People"  — 
Congress  Called  Upon  for  Help  — Finance  Committee's  Report  for  the  Redemp 
tion  of  United  States  Notes  in  Coin  —  Extracts  from  my  Speech  in  Favor 
of   the  Report  — Bill  to  fix  the  Amount  of  United  States  Notes  — 
Finally  Passed  by  the  Senate  and  House  —  Vetoed  by  Presi 
dent  Grant   and  Failure  to  Pass  Over  His  Objections  — 
General     Effect    Throughout     the     Country    of    the 
Struggle    for     Resumption  —  Imperative    Neces 
sity  of  Providing  Some  Measure  of  Relief. 

DURING  the  first  four  years  of  General  Grant's  admin 
istration  the  financial  condition  of  the  United  States 
was  eminently  prosperous.  The  total  reduction  of 
the  national  debt,  from  the  1st  of  March,  1869,  to  the 
1st  of  November,  1873,  was  $383,629,783,  the  annual  saving  of 
interest  resulting  therefrom  being  $27,432,932.  During  this 
period  the  value  of  United  States  notes  compared  with  coin 
steadily  increased.  The  funding  of  the  six  per  cent,  bonds  into 
five  per  cent,  bonds,  under  the  refunding  act,  continued  at  the 
rate  of  about  $85,000,000  a  year.  The  credit  of  the  United 
States  steadily  advanced  during  this  period,  so  that  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  report  of  1873,  stated  that  it  had  not 
stood  higher  since  the  close  of  the  Rebellion  than  it  did  at  that 
time.  This  improvement  of  the  public  credit  was  accompanied 
with  a  large  reduction  of  internal  taxes  and  duties  on  imported 
goods.  The  business  of  the  country  was  prosperous,  the  in 
crease  and  extension  of  railroads  and  the  development  of  new 
industries  was  marked,  indicating  great  prosperity. 

All  this  was  subsequently  changed  by  the  happening  of  a 
panic  in  September,  1873.  The  cause  of  this  was  attributed  to 
over-trading,  to  the  expansion  of  credits,  and  to  rash  invest 
ments  made  in  advance  of  public  needs.  This  panic  com 
menced  by  the  failure  of  Jay  Cooke  &  Co.,  of  Philadelphia,  an 

(416) 


J.  I.  Christy,  Ass't  Doo-keeper. 
W.  J.  McDonald,  Chief  Clerk.          Mitchell. 
Goldthwaite.  Flanagan.  Dennis. 

Gordon.  Windoin. 


U.  S.  SENAT01 

Taken  Thursday,  February  12 

Sprague.          J.  R.  French,  Sergeant-at-Ani 
Harvey.          Ing-alls.         Kelly.        Dan- 
Wadleigh.  Stewart.  Alcorn. 

Bogy.  Cameron.  Fenton. 


mlHr  9 


i  CONQRESS. 

ite  Portico  of  the  Capital. 

\ss't  Doorkeeper.  Hagcr.  Anthony.  Bayard.  Pease. 

Ransom.          Sherman.         Hamilton,  of  Md.  Boreman.  Logan.         Conover. 

Robertson.  Clayton.  Tipton.  Patterson.  Cragin.  Thurman. 

Pratt.  Chandler.  Scott.  Hitchcock.  Ramsey. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  417 

enterprising  firm  of  high  standing,  then  engaged  in  selling 
the  bonds  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad  Company.  I  was 
engaged  at  that  time,  with  a  committee  of  the  Senate,  of  which 
William  Windom  was  chairman,  in  examining  many  plans 
of  public  improvements,  especially  in  the  increase  of  facili 
ties  for  water  transportation  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
river,  and  at  the  great  lakes  on  our  northern  boundary, 
improvements  since  then  made  with  great  benefit  to  the  com 
merce  of  the  United  States.  Roscoe  Conkling,  of  New  York, 
was  a  member  of  that  committee.  We  were  at  Buffalo  when 
the  failure  of  Cooke  &  Co.  was  announced.  We  all  felt  that 
for  the  present,  at  least,  our  duties  as  a  committee  were  at 
an  end.  The  panic  spread  so  that  in  a  month  all  industries 
were  in  a  measure  suspended.  The  wildest  schemes  for  relief 
were  proposed,  in  and  out  of  Congress.  The  panic  spread  to 
the  banks,  which  were  compelled  in  self-defense  to  call  in  their 
loans,  to  withhold  their  circulating  notes,  and  contract  their 
business.  As  usual  on  the  happening  of  such  a  panic,  an 
appeal  was  made  to  the  treasury  for  relief,  a  demand  was  made 
for  an  increase  of  the  volume  of  the  United  States  notes,  and 
that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  should  use  the  money  of  the 
government  to  buy  exchange. 

The  New  York  Produce  Exchange  applied  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  on  the  29th  of  September,  1873,  in  resolutions, 
as  follows : 

"  WHEREAS,  The  critical  condition  of  the  commercial  interests  of  the 
country  requires  immediate  relief  by  the  removal  of  the  block  in  negotiat 
ing  foreign  exchange  ;  therefore  be  it 

"  Resolved,  That  we  respectfully  suggest  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  the  following  plans  for  relief  in  this  extraordinary  emergency : 

"  First,  That  currency  be  immediately  issued  to  banks  or  bankers,  upon 
satisfactory  evidence  that  gold  has  been  placed  upon  special  deposit  in  the 
Bank  of  England,  by  their  correspondents  in  London,  to  the  credit  of  the 
United  States,  to  be  used  solely  in  purchasing  commercial  bills  of  exchange. 

"  Second,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  are  respectfully  requested  to  order  the  immediate  prepayment 
of  the  outstanding  loan  of  the  United  States  due  January  1,  1874." 

This  request  had,  as  a  matter  of  course,  to  be  denied.  But 
the  secretary  did  purchase  $13,000,000  of  bonds  for  the  sinking 
fund,  to  the  full  extent  the  condition  of  the  treasury  allowed. 


S.-27 


418  RECOLLECTIONS 

It  is  difficult  to  realize  or  to  convey  by  description  the  wild 
ideas  developed  by  such  a  panic.  The  government  for  the  time 
being  is  expected  to  provide  a  remedy  for  a  condition  it  did  not 
create,  but,  instead  of  aiding,  the  government  is  most  likely  to 
need  aid.  The  revenues  from  importations  fell  off  and  the 
value  of  United  States  notes  declined. 

When  Congress  convened  in  December,  1873,  the  wildest 
schemes  for  relief  to  the  people  were  proposed.  A  large  in 
crease  of  United  States  notes  was  demanded.  More  than  sixty 
bills,  resolutions  and  propositions  were  introduced  in  the  Sen 
ate  in  respect  to  the  currency,  the  public  debt  and  national 
banks,  all  bearing  upon  the  financial  condition  of  the  country, 
expressing  every  variety  of  opinion,  from  immediate  coin  pay 
ments  to  the  wildest  inflation  of  irredeemable  paper  money. 
All  these  were  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance,  then  com 
posed  as  follows :  Messrs.  Sherman  (chairman),  Morrill,  of  Ver 
mont,  Scott,  Wright,  Ferry,  of  Michigan,  Fenton  and  Bayard. 

The  several  measures  referred  to  the  committee  were  taken 
up  and  considered,  but  the  same  wide  divergence  of  opinion 
was  developed  in  the  committee  as  existed  outside  of  Congress 
among  the  people. 

The  majority  of  the  committee  reported  to  the  Senate  the 
following  resolution : 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  during  its  present  session  to 
adopt  definite  measures  to  redeem  the  pledge  made  in  the  act  approved 
March  18,  1869,  entitled  '  An  act  to  strengthen  the  public  credit,'  as  follows  : 
'  And  the  United  States  also  pledges  its  faith  to  make  provision,  at  the  ear 
liest  practicable  period,  for  the  redemption  of  the  United  States  notes  in 
coin  ; '  and  the  committee  on  finance  is  directed  to  report  to  the  Senate,  at 
as  early  a  day  as  practicable,  such  measures  as  will  not  only  redeem  this 
pledge  of  the  public  faith,  but  will  also  furnish  a  currency  of  uniform  value, 
always  redeemable  in  gold  or  its  equivalent,  and  so  adjusted  as  to  meet  the 
changing  wants  of  trade  and  commerce." 

Mr.  Ferry,  of  Michigan,  a  member  of  the  committee,  offered 
the  following  substitute  for  the  pending  resolution : 

"  That  the  committee  on  finance  is  directed  to  report  to  the  Senate,  at 
as  early  a  day  as  practicable,  such  measures  as  will  restore  commercial  con 
fidence  and  give  stability  and  elasticity  to  the  circulating  medium  through 
a  moderate  increase  of  currency." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  419 

Upon  these  adverse  propositions  a  long  debate  followed 
without  practical  results.  I  made  a  long  speech  on  the  16th 
day  of  January,  1874,  in  favor  of  the  resolution  of  the  commit 
tee.  I  then  said  : 

"  At  the  outset  of  my  remarks  I  wish  to  state  some  general  propositions 
established  by  experience,  and  the  concurring  opinions  of  all  writers  on  po 
litical  economy.  They  may  not  be  disputed,  but  are  constantly  overlooked. 
They  ought  to  be  ever  present  in  this  discussion  as  axioms,  the  truth  of 
which  has  been  so  often  proven  that  proof  is  no  longer  requisite. 

"  The  most  obvious  of  these  axioms,  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  the 
argument  I  wish  to  make  to-day,  is  that  a  specie  standard  is  the  best  and  the 
only  true  standard  of  all  values,  recognized  as  such  by  all  civilized  nations 
of  our  generation,  and  established  as  such  by  the  experience  of  all  commer 
cial  nations  that  have  existed  from  the  earliest  period  of  recorded  time. 
While  the  United  States,  as  well  as  all  other  nations,  have  for  a  time,  under 
the  pressure  of  war  or  other  calamity,  been  driven  to  establish  other  stand 
ards  of  value,  yet  they  have  all  been  impelled  to  return  to  the  true  stand 
ard  ;  and  even  while  other  standards  of  value  have  been  legalized  for  the 
time,  specie  has  measured  their  value  as  it  now  measures  the  value  of  our 
legal  tender  notes. 

"  This  axiom  is  as  immutable  as  the  law  of  gravitation  or  the  laws  of 
the  planetary  system,  and  every  device  to  evade  it  or  avoid  it  has,  by  its 
failure,  only  demonstrated  the  universal  law  that  specie  measures  all  values 
as  certainly  as  the  surface  of  the  ocean  measures  the  level  of  the  earth. 

"  It  is  idle  for  us  to  try  to  discuss  with  intelligence  the  currency  ques 
tion  until  we  are  impressed  with  the  truth,  the  universality,  and  the  immuta 
bility,  of  this  axiom.  Many  of  the  crude  ideas  now  advanced  spring  from 
ignoring  it.  The  most  ingenious  sophistries  are  answered  by  it.  It  is  the 
governing  principle  of  finance.  It  is  proved  by  experience,  is  stated  clearly 
by  every  leading  writer  on  political  economy,  and  is  now  here,  in  our  own 
country,  proving  its  truth  by  measuring  daily  the  value  of  our  currency 
and  of  all  we  have  or  produce.  I  might,  to  establish  this  axiom,  repeat 
the  history  of  finance,  from  the  shekels  of  silver,  '  current  money  with  the 
merchant,'  paid  by  Abraham,  to  the  last  sale  of  stock  in  New  York.  I 
might  quote  Aristotle  and  Pliny,  as  well  as  all  the  writers  on  political 
economy  of  our  own  time,  and  trace  the  failure  of  the  innumerable  efforts 
to  establish  some  other  standard  of  value,  from  the  oxen  that  measured  the 
value  of  the  armor  of  Homeric  heroes  to  the  beautifully  engraved  promise  of 
our  day ;  but  this  would  only  be  the  hundred-times-told  tale  which  every 
student  may  find  recorded,  not  only  in  schoolbooks,  but  in  the  writings  of 
Humboldt,  Chevalier,  Adam  Smith,  and  others  of  the  most  advanced  scien 
tific  authorities.  They  all  recognize  the  precious  metals  as  the  universal 
standard  of  value.  Neither  governments,  nor  parliaments,  nor  congresses 


420  RECOLLECTIONS 

can  change  this  law.  It  defies  every  form  of  authority,  but  silently  and  surely 
asserts  itself  as  a  law  of  necessity,  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  municipal  law. 
**#*****« 
"  Of  late  years  much  difficulty  has  grown  out  of  the  slightly  varying 
value  of  silver  and  gold,  as  compared  with  each  other,  and  the  tendency  of 
opinion  has  been  to  adopt  gold  alone  as  the  standard  of  value.  The  United 
States  has  twice  changed  the  relative  value  of  these  metals,  and  other  modern 
nations  have  been  driven  to  similar  expedients.  At  the  Paris  monetary  con 
ference,  held  in  1867,  which  I  had  the  honor  to  attend,  the  delegates  of 
twenty  nations  represented  agreed  to  recommend  gold  alone  as  the  standard 
of  value.  The  United  States,  and  nearly  all  the  commercial  nations,  have 
adopted  this  standard,  and  reduced  the  use  of  silver  to  a  mere  token  coinage 
of  less  intrinsic  value  than  gold,  but  maintained  at  par  with  gold  by  the 
right  to  be  converted  into  gold  at  the  will  of  the  holder.  So  that  for  all 
practical  purposes  we  may  regard  gold  as  the  only  true  standard,  the  true 
money  of  the  world,  by  which  the  value  of  all  property,  of  all  productions, 
of  all  credits,  and  of  every  medium  of  exchange,  and  especially  of  all  paper 
money,  is  tested. 

"  Specie,  in  former  times,  was  not  only  the  universal  standard  of  value, 
but  it  was  the  general  medium  of  all  exchanges.  In  modern  times  this  is 
greatly  changed.  Specie  is  still  the  universal  standard  of  value,  but  it  has 
ceased  to  be  even  the  usual  medium  of  exchange.  The  failure  to  distinguish 
between  the  standard  of  value  and  the  medium  of  exchanges  occasions  many 
of  the  errors  into  which  so  many  fall,  and  nearly  every  Senator  who  has 
spoken  on  one  side  of  the  question  has  fallen  into  this  error.  Specie  has 
lost  a  portion  of  its  sovereign  power,  for  with  the  enormous  increase  of  ex 
changes  it  was  found  that,  valuable  as  it  is,  it  is  too  heavy  to  transport  from 
place  to  place  as  a  medium  of  exchange.  The  perils  of  the  sea,  the  dangers 
of  theft  and  robbery,  led  to  devices  to  substitute  promises  to  pay  gold  in 
place  of  the  actual  gold. 

######### 
"  Mr.  president,  thus  far  my  remarks  are  founded  upon  the  experience 
of  ages,  applicable  to  all  countries  and  to  all  commercial  nations  of  our 
time.  I  present  them  now  as  axioms  of  universal  recognition.  And  yet 
I  have  heard  these  axioms  denounced  in  this  debate  as  'platitudes,'  useless 
for  this  discussion  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  The  wisdom  of  ages, 
the  experience  of  three  thousand  years,  the  writings  of  political  econo 
mists,  are  whistled  down  the  wind  as  if  we  in  the  Senate  were  wiser  than  all 
who  have  reasoned  and  thought  and  legislated  upon  financial  problems — 
that  all  this  accumulated  wisdom  consists  of  «  platitudes '  unworthy  to  influ 
ence  an  American  Senate  in  the  consideration  of  the  affairs  of  our  day  and 
generation. 

"  Sir,  I  do  not  think  so.  If  we  disregard  these  « platitudes,'  we  only 
demonstrate  our  own  ignorance  and  punish  our  constituents  with  evils  that 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  421 

we  ought  to  avoid.  I  purpose  now  to  pursue  the  argument  further,  and  to 
prove  that  we  are  bound,  both  by  public  faith  and  good  policy,  to  bring  our 
currency  to  the  gold  standard  ;  that  such  a  result  was  provided  for  by  the 
financial  policy  adopted  when  the  currency  was  authorized  ;  that  a  departure 
from  this  policy  was  adopted  after  the  war  was  over,  and  after  the  necessity 
for  a  depreciated  currency  ceased  ;  and  that  we  have  only  to  restore  the  old 
policy  to  bring  us  safely,  surely,  and  easily  to  a  specie  standard. 

"  First,  I  present  to  you  the  pledge  of  the  United  States  to  pay  these 
notes  in  coin  'at  the  earliest  practicable  period.'  In  the  'act  to  strength 
en  the  public  credit,'  passed  on  the  18th  day  of  March,  1869,  I  find  this 
obligation  : 

"  'And  the  United  States  also  solemnly  pledges  its  public  faith  to  make 
provision,  at  the  earliest  practicable  period,  for  the  redemption  of  the  United 
States  notes  in  coin.' 

********* 

"  The  Congress  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  put  into  form  its  sense 
of  this  obligation,  passed  the  act  '  to  strengthen  the  public  credit,'  and  the 
last  and  most  important  clause  of  this  act  is  the  promise  which  I  have  just 
read,  that  these  notes  should  be  paid,  '  at  the  earliest  practicable  period,'  in 

coin. 

•X-****-*-***- 

"  On  the  day  we  made  that  promise,  the  18th  of  March,  1869,  the  green 
backs,  the  notes  of  the  United  States,  were  worth  75£  cents  in  gold  ;  or  in 
other  words,  gold  was  at  a  premium  of  thirty-two  per  cent.  .  .  .  What 
was  the  result  ?  After  you  enacted  that  law — the  faith  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  that  you  would  redeem  this  pledge — the  value  of  your  green 
backs  advanced,  not  rapidly,  but  gradually,  and  in  one  year,  to  within 
twelve  per  cent,  of  par  in  gold. 

********* 

"  Mr.  president,  we  see,  then,  the  effect  of  this  promise.  And  I  here 
come  to  what  I  regard  as  a  painful  feature  to  discuss — how  have  we  re 
deemed  our  promise  ?  It  was  Congress  that  made  it,  in  obedience  to  the 
public  voice  ;  and  no  act  of  Congress  ever  met  with  a  more  hearty  and  gen 
erous  approbation.  But  I  say  to  you,  with  sorrow,  that  Congress  has  done 
no  single  act  the  tendency  of  which  has  been  to  advance  the  value  of  these 
notes  to  a  gold  standard  ;  and  I  shall  make  that  clearer  before  I  get  through. 
Congress  made  this  promise  five  years  ago.  The  people  believed  it  and 
business  men  believed  it.  Four  years  have  passed  away  since  then,  and 
your  dollar  in  greenbacks  is  worth  no  more  to-day  than  it  was  on  the  18th  of 
March,  1870  ;  and  no  act  of  yours  has  even  tended  to  advance  the  value  of 
that  greenback  to  par  in  gold,  while  every  affirmative  act  of  yours  since 
that  time  has  tended  to  depreciate  its  value  and  to  violate  your  promise. 
********* 

"  Every  bond  that  was  issued  was  issued  only  upon  the  sacred  pledge 
contained  in  this  act,  that  the  interest  of  that  bond  should  be  paid  in  coin ; 


422  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  the  principal  should  be  paid,  when  due,  in  coin.  The  fifth  section  of 
the  act  provides  that  all  duties  on  imported  goods  shall  be  paid  in  coin  ; 
and  that  this  money  shall  be  set  aside  as  a  special  fund  to  pay  the  interest 
on  the  bonded  debt  in  coin.  Then,  in  order  to  secure  the  greenbacks,  it  author 
ized  any  holder  of  greenbacks  to  pay  any  government  debt  with  them  ;  it 
authorized  the  holder  of  greenbacks  to  pay  any  debt,  public  or  private, 
with  them  ;  and  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  was  bound  to  take  them. 
Then  it  authorized  them  to  be  converted  into  six  per  cent,  bonds  of  the 
United  States  —  those  bonds  payable,  principal  and  interest,  in  gold.  If 
the  policy  provided  for  by  this  act  had  been  maintained,  we  would  long 
since  have  been  at  specie  payments,  without  any  serious  disturbance  of  our 
monetary  affairs. 

*******.** 

"  Now,  Mr.  president,  I  come  to  show  the  Senate  how  this  provision, 
the  convertible  clause  of  the  act  of  February  25,  1862,  was  repealed.  On 
the  3rd  of  March,  1863,  Congress  passed  'An  act  to  provide  ways  and  means 
for  the  support  of  the  government.'  This  act  was  passed  during  the  dark 
hours  of  the  war.  The  currency  of  the  country  did  not  flow  into  the  treas 
ury  rapidly  enough  to  pay  our  army.  I  remember  that  at  about  the  time 
this  act  was  passed  there  were  very  large  unpaid  requisitions.  The  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  instead  of  issuing  any  more  six  per  cent,  bonds,  desired 
to  float  a  10-40  five  per  cent,  bond  ;  in  other  words,  to  reduce  the  bur 
den  of  interest  upon  the  public  debt.  At  this  time  there  were  three  hun 
dred  millions  of  circulation  outstanding,  and  with  all  the  rights,  and  all  the 
privileges,  conferred  upon  the  greenbacks,  they  did  not  flow  into  the 
treasury  fast  enough  to  furnish  means  to  carry  on  the  operations  of  the 
war. 

###****## 

"  In  other  words,  the  suspension  of  this  convertibility  clause  was  passed 
with  a  view  to  promote  conversion  ;  to  encourage  conversion  ;  to  induce 
conversion  ;  and,  if  possible,  to  induce  a  conversion  into  a  five  per  cent, 
gold  bond  instead  of  into  a  six  per  cent.  bond.  When  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  presented  this  view  to  Congress  he  was  at  once  met  with  the 
pledge  of  the  public  faith  ;  with  the  promise  printed  upon  the  back  of 
the  greenbacks  that  they  could  be  converted  into  six  per  cent,  bonds  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  holder ;  and  that  we  could  not  take  away  that  right.  This 
difficulty  was  met  by  the  ingenuity  of  the  then  Senator  from  Vermont  (Mr. 
Collamer).  He  said  that  no  man  ever  exercised  a  right  which  could  not 
properly  be  barred  by  a  statute  of  limitations  ;  and  if  this  right  was  injuri 
ous  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  prevented  the  conversion  of 
these  notes  into  bonds,  we  might  require  the  holder  of  these  notes  to  con 
vert  them  within  a  given  time  ;  that  we  could  give  them  a  reasonable  time 
within  which  they  could  convert  them  into  six  per  cent,  bonds,  and  after 
that  take  away  the  right. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  423 

"  The  act  of  March  3,  1863,  was  amended  by  inserting  this  clause  : 
"  'And  the   holders  of    United  States    notes,  issued  under  or    by  vir 
tue  of  said  acts,  shall  present  the  same  for  the  purpose  of  exchanging  the 
same  for  bonds,  as  therein  provided,  on  or  before  the  1st  day  of  July,  1863  ; 
and  thereafter  the   right  so  to   exchange  the   same  shall  cease  and  deter- 


"Now,  Mr.  president,  I  have  shown  you  that  the  greenbacks  were 
based  upon  coin  bonds  ;  that  they  had  the  right  to  be  converted  into  coin 
bonds  ;  that  that  right  was  taken  away  as  to  the  5-20  bonds ;  but  that,  in 
practice  and  in  effect,  the  greenback  was  convertible  into  an  interest-bear 
ing  bond  of  the  United  States  up  to  1866,  and  until  the  passage  of  the  law 
to  which  I  will  now  refer. 

######*•## 

"  If  this  act  had  contained  a  simple  provision  restoring  to  the  holder  of 
the  greenback  the  right  to  convert  his  note  into  bonds  there  would  have 
been  no  trouble.  Why  should  it  not  have  been  done  ?  Simply  because  the 
then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  believed  that  the  only  way  to  advance  the 
greenbacks  was  by  reducing  the  amount  of  them  ;  that  the  only  way  to  get 
back  to  specie  payments  was  by  the  system  of  contraction.  If  the  legal 
tender  notes  could  have  been  wedded  to  any  form  of  gold  bond  by  being 
made  convertible  into  it,  they  would  have  been  lifted,  by  the  gradual  ad 
vance  of  our  public  credit,  to  par  in  gold,  leaving  the  question  of  contrac 
tion  to  depend  upon  the  amount  of  notes  needed  for  currency.  Sir,  it  was 
the  separation  of  our  greenbacks  from  the  funding  system  that  created  the 
difficulty  we  have  upon  our  hands  to-day ;  and  I  say  now  that,  in  my  judg 
ment,  the  only  true  way  to  approach  specie  payments  is  to  restore  this  prin 
ciple,  and  give  to  the  holder  of  the  greenback,  who  is  your  creditor,  the 
same  right  that  you  give  to  any  other  creditor.  If  he  has  a  note  which  you 
promised  to  pay  and  cannot,  and  he  desires  interest  on  that  note  by  surren 
dering  it,  why  should  you  not  give  it  to  him  ?  No  man  can  answer  that.  It 
is  just  as  much  a  debt  as  any  other  portion  of  the  debt  of  the  United 
States." 

Finally,  after  more  than  three  months  study  and  debate,  a 
majority  of  the  committee  agreed  upon  a  measure  and  directed 
me  to  report  it  to  the  Senate.  It  fixed  the  maximum  limit  of 
the  United  States  notes  at  $382,000,000.  It  provided  for  a 
gradual  payment  of  these  notes  in  coin  or  in  five  per  cent, 
bonds,  at  the  option  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  from  the 
1st  of  January,  1876.  It  was  entitled  "An  act  to  provide  for 
the  redemption  and  reissue  of  United  States  notes  and  for  free 
banking." 


424  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  bill  led  to  a  long  continuous  debate  which  extended  to 
the  6th  of  April,  1874.  Several  amendments  were  offered  and 
adopted  which  enlarged  the  maximum  of  notes  to  $400,000,000, 
and  greatly  weakened  the  bill  as  a  measure  of  resumption  of 
specie  payments.  By  reason  of  these  amendments  many  of 
those  who  would  have  supported  the  bill  as  introduced 
voted  against  it  on  its  passage,  I  among  the  number.  The 
bill,  however,  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  yeas  29  and 
nays  24.  The  title  of  the  bill  was  changed  to  "A  bill  to  fix 
the  amount  of  United  States  notes  and  the  circulation  of 
national  banks,  and  for. other  purposes."  This  change  of  title 
indicates  the  radical  change  in  the  provisions  of  the  bill.  In 
stead  of  a  return  to  specie  payments,  it  provided  for  an  expan 
sion  of  an  irredeemable  currency. 

The  bill,  as  it  passed  the  Senate,  was  as  follows: 

"  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  the  maximum  amount  of  United  States  notes 
is  hereby  fixed  at  $400,000,000. 

"  Sec.  2.  That  forty-six  millions  in  notes  for  circulation,  in  addition  to 
such  circulation  now  allowed  by  law,  shall  be  issued  to  national  banking 
associations  now  organized  and  which  may  be  organized  hereafter,  and  such 
increased  circulation  shall  be  distributed  among  the  several  states  as  pro 
vided  in  section  1  of  the  act  entitled  'An  act  to  provide  for  the  redemption  of 
the  three  per  cent,  temporary  loan  certificates  and  for  an  increase  of  national 
bank  notes,'  approved  July  12,  1870.  And  each  national  banking  associa 
tion,  now  organized  or  hereafter  to  be  organized,  shall  keep  and  maintain, 
as  a  part  of  its  reserve  required  by  law,  one-fourth  part  of  the  coin  received 
by  it  as  interest  on  bonds  of  the  United  States  deposited  as  security  for  cir 
culating  notes  or  government  deposits;  and  that  hereafter  only  one-fourth  of 
the  reserve  now  prescribed  by  law  for  national  banking  associations  shall 
consist  of  balances  due  to  an  association  available  for  the  redemption  of  its 
circulating  notes  from  associations  in  cities  of  redemption,  and  upon  which 
balances  no  interest  shall  be  paid." 

The  bill  was  taken  up  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on 
the  14th  of  April,  1874,  and,  without  any  debate  on  its  merits, 
was  passed  by  the  vote  of  140  yeas  and  102  nays. 

On  the  22nd  of  April,  President  Grant  returned  the  bill  to 
the  Senate  with  his  veto,  and  the  Senate,  upon  the  question, 
"Shall  the  bill  pass  notwithstanding  the  objections  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States,"  voted  34  yeas  and  30  nays.  I 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  425 

voted  nay.  The  president  of  the  Senate  declared  "that  two- 
thirds  of  the  Senators  present  not  having  voted  in  the  affirma 
tive  the  Senate  refuses  to  pass  the  bill." 

Thus,  for  that  session,  the  struggle  for  resumption  ended  ; 
but  the  debate  in  both  Houses  attracted  popular  discussion,  and 
tended  in  the  right  direction.  The  evil  effects  of  the  stringency 
in  monetary  affairs,  the  want  of  confidence,  the  reduction  of 
the  national  revenue,  the  decline  of  domestic  productions,  all 
these  contributed  to  impress  Congress  with  the  imperative 
necessity  of  providing  some  measure  of  relief.  Instead  of  infla 
tion,  of  large  issues  of  paper  money  by  the  United  States  and 
the  national  banks,  there  grew  up  a  conviction  that  the  bet 
ter  policy  was  to  limit  and  reduce  the  volume  of  such  money 
to  an  amount  that  could  be  maintained  at  par  with  coin. 

During  the  canvass  that  followed  I  spoke  in  many  parts  of 
Ohio,  confining  myself  chiefly  to  financial  questions.  The 
stringency  of  the  money  market  which  occurred  the  preceding 
year  still  continued,  and  great  interest  was  manifested  in  the 
measures  proposed  during  the  preceding  session,  especially  in 
the  defeat  of  the  bill  to  prevent  the  contraction  of  the  currency. 
At  the  request  of  General  Garfield  I  spoke  in  Warren  in  his 
Congressional  district,  where  he  met,  for  the  first  time,  a  de 
cided  opposition.  I  insert  his  autograph  letter,  the  original 
being  in  his  familiar  hand  writing : 

HIKAM,  OHIO,  September  25,  1874. 

DEAR  SENATOR  : — In  accordance  with  the  arrangement  which  I  made 
with  you  and  with  the  central  committee,  we  have  posted  you  for  a  mass 
meeting  at  Warren,  on  Saturday  afternoon,  October  10.  I  hope  I  shall 
not  embarrass  you  by  suggesting  that  in  your  speech  you  take  occasion  to 
say  a  few  words  in  reference  to  my  standing  and  public  service  as  a  repre 
sentative.  It  will  do  much  to  counteract  the  prejudice  that  a  small  knob  of 
persistent  assailants  have  created  against  me.  I  write  also  to  inquire  if  you 
will  be  willing  to  speak  at  another  place  the  same  evening.  If  so,  we  are 
very  anxious  to  have  you  do  so.  Please  telegraph  me  to  Garrettsville,  Ohio, 
and  oblige,  Very  truly  yours, 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 
BILL  FOR  THE  RESUMPTION  OF  SPECIE  PAYMENTS. 

Decline  in  Value  of  Paper  Money —  Meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  1874 — Senate 
Committee  of  Eleven  to  Formulate  a  Bill  to  Advance  United  States  Notes  to 
Par  in  Coin  — Widely  Differing  Views  of  the  Members—  Redemption  of  Frac 
tional  Currency  Readily  Agreed  to  —  Other  Sections  Finally  Adopted  — 
Means  to  Prepare  for  and  Maintain  Resumption— Report  of  the  Bill 
by  the  Committee  on  Finance  —  Its  Passage  by  the  Senate  by  a 
Vote  of  32  to  14  —  Full  Text  of  the  Measure  and  an  Ex 
planation  of  What  It  Was  Expected  to  Accomplish  — 
Approval     by    the   House   and  the   President. 

WHEN  Congress  met  in  December,  1874,  the  amount 
of  United  States  notes  outstanding  was  $382,000,- 
000.  The  fractional  notes  outstanding  convertible 
into  legal  tenders  amounted  to  $44,000,000,  and  the 
amount  of  national  bank  notes  redeemable  in  lawful  money  was 
$354,000,000,  in  all  $780,000,000.  Each  dollar  was  worth  a  frac 
tion  less  than  89  cents  in  coin.  While  these  notes  were  at  a 
discount  coin  did  not  and  could  not  circulate  as  money.  The 
government  exacted  coin  for  customs  duties  and  paid  coin  for 
interest  on  its  bonds.  If  there  was  an  excess  of  coin  received 
from  customs  to  pay  interest  then  the  excess  was  sold  at  a  pre 
mium.  If  the  receipts  from  customs  were  insufficient  to  pay 
the  interest  on  bonds,  the  government  had  to  buy  the  coin  and 
pay  the  premium.  The  people  who  were  demanding  more 
money  to  relieve  the  stringency  did  not  see  that  the  best  way  to 
get  more  money  into  circulation  was  to  adopt  measures  that 
would  make  United  States  notes  and  bank  notes  equal  to  coin, 
when  all  three  forms  of  money  would  enter  into  circulation 
and  thus  give  them  more  money  and  all  kinds  of  equal  value. 

While  our  paper  money  was  depreciated  the  gold  and  silver 
bullion  from  our  mines  went  abroad  and  was  converted  into 
foreign  coin,  while  a  large  portion  and  perhaps  a  majority  of 
our  people  demanded  more  paper  money,  which  declined  in 

(426)  u 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  427 

value  in  exact  proportion  to  its  increase.  During  the  war  vast 
expenditures  compelled  us  to  use  paper  money;  the  return  of 
peace  and  the  excess  of  revenue  over  expenditures  should  have 
been  promptly  followed  by  coin  payments  or  notes  payable  in 
coin.  We  delayed  this  process  so  long  that  the  popular  mind 
rested  content  with  depreciated  money,  but  the  panic  of  1873, 
and  the  feverish  speculation  which  preceded  it,  convinced  the 
great  body  of  our  business  men  that  there  was  no  remedy  for 
existing  evils  but  a  return  to  specie  payments. 

Another  bill  concerning  currency  and  free  banking  was  re 
ported  by  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  on  the  29th  of  Janu 
ary,  1874,  from  the  committee  on  banking  and  currency  of 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  which  provided  for  free  bank 
ing  and  a  gradual  reduction  and  cancellation  of  United 
States  notes  by  the  issue  of  notes  payable  in  gold  in  two 
years  from  the  passage  of  the  bill.  This  was  fully  debated 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  amended  and  passed. 
In  the  Senate  it  was  reported  by  me  from  the  committee 
on  finance,  with  a  substitute  which  provided  for  free  bank 
ing  and  that  on  and  after  the  1st  of  January,  1877,  any 
holder  of  United  States  notes  might  present  them  for  pay 
ment  either  in  coin  or  five  per  cent,  bonds  of  the  United  States, 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  This 
substitute  was  amended  in  the  Senate  by  striking  out  all  pro 
visions  for  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes,  leaving  the 
measure  one  for  free  banking  alone.  The  House  disagreed  to 
the  amendments  and  a  committee  of  conference  was  appointed 
which  resulted  in  a  measure  fixing  the  amount  of  United 
States  notes  outstanding  at  $382,000,000,  and  making  no  provi 
sion  for  their  redemption.  It  was  a  crude  and  imperfect  meas 
ure.  I  voted  for  it  because  it  provided  for  a  redistribution  of 
national  banks  among  the  states.  I  said:  "Because  I  cannot 
get  a  majority  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  to  agree  to  specie 
resumption  I  ought  not  therefore  to  refuse  to  vote  for  a  bill  on 
the  subject  of  banking  and  currency."  The  bill  was  approved 
by  the  President  on  the  20th  of  June,  1874.  This  long  struggle 
prepared  the  way  for  the  result  accomplished  at  the  next 
session. 


428  RECOLLECTIONS 

When  Congress  met  in  December,  1874,  the  feeling  that  the 
remedy  for  existing  evils  was  the  return  to  specie  payments, 
was  general  among  Eepublican  Senators  and  Members.  The 
abortive  efforts  of  the  previous  session  and  the  veto  of  Presi 
dent  Grant  of  one  of  the  bills  referred  to  contributed  to  it.  At 
the  first  Eepublican  conference  I  called  attention  to  the  neces 
sity  of  our  uniting,  if  possible,  on  some  measure  that  would 
advance  United  States  notes  to  par  in  coin  and  moved  that  a 
committee  of  eleven  Senators  be  created  to  formulate  a  bill  for 
that  purpose.  It  was  agreed  to,  and,  as  the  names  of  the  Sen 
ators  composing  the  committee  have  already  been  published,  I 
feel  justified  in  repeating  them:  The  committee  consisted  of 
Senators  John  Sherman  (chairman),  William  B.  Allison,  George 
S.  Boutwell,  Eoscoe  Conkling,  George  F.  Edmunds,  Thomas  W. 
Ferry,  F.  T.  Frelinghuysen,  Timothy  0.  Howe,  John  A.  Logan, 
Oliver  P.  Morton,  and  Aaron  A.  Sargent. 

When  the  committee  met  it  was  agreed  that  each  member 
should  state  how  far  he  would  go  in  the  direction  of  specie  re 
sumption.  When  these  statements  were  made  it  was  manifest 
that  the  divergence  of  opinion  was  so  great  that  an  agreement 
was  almost  impossible.  Yet,  the  necessity  of  an  agreement 
was  so  absolute  that  a  failure  to  agree  was  a  disruption  of  the 
Eepublican  party. 

The  first  section  of  the  act  to  provide  for  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments,  which  related  to  the  coinage  and  issue 
of  fractional  silver  under  the  act  of  February  21,  1853,  and 
the  redemption  of  an  equal  amount  of  fractional  currency 
until  the  whole  amount  of  such  fractional  currency  out 
standing  -should  be  redeemed,  was  readily  agreed  to.  This  frac 
tional  currency  was  so  Worn  and  filthy,  and  it  cost  so  much  to 
reissue,  that  by  general  consent  its  destruction  was  agreed  to, 
and  its  replacement  by  bright  new  silver  coin,  which  followed, 
was  heartily  welcomed. 

The  second  section  was  an  unjust  concession  to  the  miners 
of  gold.  It  repealed  the  coinage  charge  for  converting  standard 
gold  bullion  into  coin.  This  charge  had  been  maintained,  not 
only  to  cover  the  cost  of  coining,  but  to  prevent  the  exporta 
tion  of  American  coins.  If  the  coins  were  of  less  value  than 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  429 

the  bullion  of  which  they  were  made,  however  small  the  differ 
ence,  they  would  not  be  exported  while  bullion  could  be  had 
for  exportation.  The  concession  was  made  and  the  charge  for 
coinage  of  gold  was  prohibited. 

The  free  banking  provisions  in  the  third  section  were 
not  seriously  contested.  The  contraction  of  the  volume  of 
United  States  notes  as  national  bank  notes  increased,  was  one 
of  the  chief  subjects  of  disagreement.  It  was  finally  agreed 
that  this  contraction  should  extend  only  to  the  retirement  of 
United  States  notes  in  excess  of  $300,000,000. 

The  most  serious  dispute  was  upon  the  question  whether 
United  States  notes  presented  for  redemption  and  redeemed 
could  be  reissued.  On  the  one  side  it  was  urged  that,  being 
redeemed,  they  could  not  be  reissued  without  an  express  pro 
vision  of  law.  The  inflationists,  as  all  those  who  favored 
United  States  notes  as  part  of  our  permanent  currency  were 
called,  refused  to  vote  for  the  bill  if  any  such  provison  was 
inserted,  while  those  who  favored  coin  payments  were  equally 
positive  that  they  would  vote  for  no  bill  that  permitted  notes 
once  redeemed  to  be  reissued.  This  appeared  to  be  the  rock 
upon  which  the  party  in  power  was  to  split.  I  had  no  doubt 
under  existing  law,  without  any  further  provision,  but  that 
United  States  notes  could  be  reissued.  It  was  finally  agreed  that 
no  mention  should  be  made  by  me  for  or  against  the  reissue  of 
notes,  and  that  I  must  not  commit  either  side  in  presenting  the 
bill. 

The  date  for  general  resumption  of  specie  payments  on  all 
United  States  notes  was  fixed  on  the  first  of  January,  1879,  four 
years  from  the  framing  of  this  bill.  The  important  and  closing 
clause  of  the  bill  was  referred  to  Mr.  Edmunds  and  myself.  It 
provided  the  means  to  prepare  for  and  to  maintain  resumption. 
It  placed  under  the  control  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  all 
the  surplus  revenue  in  the  treasury,  and  gave  him  full  power  to 
issue,  sell  and  dispose  of,  at  not  less  than  par  in  coin,  any  of 
the  bonds  described  in  the  refunding  act.  We  were  careful  to 
select  phraseology  so  comprehensive  that  all  the  resources  and 
credit  of  the  government  were  pledged  to  redeem  the  notes  of 
the  United  States,  as  fully  and  completely  as  our  Revolutionary 


430  RECOLLECTIONS 

fathers  pledged  to  each  other  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and 
their  sacred  honor,  in  support  of  the  declaration  of  American 
independence. 

After  every  sentence  and  word  of  this  bill  had  been  care 
fully  scrutinized,  I  was  authorized  by  every  member  of  the 
committee  to  submit  it  to  the  committee  on  finance,  and  to 
report  it  from  that  committee  as  the  unanimous  act  of  the 
Eepublican  Senators.  We  naturally  expected  some  support 
from  Mr.  Bayard  and  other  Democratic  Senators,  who,  no  doubt, 
were  in  favor  of  specie  payments,  but  they  perhaps  thought  it 
best  not  to  share  the  risk  of  the  measure. 

I  reported  the  bill  from  the  committee  on  finance  on  the 
21st  of  December,  1874,  and  gave  notice  that  on  the  next  day 
I  would  call  it  up  with  a  view  to  immediate  action.  On  the 
22nd,  after  the  morning  business,  I  moved  to  proceed  to  the 
consideration  of  the  bill,  and  gave  notice  that  I  intended  to 
press  it  to  its  passage,  from  that  hour  forward,  at  the  earliest 
moment  practicable.  It  was  well  understood  that  the  bill  was 
the  result  of  a  Republican  conference.  It  was  taken  up  by  the 
decisive  vote  of  39  yeas  to  18  nays. 

It  was  not  my  purpose  to  do  more  than  to  present  the  pro 
visions  of  the  bill.  My  brief  statement  led  to  a  desultory 
debate,  participated  in  almost  exclusively  by  Democratic  Sena 
tors,  the  Republican  Senators  remaining  silent.  Several  votes 
were  taken,  each  showing  a  majority  of  more  than  two-thirds 
in  favor  of  the  bill  and  against  all  amendments.  It  passed  the 
Senate  without  change  by  the  vote  of  32  yeas  to  14  nays. 

I  here  insert  the  bill  as  introduced  and  passed,  with  my 
statement  in  support  of  its  provisions  : 

AN    ACT    TO    PROVIDE    FOR    THE    RESUMPTION    OF     SPECIE    PAYMENTS. 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  is  hereby  authorized  and  required,  as  rapidly  as  practicable,  to 
cause  to  be  coined,  at  the  mints  of  the  United  States,  silver  coins  of  the  de 
nominations  of  ten,  twenty-five,  and  fifty  cents,  of  standard  value,  and  to 
issue  them  in  redemption  of  an  equal  number  and  amount  of  fractional  cur 
rency  of  similar  denominations,  or,  at  his  discretion,  he  may  issue  such  silver 
coins  through  the  mints,  the  sub-treasuries,  public  depositaries,  and  post 
offices  of  the  United  States  ;  and,  upon  such  issue,  he  is  hereby  authorized 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  431 

and  required  to  redeem  an  equal  amount  of  such  fractional  currency,  until 
the  whole  amount  of  such  fractional  currency  outstanding  shall  be  redeemed. 

"  Sec.  2.  That  so  much  of  section  three  thousand  five  hundred  and 
twenty-four  of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States  as  provides  for  a 
charge  of  one-fifth  of  one  per  centum  for  converting  standard  gold  bullion 
into  coin  is  hereby  repealed  ;  and  hereafter  no  charge  shall  be  made  for 
that  service. 

"  Sec.  3.  That  section  five  thousand  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven  of 
the  Revised  Statutes,  limiting  the  aggregate  amount  of  circulating  notes  of 
national  banking  associations,  be,  and  is  hereby,  repealed ;  and  each  existing 
banking  association  may  increase  its  circulating  notes  in  accordance  with 
existing  law,  without  respect  to  said  aggregate  limit ;  and  new  banking 
associations  may  be  organized  in  accordance  with  existing  law,  without  re 
spect  to  said  aggregate  limit ;  and  the  provisions  of  law  for  the  withdrawal 
and  redistribution  of  national  bank  currency  among  the  several  states  and 
territories  are  hereby  repealed.  And  whenever,  and  so  often,  as  circulating 
notes  shall  be  issued  to  any  such  banking  association,  so  increasing  its  capi 
tal  or  circulating  notes,  or  so  newly  organized  as  aforesaid,  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  redeem  the  legal  tender  United 
States  notes  in  excess  only  of  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  to  the 
amount  of  eighty  per  centum  of  the  sum  of  national  bank  notes  so  issued  to 
any  such  banking  association  as  aforesaid,  and  to  continue  such  redemption 
as  such  circulating  notes  are  issued  until  there  shall  be  outstanding  the  sum 
of  three  hundred  million  dollars  of  such  legal  tender  United  States  notes, 
and  no  more.  And  on  and  after  the  first  day  of  January,  anno  Domini 
eighteen  hundred  and  seventy-nine,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  re 
deem  in  coin  the  United  States  legal  tender  notes  then  outstanding,  on 
their  presentation  for  redemption  at  the  office  of  the  assistant  treasurer  of 
the  United  States  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in  sums  of  not  less  than  fifty 
dollars.  And  to  enable  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  prepare  and  pro 
vide  for  the  redemption  in  this  act  authorized  or  required,  he  is  authorized 
to  use  any  surplus  revenues  from  time  to  time  in  the  treasury  not  otherwise 
appropriated,  and  to  issue,  sell,  and  dispose  of,  at  not  less  than  par  in  coin, 
either  of  the  descriptions  of  bonds  of  the  United  States  described  in  the  act 
of  Congress  approved  July  fourteenth,  eighteen  hundred  and  seventy,  enti 
tled  'An  act  to  authorize  the  refunding  of  the  national  debt,'  with  like 
qualities,  privileges,  and  exemptions,  to  the  extent  necessary  to  carry  this 
act  into  full  effect,  and  to  use  the  proceeds  thereof  for  the  purposes  afore 
said.  And  all  provisions  of  law  inconsistent  with  the  provisions  of  this  act 
are  hereby  repealed." 

I  said : 

"  Mr.  president,  I  do  not  intend  to  reopen  the  debate  on  financial  topics 
of  the  last  session.  That  debate  was  carried  to  such  great  length  that  it  was 
not  only  exhaustive,  but  it  was  exhausting,  not  only  mentally  but  physically. 


432  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  Senate  is  composed  of  the  same  persons  who  shared  in  that  debate,  and 
it  is  utterly  idle  for  us,  in  this  short  session,  to  reopen  it  and  to  invite  the  dis 
cussion  of  the  various  topics  presented  in  that  debate.  The  Senate  is  now 
within  less  than  three  months,  a  little  more  than  two  months,  of  its  adjourn 
ment,  and  there  is  a  general  feeling  throughout  the  country,  shared  by  all 
classes  of  people,  that  this  Congress  ought  to  give  some  definite  notice  to  the 
people  of  this  country  as  to  their  purpose  in  the  important  topics  embraced  in 
this  bill ;  and  I  say  to  Senators  on  all  sides  of  the  House  that  this  bill  contains 
enough  to  accomplish  the  important  object  declared  by  the  title  of  the  bill, 
and  this  without  reviving  all  the  troublesome  and  difficult  questions  which 
were  discussed  at  the  last  session.  It  contains  a  few  simple  propositions 
which  may  be  separated  from  the  mass  of  financial  topics  discussed 
at  the  last  session.  Its  purpose  is  declared  upon  the  title  of  the  bill, 
'An  act  to  provide  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.'  Every 
word,  every  line,  and  every  provision,  of  this  bill  is  in  harmony  with  that 
title.  It  will  tend  to  promote  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  It  may 
fall  short  in  many  particulars  of  the  desire  of  some  Senators  ;  and  it  does  go 
further  in  that  direction  than  some  Senators  were  willing  to  support  at  the 
last  session.  It  is  a  bill  which  demands  reasonable  concession  from  every 
Member  of  the  Senate.  If  we  undertake  now  to  seek  to  carry  out  the  indi 
vidual  views  of  uny  Senator,  we  cannot  accomplish  the  passage  of  any  bill  to 
promote  this  object,  and  therefore  this  bill  has  demanded  of  everyone  who 
has  consented  to  it  thus  far  a  surrender  of  some  portions  of  his  opinions  as  to 
measures  and  means  to  accomplish  the  great  purpose.  I  will  consider  my 
duty  done,  so  far  as  this  bill  is  concerned,  by  simply  stating  its  provisions  and 
calling  attention  to  the  character  of  these  provisions,  without  entering  into 
a  single  topic  that  gave  rise  to  the  long  discussion  at  the  last  session. 


On  the  7th  of  January,  1875,  the  bill  was  considered  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  and,  after  a  very  brief  conversational 
debate,  passed  by  the  vote  of  yeas  136,  nays  98. 

On  the  14th  of  January,  1875,  the  President  sent  a  message 
to  the  Senate  approving  the  bill  but  also  containing  recommen 
dations  of  further  legislation  upon  matters  that  had  been  care 
fully  excluded  from  the  bill. 

Thus,  after  a  memorable  debate,  extending  through  two 
sessions  of  Congress,  a  measure  of  vital  importance  became  a 
law,  and  when  executed  completely  accomplished  the  great 
object  proposed  by  its  authors.  The  narrative  of  the  steps 
leading  to  resumption  under  this  act  will  be  more  appropriate 
hereafter. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 
RESUMPTION  ACT  RECEIVED  WITH  DISFAVOR. 

It  Is  Not  Well  Received  by  Those  Who  Wished  Immediate  Resumption  of  Specie  Pay 
ments  —  Letter  to  "  The  Financier  "  in  Reply  to  a  Charge  That  It  Was  a  "  Politi 
cal  Trick,"  etc.  —  The  Ohio  Canvass  of  1875  — Finance  Resolutions  in  the 
Democratic  and  Republican  Platforms  — R.  B.  Hayes  and  Myself  Talk 
in  Favor  of  Resumption  —  My  Recommendation  of  Him  for  Pres 
ident— A  Democrat  Electee!  as  Speaker  of  the  House— The 
Senate  Still  Republican  —  My  Speech  in  Support  of  Spe 
cie  Payments,  Made  March  6,  1876  — What  the 
Financial  Policy  of  the  Government  Should  Be. 

THE  resumption  act  was  generally  received  with  disfavor 
by  those  who  wished  the  immediate  resumption  of  spe 
cie  payments.     It  was  the  subject  of  much  criticism  in 
the  financial  journals,  among  others  "The  Financier," 
which  described  it  as  a  political  trick,  an  evasion  of  a  public 
duty,  and  as  totally  inadequate  for  the  purpose  sought  to  be 
accomplished.     I  took  occasion  to  reply  to  this  article  in  the 
following  letter : 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  January  10,  1875.  J 

DEAR  SIR  :  —  As  I  am  a  subscriber  to  *  The  Financier '  you  will 
probably  allow  me  to  express  my  surprise  at  the  course  you  have  pursued 
in  respect  to  the  finance  bill  recently  passed  by  Congress.  Claiming  as 
you  do  to  be  a  '  monetary  and  business '  journal,  you  might  be  expected 
to  treat  fairly  a  measure  affecting  so  greatly  the  interests  you  represent  ; 
but  you  have  not  done  so.  You  have  treated  it  as  a  political  trick,  an 
evasion,  a  disgrace  to  Congress.  You  complained  that  it  was  passed  with 
out  debate  and  that  its  inception  and  passage  were  shameful.  But  as  you 
say  in  your  last  number  '  that  it  is  well  to  examine  it  hopefully,  to  find 
what  good  may  have  been  done,  if  any,  although  from  a  bad  motive?  I 
take  the  liberty  to  correct  errors  even  in  your  '  hopeful '  view  of  the  law, 
so  that  you  may  be  more  hopeful  still.  You  assume  that  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  is  not  authorized  to  issue  five  per  cent,  gold  bonds  to  prepare 
for  and  to  maintain  resumption,  because  the  amount  of  five  per  cent,  bonds 
authorized  in  the  act  of  1870  is  nearly  exhausted.  This  is  an  error.  The 
secretary  can  issue  either  four  and  a  half  or  five  per  cent,  gold  bonds  to 
an  amount  sufficient  to  execute  the  law.  The  act  of  1870  is  only  referred 
S.-28  (433) 


434  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  for  the  'description'  of  the  bonds  to  be  issued,  and  the  only  limit  to  the 
amount  is  the  sum  necessary,  and  the  only  limit  to  their  sale  is  that  they 
must  not  be  sold  at  less  than  par  in  coin. 

You  say  that  one  trick  of  the  bill  is  *  that  there  is  no  provision  for 
carrying1  on  the  withdrawal  of  legal  tenders  after  their  maximum  reaches 
$300,000,000.'  Now  this  *  trick '  was  advocated  by  you  one  year  ago  ;  it 
was  voted  for  by  every  specie  paying  Member  of  Congress  at  the  last  ses 
sion,  and  nearly  every  writer  on  the  subject  has  contended  that  if  the  legal 
tenders  were  reduced  to  $300,000,000,  and  the  treasury  was  supported  by  a 
reasonable  reserve,  specie  payments  could  be  resumed  and  maintained. 
Besides,  no  one  believes  that  $100,000,000  of  bank  notes  will  be  issued 
under  this  act,  and  this  provision  only  relieves  some  people  from  an  idle 
fear  of  an  improbable  event.  You  must  have  noticed  that  when  banks 
retire  their  notes,  as  they  have  done  and  will  do  rapidly,  this  is  a  reduction 
of  the  currency,  while  every  issue  of  notes  to  new  or  old  banks  involves  a 
retirement  of  a  ratable  amount  of  United  States  notes.  What  you  say  about 
playing  with  a  movable  *  reserve '  is  equally  wrong.  Neither  the  fractional 
currency  nor  the  *  eighty-two  million '  redeemed  can  be  reissued,  and  I 
stated  so  when  the  bill  was  pending  under  debate,  and  no  lawyer  could  put 
a  different  construction  upon  the  bill.  As  to  United  States  notes,  a  part  of 
the  $300,000,000  redeemed  after  resumption  of  specie  payments,  we  did 
refuse  to  provide  whether  they  could  be  reissued  or  not,  and  we  acted 
wisely.  When  the  question  is  hereafter  determined  by  Congress,  the  con 
troversy  will  be  whether  the  notes  when  reissued  shall  have  the  legal  ten 
der  quality,  or  be  simple  treasury  notes  receivable  for  public  dues. 

Last  session  the  public  press  scolded  at  our  long  and  fruitless  debate  oji 
finances,  and  I  agreed  with  the  press.  This  session  the  same  Senators,  en 
lightened  by  the  long  debate  and  heeding  the  call  of  the  press,  gave  to  the 
subject  the  most  careful  and  deliberate  consideration,  and  agreed  upon  this 
bill  without  much  debate,  and  yet  the  press  is  not  happy.  The  act  does 
not  go  so  far  as  I  wished,  but  everything  in  it  is  right  in  itself,  and  is  in  the 
right  direction.  Its  chief  merit  is  that  it  establishes  a  public  policy  which 
no  political  party  or  faction  will  be  strong  enough  to  overthrow,  and  which, 
if  it  had  not  been  adopted  now,  the  Democratic  party  in  the  next  Congress 
would  have  defeated.  The  pretense  that  the  Democratic  party,  as  repre 
sented  in  the  next  House,  would  have  favored  any  bill  for  specie  payments 
is  utterly  false.  Therefore  the  measure  grants  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  powers  enough  to  execute  it,  but  if  we  can  secure  the  aid  of  a 
Democratic  House  we  can  make  it  more  certain  and  effective. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

EDITOR  OF  <  FINANCIER.' 

In  the  Ohio  canvass  of  1875  the  resumption  act  became 
the  chief  subject  of  controversy.  R.  B.  Hayes,  after  having 
previously  served  for  four  years  as  governor  of  the  state,  was 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  435 

again  nominated  for  that  office.  William  Allen,  then  gov 
ernor,  was  renominated  upon  the  Democratic  ticket,  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  resumption  act  and  in  favor  of  fiat  money,  upon 
which  issue  the  election  mainly  turned. 

The  eighth  resolution  of  the  Democratic  platform  was  as 
follows : 

"  That  the  contraction  of  the  currency  heretofore  made  by  the  Repub 
lican  party,  and  the  further  contraction  proposed  by  it,  with  a  view  to  the 
forced  resumption  of  specie  payment,  have  already  brought  disaster  to  the 
business  of  the  country,  and  threaten  it  with  general  bankruptcy  and  ruin. 
We  demand  that  this  policy  be  abandoned,  and  that  the  volume  of  currency 
be  made  and  kept  equal  to  the  wants  of  trade,  leaving  the  restoration  of 
legal  tenders  to  par  with  gold,  to  be  brought  about  by  promoting  the  indus 
tries  of  the  people  and  not  by  destroying  them." 

The  Eepublican  convention  in  their  second  resolution 
declared : 

"  That  a  policy  of  finance  be  steadily  pursued,  which,  without  unneces 
sary  shock  to  business  or  trade,  will  ultimately  equalize  the  purchasing 
capacity  of  the  coin  and  paper  dollar." 

Ex-Governor  Hayes  and  I  opened  the  state  canvass  in  the 
county  of  Lawrence  on  July  31,  1875,  and  took  strong  ground 
in  favor  of  the  resumption  act.  At  the  beginning  it  appeared 
that  the  people  were  not  quite  prepared  for  any  measure  look 
ing  to  resumption,  but  as  the  contest  progressed  and  the  sub 
ject  was  fully  and  boldly  presented  by  Mr.  Hayes  and  myself, 
the  tide  of  opinion  ran  in  our  favor  and  Hayes  was  elected  by 
a  small  majority.  The  ex-governor  did  not  evade  the  issue, 
but  in  every  speech  supported  and  urged  the  policy  of  resump 
tion  as  a  matter  of  the  highest  interest. 

In  the  approaching  nomination  for  President,  Governor 
Hayes  was  frequently  spoken  of  as  a  candidate  to  succeed 
General  Grant,  and  I  also  was  mentioned  in  the  same  connec 
tion,  but,  feeling  confident  that  Mr.  Hayes  would  be  a  stronger 
candidate  than  myself,  and  fully  determined  not  to  stand  in 
his  way,  on  the  21st  of  January,  1876,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  a  per 
sonal  friend,  and  the  Member  of  the  Senate  from  the  district  in 
which  I  live,  in  which  I  urged  the  nomination  of  Governor 
Hayes  as  the  most  available  candidate  in  the  approaching 
presidential  canvass.  This  letter  no  doubt  contributed  to  his 


436  RECOLLECTIONS 

strength  and  prevented  any  possibility  of  the  division  of  the  vote 
of  Ohio  in  the  convention.     I  quote  a  portion  of  the  letter : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  21,  1876. 

DEAR  SIR  : — Your  letters  of  the  2nd  and  19th  inst.  were  duly  received, 
and  I  delayed  answering  the  first  sooner  partly  from  personal  reasons,  but 
mainly  that  I  mififht  fully  consider  the  questions  raised  by  you  as  to  the 
approaching  presidential  contest,  the  importance  of  which  cannot  be  over 
stated.  The  election  of  a  Democratic  President  means  a  restoration  to  full 
power  in  the  government  of  the  worst  elements  of  the  rebel  Confederacy. 

The  southern  states  are  to  be  organized,  by  violence  and  intimidation,  into 
a  compact  political  power  only  needing  a  small  fragment  of  the  northern 
states  to  give  it  absolute  control  where,  by  a  majority  rule  of  the  party,  it 
will  govern  the  country  as  it  did  in  the  time  of  Pierce  and  Buchanan. 

If  it  should  elect  a  President  and  both  Houses  of  Congress,  the  con 
stitutional  amendments  would  be  disregarded,  the  freedmen  wrould  be 
nominally  citizens  but  really  slaves  ;  innumerable  claims,  swollen  by  perjury, 
wrould  be  saddled  upon  the  treasury,  the  power  of  the  general  government 
would  be  crippled,  and  the  honors  won  by  our  people  in  subduing  rebellion 
would  be  a  subject  of  reproach  rather  than  of  pride.  The  only  safeguard 
from  these  evils  is  the  election  of  a  Republican  President,  and  the  adoption 
of  a  liberal  Republican  policy  which  should  be  fair  and  even  generous  to 
the  south,  but  firm  in  the  maintenance  of  all  the  rights  won  by  the  war. 
Our  election  in  Ohio  last  fall  shows  that  even  under  the  most  adverse 
circumstances  we  can  win  on  this  basis. 

Every  movement  made  by  this  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  is 
an  appeal  to  every  man  who  ever  voted  with  the  Republican  party  to  rally 
to  its  support  again,  and  to  every  man  who  fought  in  the  Union  army  to 
vote  with  us  to  preserve  the  results  of  his  victory. 

All  we  need  is  such  a  presidential  ticket  as  will  give  assurance  that  we 
mean  to  stand  by  our  principles,  and  that  will  administer  the  government 
honestly  and  economically. 

As  to  candidates,  the  drift  of  public  opinion  is  rapidly  reducing  the  list 
and  has  already  settled  adversely  the  chances  of  many  of  them.  Above  all, 
it  has  positively  closed  the  question  of  a  third  term.  The  conviction  that  it 
is  not  safe  to  continue  in  one  man  for  too  long  a  period  the  vast  powers  of  a 
President,  is  based  upon  the  strongest  reasons,  and  this  conviction  is  sup 
ported  by  so  many  precedents  set  by  the  voluntary  retirement  at  the  end  of 
a  second  term  of  so  many  Presidents  that  it  would  be  criminal  folly  to  dis 
regard  it.  I  do  not  believe  that  General  Grant  ever  seriously  entertained 
the  thought  of  a  third  term,  but  even  if  he  did,  the  established  usage  against 
it  would  make  his  nomination  an  act  of  suicide. 

It  would  disrupt  our  party  in  every  Republican  state. 

Happily  for  us  we  do  not  need  to  look  for  the  contingency  of  his 
nomination.  .  .  .  Very  truly  yours, 

HON.  A.  M.  BURNS.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  437 

The  election  of  Members  of  Congress  in  1874  resulted  in  the 
choice  of  a  large  majority  of  Democrats  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  44th  Congress,  the  term  of  which  commenced 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1875.  A  majority  of  the  Senate  being 
still  largely  Republican,  it  became  difficult  to  pass  any  measure 
of  a  political  character  during  that  Congress.  President  Grant, 
on  the  17th  of  February,  1875,  issued  his  proclamation  conven 
ing  the  Senate  at  12  o'clock  on  the  5th  of  March  following,  to 
receive  and  act  upon  such  communications  as  might  be  made 
to  it  on  the  part  of  the  Executive.  The  session  continued  until 
the  24th  of  March.  It  was  largely  engaged  in  questions  affect 
ing  the  State  of  Louisiana,  which  had  been  the  scene  of  violent 
tumult  and  almost  civil  war.  As  these  events  are  a  part  of  the 
public  history  of  the  country  I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to 
refer  to  them  at  length.  These  disturbances  continued  during 
the  whole  of  that  Congress,  and,  in  1876,  approached  the  con 
dition  of  civil  war. 

The  regular  meeting  occurred  on  the  6th  of  December, 
1875,  when  Thomas  W.  Ferry,  of  Michigan,  was  elected  presi 
dent  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate,  and  Michael  C.  Kerr,  a  Demo 
cratic  Representative  from  the  State  of  Indiana,  was  elected 
by  a  large  majority  as  speaker  of  the  House. 

This  political  revolution  was  no  doubt  caused  largely  by  the 
financial  panic  of  1873,  and  by  the  severe  stringency  in  mone 
tary  affairs  that  followed  and  continued  for  several  years. 
Many  financial  measures  of  the  highest  importance  in  respect 
to  the  public  credit  were  acted  upon,  but  were  generally  lost 
by  a  disagreement  between  the  two  Houses.  I  do  not  deem  it 
necessary  to  refer  to  the  political  questions  that  greatly 
excited  the  public  mind  during  that  session.  Congress  was 
largely  occupied  in  political  debate  on  questions  in  respect  to 
the  reconstruction  of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion,  upon  which 
the  two  Houses  disagreed.  Among  other  measures  which 
failed  was  the  act  amendatory  of  the  acts  authorizing  the 
refunding  of  the  national  debt,  which  passed  the  Senate  but 
was  not  considered  by  the  House. 

During  this  session  of  Congress  all  sorts  of  financial  plans 
were  presented  in  each  House,  but  all  were  aimed,  directly  or 


438  RECOLLECTIONS 

indirectly,  at  the  resumption  act,  although  that  act  itself  was 
adopted  as  a  remedy  for  existing  financial  evils,  and  especially 
to  deal  with  and  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  a  panic  as  that 
of  1873.  I  took  occasion,  on  the  presentation  of  the  resolutions 
of  the  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce  in  favor  of  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments,  at  the  time  provided  by  the 
resumption  act,  to  discuss  the  policy  of  that  measure  more 
fully  than  I  thought  it  expedient  to  do  when,  as  a  bill,  it  was 
pending  in  the  previous  Congress.  This  speech  was  made  in 
the  Senate  on  the  6th  of  March,  1876.  It  was  the  result  of 
great  labor  and  care,  and  was  intended  by  me  to  be,  and  I 
believe  is  now,  the  best  presentation  I  have  ever  been  able  to 
offer  in  support  of  the  financial  policy  of  the  government,  and 
especially  in  support  of  the  resumption  of  specie  payments. 
I  said :  .  .  . 

"•An  old  writer  thus  describes  *  public  credit : ' 

'Credit  is  a  consequence,  not  a  cause;  the  effect  of  a  substance,  not  a 
substance  ;  it  is  the  sunshine,  not  the  sun  ;  the  quickening  something,  call  it 
what  you  will,  that  gives  life  to  trade,  gives  being  to  the  branches  and  mois 
ture  to  the  root ;  it  is  the  oil  of  the  wheel,  the  marrow  in  the  bones,  the  blood 
in  the  veins,  and  the  spirits  in  the  heart  of  all  the  negoce,  trade,  cash,  and 
commerce  in  the  world. 

'It  is  produced,  and  grows  insensibly  from  fair  and  upright  dealing, 
punctual  compliance,  honorable  performance  of  contracts  and  covenants  ;  in 
short,  it  is  the  offspring  of  universal  probity.  .  .  . 

"  And,  sir,  passing  from  considerations  of  public  honor,  there  are  many 
reasons  of  public  policy  which  forbid  the  repeal  of  the  act  of  1875.  That 
act  was  generally  regarded  as  the  settlement  of  a  financial  policy  by  which 
at  least  the  party  in  power  is  bound,  and  upon  the  faith  of  which  business 
men  have  conducted  their  affairs  and  made  their  contracts.  Debts  have 
been  contracted  and  paid  with  the  expectation  that  at  the  time  fixed  the  gold 
standard  would  measure  all  obligations,  and  a  repeal  of  the  act  would  now 
reopen  all  the  wild  and  dangerous  speculation  schemes  that  feed  and  fatten 
upon  depreciated  paper  money.  The  influence  that  secures  this  repeal  will 
not  stop  here.  If  we  can  recall  our  promise  to  pay  our  notes  outstanding 
why  should  we  not  issue  more?  If  we  can  disregard  our  promise  to  pay 
them,  why  shall  we  regard  our  promise  not  to  issue  more  than  $400,000,000, 
as  stipulated  for  by  the  act  of  1864?  If  we  can  reopen  the  question  of  the 
payment  of  our  notes,  why  may  we  not  reopen  the  question  as  to  the  pay 
ment  of  our  bonds?  Is  the  act  of  1869  any  more  sacred  than  the  act  of 
1875?  And  if  we  can  reopen  these  questions,  why  not  reopen  the  laws 
requiring  the  payment  of  either  interest  or  principal  of  the  public  debt? 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  439 

They  rest  upon  acts  of  Congress  which  we  have  the  power  to  repeal.  If  the 
public  honor  cannot  protect  our  promise  to  the  note  holder,  how  shall  it  pro 
tect  our  promise  to  the  bond  holder?  Already  do  we  see  advocated  in  high 
places,  by  numerous  and  formidable  organizations,  all  forms  of  repudiation, 
which,  if  adopted,  would  reduce  our  nation  to  the  credit  of  a  robber  chief 
— worse  than  the  credit  of  an  Algerine  pirate,  who  at  least  would  not 
plunder  his  own  countrymen.  And  if  the  public  creditor  had  no  safety, 
what  chance  would  the  national  banks — creations  of  our  own  and  subject  to 
our  will — have  in  Congress?  It  has  already  been  proposed  to  confiscate 
their  bonds,  premium  and  all,  as  a  mode  of  paying  their  notes  with  green 
backs.  What  expedient  so  easy  if  we  would  make  money  cheap  and 
abundant?  Or,  if  so  extreme  a  measure  could  be  arrested,  what  is  to  pre 
vent  the  permanent  dethronement  of  gold  as  a  measure  of  value,  and  the 
substitution  of  an  interconvertible  currency  bond,  bearing  three  and  sixty- 
five  hundreths  per  cent,  interest,  as  a  standard  of  value ;  and  when  it 
becomes  too  expensive  to  print  the  notes  to  pay  the  interest,  reduce  the 
rate.  Why  not?  Why  pay  three  and  sixty-five  hundreths  per  cent,  when 
it  is  easier  to  print  three?  It  is  but  an  act  of  Congress.  And  when  the 
process  of  repudiation  goes  so  far  that  your  notes  will  not  buy  bread,  why 
then  declare  against  all  interest,  and  then,  after  passing  through  the  valley 
of  humiliation,  return  again  to  barter,  and  honor,  and  gold  again.  .  .  ." 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 
MY  CONFIDENCE  IN  THE  SUCCESS  OF  RESUMPTION. 

Tendency  of  Democratic  Members  of  Both  Houses  to  Exaggerate  the  Evil  Times  — 
Debate  Over  the  Bill  to  Provide  for  Issuing  Silver  Coin  in  Place  of  Fractional 
Currency  —  The  Coinage   Laws  of   the  United    States  and  Other  Coun 
tries—Joint  Resolution  for  the  Issue  of  Silver  Coin  — The  "  Trade  Dol 
lar  "  Declared  Not  to  Be  a  Legal  Tender  —  My  Views  on  the  Free 
Coinage  of  Silver  —  Bill  to   Provide  for  the  Completion  of 
the  Washington  Monument  —  Resolution  Written  by 
Me  on  the  100th  Anniversary  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  —  Unanimously    Passed  in 
a  Day  by  Both   Houses  —  Completion 
of  the  Structure  Under  the  Act. 

IT  seemed  to  be  the  policy  of  a  majority  of  the  Democratic 
Members  of  both  the  Senate  and  the  House  to  exaggerate 
the  evils  and  discouragements  of  the  times,  while  in  fact 
the  people  were  rapidly  recovering  from  the  results  of  the 
panic  of  1873,  and  all  branches  of  industry  were,  to  a  greater 
or  less  extent,  starting  into  life  anew,  and  to  prevent  the  re 
sumption  of  specie  payments,  and,  if  possible,  to  repeal  the  act 
providing    for    such    resumption.      This    policy    undoubtedly 
checked  the  process  of  refunding  the  public  debt,  which  pro 
gressed  slowly,  and  was  confined  to  an  exchange  of  bonds  bear 
ing  five  per  cent,  interest  for  those  bearing  six  per  cent. 

I  took  a  much  more  hopeful  view  of  the  situation,  and  in  the 
many  speeches  I  made  in  that  Congress,  I  stated  my  confidence, 
not  only  in  the  process  of  resumption  and  refunding,  but  in  the 
rapid  improvement  of  all  branches  of  industry  as  we  progressed 
towards  specie  payments.  In  a  speech  I  made  in  the  Senate  on 
the  6th  of  January,  1876,  on  a  bill  "to  further  provide  for  the 
redemption  of  legal  tender  United  States  notes  in  accordance 
with  existing  law,"  I  said : 

"  Sir,  we  ought  to  take  a  hopeful  view  of  things  in  this  centennial  year  of 
our  country.  Look  at  the  aggregate  results.  A  century  ago  we  were  three 
million  people  ;  now  forty  million  ;  then  we  had  a  little  border  on  the 
Atlantic  ;  we  are  now  extended  to  the  Pacific.  See  what  has  been  accom- 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  441 

plished  in  a  hundred  years.  During  that  time  there  have  been  periods  of 
darkness  and  doubt.  Every  seven  or  ten  or  twelve  years,  periodically,  there 
have  been  times  of  financial  distress.  We  have  lived  through  them  all.  I 
believe,  and  I  trust  in  God,  that  this  very  year  is  the  beginning  of  another 
period  of  prosperity,  and  that  all  these  dark  clouds,  which  gentlemen  are 
trying  to  raise  up  from  the  misery  of  the  past  two  or  three  years  and  from 
their  own  clouded  imaginations,  will  entirely  disappear.  I  believe  that 
even  now  we  are  in  the  sunshine  of  increasing  prosperity,  and  that  every 
day  and  every  hour  will  add  to  our  wealth  and  relieve  us  from  our  distresses. 
"  Sir,  things  are  not  so  unhopeful  as  Senators  seem  to  think.  We  have 
made  a  promise  to  be  executed  three  years  hence,  and  every  step  of  our  legis 
lation,  if  any  is  had,  should  look  in  that  direction.  We  may  not  adopt  any 
measure  or  may  not  deem  that  any  is  necessary  ;  but,  if  any  be  adopted,  it 
ought  to  look  to  the  execution  of  that  promise,  and  we  ought  to  enter  on  the 
performance  of  this  duty  with  hopeful  trust  in  the  continued  prosperity  of 
our  country.  All  this  gloom  and  doubt,  all  this  arraignment  of  official 
statements,  this  doubt  of  our  sufficient  revenues,  this  doubt  of  our  ability  to 
meet  and  advance  our  destiny,  always  falls  upon  my  ear  with  painful  sur 
prise.  Senators,  the  task  we  have  before  us  may  be  a  difficult  one,  as  it  has 
always  proved  to  be  difficult  to  resume  the  specie  standard  whenever,  for  any 
reason,  a  nation  has  fallen  from  it,  but  it  is  a  duty  that  must  be  executed,  and 
it  ought  to  be  executed  without  the  spirit  of  party  warfare,  without  these 
appeals,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  party  tactics.  The  pledges  made  one  year 
ago,  although  not  voted  for  by  the  Democratic  party,  are  pledges  binding 
upon  their  honor  and  their  faith  as  they  are  upon  mine,  and  I  trust  in  God 
that  we  shall  join  together  in  all  the  proper  steps  to  carry  out  those 
pledges." 

This  bill  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance,  but  no 
action  was  taken  upon  it,  as  the  committee  preferred  to  await 
the  action  of  the  House. 

The  resumption  act  provided  for  the  payment  and  destruc 
tion  of  the  fractional  currency  then  in  circulation,  to  the 
amount  of  $40,000,000,  and  the  substitution  of  silver  coins  in 
all  respects,  such  as  were  defined  by  the  coinage  act  of  1853. 
This  was  to  be  the  first  step  in  preparation  for  the  general 
resumption  of  coin  payments  in  January,  1879.  It  became 
necessary  to  provide  for  the  coinage  of  fractional  silver  coins, 
and  a  bill  for  this  purpose,  entitled  "A  bill  to  provide  for  a 
deficiency  in  the  Printing  and  Engraving  Bureau,  and  for  the 
issue  of  the  silver  coin  of  the  United  States,  in  place  of  the 
fractional  currency,"  was  reported  by  Mr.  Randall,  on  the  2nd 
of  March,  1876,  from  the  committee  on  appropriations  of 


442  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  House.  It  was  subsequently  considered,  amended  and 
passed  by  the  House,  after  a  long  debate,  participated  in  by 
many  of  the  leading  Members.  Much  to  my  surprise,  Mr. 
Hewitt  and  Mr.  Ward,  prominent  Members  from  New  York, 
opposed  the  measure,  denounced  the  resumption  act,  and 
prophesied  its  failure.  Mr.  Hewitt,  in  support  of  his  position, 
quoted  passages  from  the  reports  of  Mr.  Bristow,  then  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  and  predicted  the  utter  failure  of  resump 
tion,  unless  the  United  States  notes  were  entirely  withdrawn. 
He  insisted  that  if  silver  coin  was  issued  to  replace  fractional 
currency,  the  coin  would  disappear  from  circulation,  leaving 
the  people  without  any  currency  for  the  smaller  necessaries  of 
life.  In  the  progress  of  the  debate,  it  became  manifest  that 
the  larger  portion  of  the  Democratic  Members  would  vote 
against  every  measure  proposed  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  the 
resumption  act. 

The  bill  passed  the  House  on  the  31st  of  March  by  the  vote 
of  123  yeas  and  100  nays.  In  the  Senate  it  was  referred  to  the 
committee  on  finance,  and  reported  back  with  amendments. 
The  third  section  of  the  bill,  as  it  came  from  the  House,  pro 
vided  for  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar,  of  the  weight  of  412.8 
grains  troy,  standard  silver,  and  made  that  dollar  a  legal  tender 
at  its  nominal  value,  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  twenty  dol 
lars  in  any  one  payment,  except  for  customs  duties  and  inter 
est  on  the  public  debt,  and  that  the  "trade  dollar"  should  not, 
thereafter,  be  a  legal  coin.  This  section  was  stricken  out. 

In  the  remarks  made  by  me,  upon  this  bill,  on  the  10th  day 
of  April,  1876,  I  gave,  in  detail,  the  history  of  each  of  the  coin 
age  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  then  existing  coinage 
laws  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Belgium,  Germany,  Switzerland 
and  Italy.  I  had  taken  great  pains  to  collect  this  information 
and  to  procure  translations  of  the  laws  of  the  several  countries 
named.  The  then  recent  changes,  made  by  Germany,  and  their 
effect  upon  the  coinage  of  other  nations,  were  carefully  stated. 
The  general  conclusions  which  I  drew  from  a  reference  to  these 
statutes  of  various  countries,  were: 

"  First.  It  is  impossible,  in  the  nature  of  things,  to  fix  the  precise  value  of 
silver  and  gold.  We  have  tried  it  three  times  and  failed. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  443 

"  Second.  Whenever  either  coin  is  worth  more  in  the  market  than  the 
rate  fixed  by  the  law,  it  flees  from  the  country.  That  we  have  twice  proved. 
That  is  the  admitted  economic  law.  It  is  the  Gresham  law  ;  a  law  of  cur 
rency  named  from  the  name  of  its  discoverer.  He  wrote  a  book  to  show  that 
always  the  poorer  currency  would  drive  out  of  circulation  a  superior  cur 
rency  ;  and  his  book  gave  name  to  the  theory  that  is  called  the  law  of 
Gresham.  It  is  the  universal  law  of  political  economy  that,  whenever  two 
metals  or  two  moneys  are  in  circulation,  the  least  valuable  will  drive  out  the 
most  valuable  ;  the  latter  will  be  exported. 

"  The  third  proposition  is  that  the  example  of  several  great  European 
nations,  as  well  as  of  the  United  States,  proves  that  to  prevent  the  deprecia 
tion  of  silver  the  tendency  of  modern  nations  is  to  issue  it  as  a  token  coinage 
somewhat  less  in  intrinsic  value  than  gold,  and  maintain  its  value  by  issuing 
it  only  as  needed,  at  par  with  the  prevailing  currency,  and  to  make  it  a  lim 
ited  legal  tender.  I  may  say  that  has  been  acted  upon  by  every  great 
Christian  nation.  Russia  and  Austria  have  not  yet  gold  coinage  at  all,  but 
still  they  have  their  values  based  upon  gold. 

"  Fourth.  That  the  demonetizing  of  silver  tends  to  add  to  the  value  of 
gold,  and  that  though  its  relative  value  ebbs  and  flows  it  is  more  stable  com 
pared  to  gold  than  any  other  metal,  grain,  or  production.  Its  limit  of  vari 
ation  for  a  century  is  between  fifteen  to  seventeen  for  one  in  gold. 

"  Fifth.  That  both  coins  are  indispensable,  one  for  small  and  the  other 
for  large  transactions. 

"  Sixth.  That  the  causes  of  the  decline  of  silver  are  temporary.  It  is  still 
used  by  a  great  majority  of  mankind  as  the  standard  of  value.  Its  use  in 
France  and  the  United  States  will,  on  resumption,  more  than  counteract  its 
decline  in  Germany. 

"  Seventh.  The  general  monetizing  of  silver  now,  when  it  is  unnaturally 
depreciated,  would  be  to  invite  to  our  country,  in  exchange  for  gold  or 
bonds,  all  the  silver  of  Europe,  and  at  last  it  would  leave  us  with  a  depreci 
ated  currency. 

"  Eighth.  The  decline  of  silver  enables  us  now  to  exchange  silver  coin 
of  the  old  standard  for  fractional  currency,  leaving  the  exchange  optional 
with  the  holder,  until  we  have  the  courage,  as  we  now  have  the  ability,  to 
redeem  it  in  gold. 

"  Ninth.  More  silver  can  be  maintained  at  par  than  we  have  now  of 
fractional  currency. 

"  Tenth.  The  redemption  of  a  part  of  our  currency  would  advance  its 
purchasing  power,  while  the  silver  in  circulation  will  counteract  the  con 
traction  of  the  currency." 

This  bill  became  a  law  on  the  17th  of  April,  1876.  The 
second  section  provided : 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  hereby  directed  to  issue  silver 
coins  of  the  United  States  of  the  denomination  of  ten,  twenty,  twenty-five 


444  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  fifty  cents  of  standard  value,  in  redemption  of  an  equal  amount  of  frac 
tional  currency,  whether  the  same  be  now  in  the  treasury  awaiting  redemp 
tion,  or  whenever  it  may  be  presented  for  redemption  ;  and  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  may,  under  regulations  of  the  treasury  department,  provide  for 
such  redemption  and  issue  by  substitution,  at  the  regular  sub-treasuries  and 
public  depositaries  of  the  United  States,  until  the  whole  amount  of  fractional 
currency  outstanding  shall  be  redeemed.  And  the  fractional  currency  re 
deemed  under  this  act  shall  be  held  to  be  a  part  of  the  sinking  fund  provided 
for  by  existing  law,  the  interest  to  be  computed  thereon  as  in  the  case  of 
bonds  redeemed  under  the  act  relating  to  the  sinking  fund." 

A  joint  resolution  for  the  issue  of  silver  coin  was  introduced 
in  the  House  by  Mr.  Frost,  of  Massachusetts,  on  the  1st  of  May, 
1876.  The  object  of  this  resolution  was  to  expedite  the  issue 
of  minor  coin  and  the  retirement  of  fractional  currency.  It 
was  referred  to  the  committee  on  banking  and  currency, 
reported  back  and  passed  the  House  June  10.  In  the  Senate 
it  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance,  reported  favorably 
and  passed  with  amendments  June  21.  The  House  disagreed 
to  the  amendments  of  the  Senate,  and  a  committee  of  confer 
ence  was  appointed  composed  of  John  Sherman,  George  S. 
Boutwell,  and  Louis  V.  Bogy,  managers  on  the  part  of  the  Sen 
ate,  and  H.  B.  Payne,  and  Samuel  J.  Randall,  managers  on  the 
part  of  the  House.  The  report  of  the  conferees  was  agreed  to, 
and  the  bill  having  passed  both  Houses  it  was  approved  by  the 
President  on  the  22nd  of  July.  It  provided : 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  under  such  limits  and  regulations 
as  will  best  secure  a  just  and  fair  distribution  of  the  same  through  the 
country,  may  issue  the  silver  coin  at  any  time  in  the  treasury  to  an  amount 
not  exceeding  ten  million  dollars,  in  exchange  for  an  equal  amount  of  legal 
tender  notes  ;  and  the  notes  so  received  in  exchange  shall  be  kept  as  a 
special  fund,  separate  and  apart  from  all  other  money  in  the  treasury,  and  be 
reissued  only  upon  the  retirement  and  destruction  of  a  like  sum  of  fractional 
currency  received  at  the  treasury  in  payment  of  dues  to  the  United  States  ; 
and  said  fractional  currency,  when  so  substituted,  shall  be  destroyed  and 
held  as  part  of  the  sinking  fund,  as  provided  in  the  act  approved  April 
seventeen,  eighteen  hundred  and  seventy-six." 

It  also  provided  :  "  That  the  trade  dollar  shall  not  here 
after  be  a  legal  tender,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is 
hereby  authorized  to  limit,  from  time  to  time,  the  coinage 
thereof  to  such  an  amount  as  he  may  deem  sufficient  to  meet 
the  export  demand  for  the  same." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  445 

It  also  provided  that  the  amount  of  subsidiary  silver  coin 
authorized  should  not  exceed  $50,000,000.  The  silver  bul 
lion  was  to  be  purchased  from  time  to  time  at  market  rate 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  from  any  money  in  the 
treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated,  and  any  gain  or  seignior 
age  arising  from  the  coinage  was  to  be  paid  into  the  treasury. 

These  provisions  in  respect  to  subsidiary  coin  were  in  a 
large  measure  executed  prior  to  the  4th  of  March,  1877,  and 
tended,  in  my  opinion,  to  facilitate  the  progress  of  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments  on  the  1st  of  January,  1879. 
The  debate  on  these  measures  occupied  a  large  portion  of  the 
time  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  presented  in  every  pos 
sible  aspect  all  the  financial  questions  involved  in  coinage, 
resumption  and  refunding.  Anyone  desiring  a  full  knowledge 
of  the  view  then  taken  of  the  act  revising  the  laws  in  respect  to 
coins  and  coinage,  approved  February  12,  1873,  will  find  in  the 
debate  a  full  history  of  that  act,  given  at  a  time  when  it  was 
fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  great  body  of  Senators  and 
Members. 

I  supported  the  coinage  of  the  old  silver  dollar  in  a  speech 
in  the  Senate  made  on  the  8th  of  June,  1876,  two  years  before 
the  appearance  of  the  "  Bland  bill,"  or  the  "Allison  bill."  Sil 
ver  bullion  was  then  declining  in  market  value.  The  resump 
tion  act  provided  for  the  gradual  replacement  of  fractional 
currency  by  silver  coins  of  the  character  and  form  provided  for 
by  the  coinage  act  of  1853.  When  that  act  passed  the  old  sil 
ver  dollar  was  not  coined  or  in  circulation.  It  was  more  valu 
able  in  the  market  than  a  dollar  in  gold,  and,  if  coined,  would 
have  been  exported  as  bullion.  In  the  revision  of  the  coinage 
laws  of  1873,  it  was  dropped  from  the  list  of  coins,  and  its  fur 
ther  coinage  was  prohibited  by  a  clause  providing  that  no  coins 
should  be  made  at  the  mint  except  those  provided  for  in  that 
act.  The  history  of  this  act  and  the  reasons  for  prohibiting 
the  coinage  of  the  old  dollar  have  been  fully  stated  in  a  previous 
chapter  of  this  work.  In  place  of  the  old  dollar  the  trade  dol 
lar,  containing  420  grains  of  silver,  was  provided  for.  This 
trade  dollar,  coined  for,  and  at  the  expense  of,  the  owner  of  the 
bullion  deposited  at  the  mint,  was,  in  the  revision  of  the  laws 


446  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  the  United  States,  unintentionally  made  a  legal  tender  for 
five  dollars,  the  same  as  the  minor  coins  issued  by  the  mint  on 
government  account.  As  silver  declined  in  value,  the  trade 
dollar  became  less  valuable  than  a  dollar  in  gold,  and  the  own 
ers  of  bullion  deposited  it  in  the  mint,  and  received  in  exchange 
trade  dollars  costing  less  than  a  dollar  in  gold,  but,  being  a  legal 
tender  for  five  dollars,  it  could  be  forced  upon  the  people  of 
California,  then  upon  the  gold  standard,  at  a  profit  to  the 
owner  of  the  bullion.  Mr.  Sargent,  a  Senator  from  California, 
early  in  the  session  introduced  a  bill  enlarging  the  limit  of 
legal  tender  of  minor  coins,  and  repealing  the  legal  tender 
quality  of  the  trade  dollar.  This  bill  was  referred  to  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  and  was  reported  with  an  amendment  to 
strike  out  all  after  the  enacting  clause,  and  insert : 

"  That  section  3586  of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States  be,  and 
hereby  is,  amended  to  read  as  follows  : 

"  The  silver  coins  of  the  United  States,  except  the  trade  dollar,  shall  be 
a  legal  tender  at  their  nominal  value  for  any  amount  not  exceeding  five 
dollars  in  any  one  payment." 

This  simple  bill  was  made  the  text  of  a  long  debate  in  the 
Senate  that  continued  during  the  greater  part  of  that  session. 
The  provision  that  "  the  trade  dollar  shall  not  hereafter  be  a 
legal  tender"  was  transferred  to  the  joint  resolution  already 
mentioned  which  became  a  law  on  the  22nd  of  July. 

In  my  speech  on  Mr.  Sargent's  bill  I  said : 

"  This  bill  proposes  to  restore  the  old  silver  dollar,  and  with  it  and  the 
subsidiary  coins  of  the  United  States  to  redeem  the  United  States  notes  and 
fractional  currency.  The  dollar  to  be  restored  is  the  same  dollar  that  had 
existed  from  1792  to  1873 ;  and  the  subsidiary  coins  to  be  issued  are  the 
same  in  form  and  value  as  have  been  issued  since  1853.  I  have  already 
stated  in  my  remarks,  made  on  the  llth  of  April  last,  the  history  of  these 
silver  coins  and  the  relation  of  silver  and  gold  to  each  other,  not  only  in  the 
United  States,  but  in  the  countries  with  which  we  have  the  most  extensive, 
commercial  relations. 

"  The  two  main  questions  are  : 

•*#####-X--K# 

"  First.  Shall  silver  coin  be  exchanged  for  United  States  notes  as  well 
as  for  fractional  currency?  And, 

"  Second.  Is  it  wise  to  recoin  the  old  silver  dollar  with  a  view  to  ex 
change  it  for  United  States  notes?" 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  447 

In  this  speech  I  favored  the  restoration  of  the  silver  dollar 
of  the  precise  character  and  description  of  the  dollar  that  ex 
isted  from  1792  to  1873,  but,  as  the  market  value  of  the  silver 
in  this  dollar  had  greatly  fallen,  I  insisted  that  the  dollar 
should  be  coined  from  bullion  purchased  by  the  government  at 
market  price,  so  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  would 
receive  the  difference  between  the  cost  of  the  bullion  and  the 
face  value  of  the  coin,  the  same  principle  that  was  adopted  in 
what  is  known  as  the  Bland-Allison  act  of  1878.  I  did  not, 
however,  propose  the  full  legal  tender  quality  that  was  given 
to  the  dollar  by  the  act  when  adopted,  but  that  it  should  be 
placed  among  the  other  silver  coins,  and  be  a  legal  tender  only 
for  twenty  dollars. 

The  plan  proposed  by  me  was  to  set  aside  a  portion  of  the 
surplus  revenue  or  sinking  fund  of  each  year  applicable  to  the 
payment  of  the  public  debt,  for  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion 
to  be  coined  into  silver  dollars  of  the  old  standard.  I  said: 

"  The  bill  reported  by  the  committee  on  finance  thus  provides  for  an 
immediate  resumption  of  specie  payments  in  silver  coin,  and  thus  completes 
the  first  and  most  difficult  step  of  the  problem.  It  neither  disturbs  nor 
deranges  business,  nor  stirs  up  the  phantom  of  contraction.  It  is  in  exact 
accordance  with  existing  law,  and  leaves  the  silver  coin,  as  now,  a  subsidiary 
coin,  a  legal  tender  only  for  limited  amounts. 

"  The  next  question  presented  by  this  bill  is,  shall  we  return  to  our  silver 
coinage  the  old  silver  dollar.  And  here  I  am  met  by  the  objections  of  the 
Senator  from  Vermont,  but  his  objections  are  rather  to  the  amendments 
proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Missouri,  than  to  the  report  of  the  committee. 
The  committee  propose  the  silver  dollar,  not  as  a  legal  tender  for  gold  con 
tracts,  but  only  as  a  tender  for  currency  contracts  not  exceeding  twenty  dol 
lars  in  any  one  payment.  I  would  prefer  to  leave  the  silver  dollar  and 
stand  upon  its  intrinsic  value  as  a  legal  tender  the  same  as  the  smaller  coin  ; 
but  there  is  no  injustice  in  enlarging  the  limit  to  twenty  dollars,  and  but  for 
the  reasons  I  will  state  hereafter  there  is  no  injustice  in  making  it  a  legal 
tender  for  all  currency  contracts.  The  silver  dollar  has  that  intrinsic 
value  which  in  all  periods  of  our  history  has  made  it  a  favorite  coin,  not 
only  for  domestic  uses  but  for  exportation.  It  furnishes  silver  bullion 
in  a  shape  and  form  more  convenient  for  handling  than  any  other  form 
of  coin. 

•*##-x-##### 

"  When  the  old  silver  dollars  are  issued  at  par  with  the  United  States 
notes,  a  large  amount  of  them  will  be  taken  as  a  reserve  by  the  people  to 


448  RECOLLECTIONS 

meet  future  needs,  with  or  without  a  legal  tender  quality.  As  their  issue  is 
not  peremptory,  and  the  aggregate  cannot  exceed  the  surplus  revenue  or 
sinking  fund,  there  is  no  danger  of  an  overissue,  while  their  existence 
among  the  people  will  be  the  best  reserve  when  gold  alone  becomes  the 
full  standard  of  value. 

"  Every  argument  already  mentioned  in  favor  of  subsidiary  silver  coin 
is  equally  potent  in  favor  of  the  silver  dollar.  It  will  be  eagerly  taken  in 
payment  of  United  States  notes.  It  is  purely  a  voluntary  exchange.  It  is 
the  cheapest  mode  in  which  we  can  redeem  United  States  notes.  It  is 
specie  resumption  in  the  old  time-honored  standard  of  silver  dollars  of  full 
weight  and  fineness.  It  will  accustom  our  people  to  distinguish  between 
the  real  dollar  that  pays  where  it  goes  and  a  paper  dollar  which  only 
promises  to  pay.  It  will  prepare  the  way  for  full  resumption  in  gold.  To 
the  extent  proposed  by  the  committee,  and  to  be  used  as  a  purely  voluntary 
approach  to  a  full  specie  standard,  it  is  open  to  no  objection  or  criticism, 
and  should  be  assented  to  by  gentlemen  who  have  differed  with  each  other 
on  the  present  resumption  law  or  on  the  merits  and  dangers  of  contraction 
and  expansion." 

The  vital  difference  between  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  and 
the  limited  coinage  of  that  metal  on  government  account,  is 
that  with  free  coinage  the  standard  of  value  would  be  the 
cheaper  money.  With  silver  at  its  present  price  in  the  market 
the  dollar  would  be  worth  but  a  little  over  fifty  cents.  The 
coinage  being  free  to  the  holders  of  silver  bullion  no  coins 
would  be  made  except  the  cheaper  coins  of  least  purchas 
ing  power.  On  the  other  hand,  the  coinage  of  silver  on  govern 
ment  account  enables  us  to  maintain  the  silver  coins  at  par 
with  gold,  without  respect  to  the  market  value  of  the  silver 
bullion.  Any  nominal  profit  from  this  coinage  inures  to  the 
benefit  of  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States  and  not 
merely  to  the  producers  of  silver  bullion.  This  distinction 
has  always  appeared  to  me  so  marked  and  clear,  and  the 
argument  so  strong  in  favor  of  limiting  the  coinage  of  silver 
to  the  amount  demanded  as  a  convenience  of  the  people  for 
the  smaller  transactions  of  life,  that  I  cannot  sympathize 
with  a  policy  that  aims  merely  to  secure  the  cheapest  money 
for  the  discharge  of  obligations  contracted  upon  more  valuable 
money. 

Among  the  measures  that  became  a  law  at  this  session  was 
a  concurrent  resolution,  introduced  by  me  in  the  Senate  on  the 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  449 

5th  of  July,  1876,  to  provide  for  the  completion  of  the  Wash 
ington  monument. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  July,  1876,  the  100th  anniver 
sary  of  American  independence,  I  was  making  some  preparation 
for  the  celebration  of  that  day  in  the  vicinity  of  Washington. 
Animated  by  the  patriotic  feeling  inspired  by  the  day,  and 
sitting  in  view  of  the  unfinished  monument  of  George  Wash 
ington,  I  felt  that  the  time  had  come  when  this  monument 
should  no  longer  continue  a  standing  reproach  to  a  patriotic 
people.  Shortly  after  the  death  of  Washington,  a  resolution 
providing  for  the  erection  of  a  monument  to  his  memory, 
was  agreed  to  by  both  Houses  of  Congress.  Subsequently,  on 
January  1,  1801,  a  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  appropriating  $200,000  for  this  purpose,  but,  in  the 
political  excitements  of  that  day,  the  Senate  failed  to  con 
cur.  In  the  absorbing  public  questions  that  ensued,  resulting 
in  the  War  of  1812,  the  subject  was  dropped  in  Congress  for 
the  time. 

In  1833  the  " Washington  Monument  Society"  was  formed, 
with  Chief  Justice  John  Marshall  as  its  president.  This  society 
proposed  to  raise  the  necessary  sum  to  erect  such  a  monument 
by  voluntary  subscriptions  of  individuals,  and  in  1854  it  had,  by 
such  means,  constructed  about  one-third  of  the  height  of  the 
monument  and  then  suspended  work.  Thus  it  had  remained 
for  years  for  want  of  means  to  complete  it,  a  glaring  evidence 
of  failure.  The  portion  of  the  monument  already  reared  to  the 
height  of  156  feet  stood  in  rude  outline,  an  abandoned  failure 
in  the  midst  of  a  reservation  partly  covered  with  water  and 
broken  stone.  The  society  was  incorporated  by  Congress  in 
1859,  but  no  further  progress  was  made.  It  was  manifest  that 
the  work  could  not  be  completed  by  the  existing  organization, 
and  doubts  were  expressed  whether  the  foundation  was  suffi 
cient  to  bear  the  superstructure.  Under  these  conditions,  on 
the  100th  anniversary  of  the  declaration  of  American  inde 
pendence,  it  occurred  to  me  the  time  had  arrived  when  a 
great  country  like  ours  should  complete  this  unfinished  mon 
ument  to  George  Washington.  Under  the  inspiration  of  this 
thought  I  wrote  this  resolution  on  the  morning  of  the  4th 

S.— 29 


450  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  July,  and  on  the  next  morning  offered  it  for  adoption  in  the 
Senate: 

"  WHEREAS,  It  has  pleased  Almighty  God  to  guide  the  United  States 
of  America  safely  through  one  hundred  years  of  national  life,  and  to 
crown  our  nation  with  the  highest  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
Therefore, 

"  The  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress  assembled,  in  the 
name  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  reverent  thankfulness  acknowl 
edge  the  fountain  and  source,  the  author  and  giver  of  all  these  blessings, 
and  our  dependence  upon  His  providence  and  will ;  and, 

"  WHEREAS,  We  recognize,  as  our  fathers  did,  that  George  Washington, 
'  first  in  peace,  first  in  war,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen,'  was 
one  of  the  chief  instruments  of  Divine  Providence  in  securing  American  in 
dependence  and  in  laying  broad  and  deep  the  foundations  of  our  liberties  in 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States  : 

"  Therefore,  as  a  mark  of  our  sense  of  the  honor  due  to  his  name  and  to 
his  compatriots  and  associates,  our  revolutionary  fathers, 

"  We,  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress  assembled,  in 
the  name  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  at  this,  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century  of  national  existence,  do  assume  and  direct  the  completion  of 
the  Washington  monument  in  the  city  of  Washington,  and  instruct  the  com 
mittees  on  appropriation  of  the  respective  Houses  to  propose  suitable  pro 
visions  of  law  to  carry  this  resolution  into  effect." 

In  submitting  the  resolution  I  said : 

"  I  desire  to  offer  at  this  time  a  concurrent  resolution.  I  wish  to  say 
before  it  is  read  that  I  believe  if  it  were  passed  to-day  it  would  be  a  matter 
of  profound  satisfaction  to  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
I  ask  that  it  be  read." 

After  the  resolution  was  read,  there  was  a  pause,  when  Mr. 
Edmunds  said:  "Let  us  consider  this  resolution.  It  will  be 
agreed  to  unanimously,  I  am  sure. 

The  resolution  was  therefore  considered  and  agreed  to 
unanimously.  It  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives  the 
next  morning,  when  Mr.  Hopkins,  of  Pennsylvania,  pending  a 
motion  to  adjourn,  asked  unanimous  consent  to  take  from  the 
speaker's  table  the  concurrent  resolution  in  reference  to  the 
Washington  monument.  Upon  the  resolution  being  read,  the 
House  seemed  to  be  impressed,  as  was  the  Senate,  with  the  fit 
ness  of  the  time,  and  the  propriety  of  the  measure  proposed, 
and  it  was  unanimously  adopted  without  debate. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  451 

Thus  Congress  undertook  to  execute  the  unfinished  work  of 
the  Washington  Monument  Society.  The  requisite  appropria 
tions  were  subsequently  made,  and  the  monument,  as  com 
pleted,  is  now  the  most  impressive  token  of  the  appreciation, 
by  the  American  people,  of  the  name  and  fame  of  George 
Washington.  It  is  visited  daily  by  nearly  every  American  or 
stranger  who  enters  the  city  of  Washington.  Its  dedication 
will  be  hereafter  mentioned. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 
THE  HAYES-TILDEN  PRESIDENTIAL  CONTEST. 

Nomination  of  R.  B.  Hayes  for  President — His  Fitness  for  the  Responsible  Office  — 

Political    Shrewdness  of   Samuel    J.  Tilden,  His  Opponent  — I  Enter  Actively 

Into  the  Canvass  in  Ohio  and  Other  States—  Frauds  in  the  South  — Requested 

by  General  Grant   to  Go  to  New  Orleans  and  Witness  the  Canvassing  of 

the  Vote  of  Louisiana— Departure  for  the  South  — Personnel  of  the 

Republican  and  Democratic  "  Visitors  "  —  Report  of  the  Returning 

Board  —  President     Grant's    Last    Message    to    Congress  — 

Request    to    Become    His    Secretary   of    the    Treasury. 

THE  Republican  national  convention  of  1876  met  at  Cin 
cinnati  on  the  14th  of  June  of  that  year.    After  the 
usual  organization  the  following  eight  nominations  for 
President  were  made :  Elaine,  Morton,  Conkling,  Bris- 
tow,  Hayes,  Hartranft,  Wheeler  and  Jewell.     The  total  num 
ber  of  delegates  was  754.     Elaine  was  greatly  in  the  lead,  re 
ceiving  on  the  first  ballot  285  votes,  some  from  nearly  every 
state.     Morton  received  124,  Bristow  113,  Conkling  99,  Hayes 
61,  Hartranft  58,  Jewell  11,  and  Wheeler  3.     There  were  7  bal 
lots,  in  which  Elaine  steadily  held  his  vote  and  slightly  gained, 
receiving  on  the  final  ballot  351  votes.     The  vote  for  Hayes 
increased  at  each  ballot  until  on  the  seventh  ballot  he  received 
384  votes,  a  majority  over  all. 

Undoubtedly  Elaine  was  the  favorite  of  the  convention, 
but  the  antagonisms  that  existed  between  him  and  Conkling 
probably  defeated  his  nomination.  I  still  believe  that  the 
nomination  of  Hayes  was  not  only  the  safest,  but  the  strongest 
that  could  be  made.  The  long  possession  of  power  by  the  Re 
publicans  naturally  produced  rivalries  that  greatly  affected  the 
election  of  anyone  who  had  been  constantly  prominent  in  pub 
lic  life,  like  Elaine,  Conkling  and  Morton.  Hayes  had  growing 
qualities,  and  in  every  respect  was  worthy  of  the  high  position 
of  President.  He  had  been  a  soldier,  a  Member  of  Congress, 

(452) 


0 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  453 

thrice  elected  as  Governor  of  Ohio,  an  admirable  executive  offi 
cer,  and  his  public  and  private  record  was  beyond  question.  He 
was  not  an  aggressive  man,  although  firm  in  his  opinions  and 
faithful  in  his  friendships.  Among  all  the  public  men  with 
whom  I  have  been  brought  in  contact,  I  have  known  none  who 
was  freer  from  personal  objection,  whose  character  was  more 
stainless,  who  was  better  adapted  for  a  high  executive  office, 
than  Rutherford  B.  Hayes. 

Governor  Hayes  wrote  me  the  following  letter  in  recog 
nition  of  my  aid  in  his  nomination. 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  June  19,  1876. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: — I  trust  you  will  never  regret  the  important  action  you 
took  in  the  inauguration  and  carrying  out  of  the  movement  which  resulted 
in  my  nomination.  I  write  these  few  words  to  assure  you  that  I  appreciate, 
and  am  gratified  for,  what  you  did. 

My  kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  Sherman.  Sincerely, 

R.  B.  HAYES. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

His  opponent,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  was  a  man  of  singular  po 
litical  sagacity,  of  great  shrewdness,  a  money-making  man,  who 
professed  to  represent,  and  perhaps  did  represent,  as  fairly  as 
anyone,  the  ideas  of  the  New  York  politicians  of  the  school  of 
Van  Buren  and  Marcy.  I  knew  Mr.  Tilden  personally  and  very 
favorably,  as  we  were  members  of  a  board  of  railroad  directors 
which  frequently  met.  He  seemed  to  take  pleasure  in  talking 
with  me  about  political  events,  and  especially  of  famous  New 
York  politicians,  of  whom  Silas  Wright  and  Mr.  Van  Buren 
were  his  favorites.  He  had  acquired  great  wealth  as  the  attor 
ney  of  corporations,  and  was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  marked 
ability  and  sagacity.  He  had  taken  an  active  part  in  defeating 
the  corruption  of  Tweed  in  New  York  politics.  He  had  been 
elected  governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  as  the  candidate  of 
reform  and  honesty  in  politics. 

The  long  and  important  session  of  Congress  adjourned  on 
the  15th  of  August.  It  had  been  the  arena  for  long  debates, 
mostly  on  political  topics  growing  out  of  reconstruction,  and 
financial  measures  heretofore  referred  to.  The  pending  presi 
dential  contest  also  excited  much  debate  in  both  Houses.  The 


454  RECOLLECTIONS 

administration  of  General  Grant  had  not  been  entirely  satis 
factory,  and  the  long  continuance  of  the  Kepublican  party  in 
power  was  an  element  of  weakness.  The  complaints,  unavoid 
able  in  the  most  honest  administration,  and  the  disappoint 
ments  of  office-seekers,  placed  that  party  on  the  defensive. 
The  south  had,  by  reconstruction,  been  practically  restored 
to  political  power,  and  the  body  of  the  negroes  had  been  sub 
stantially  disfranchised,  though  legally  entitled  to  the  suffrage. 
Eiots  and  crimes  of  every  degree  were  committed  in  the  south, 
notably  in  Louisiana,  South  Carolina  and  Florida.  Organized 
mobs  and  violence  had  deterred  many  from  voting,  and  in 
some  cases  had  prevented  even  the  semblance  of  a  free 
election. 

I  entered  actively  into  this  canvass,  more  so  than  in  any 
previous  one.  Three  days  before  the  adjournment,  I  made  my 
opening  speech  at  Marietta,  Ohio,  in  which  I  discussed  fully  the 
dangers  of  the  restoration  of  the  Democratic  party  to  power, 
the  probability  of  their  failure  to  enforce  the  constitutional 
amendments,  and  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  the  freedmen. 
I  claimed  that  the  election  of  Mr.  Tilden  would  result  in  the 
virtual  nullification  of  the  constitutional  amendments,  and 
amount  to  a  practical  restoration  to  power  of  the  old  Demo 
cratic  party.  The  revival  of  the  rebel  claims,  the  refunding  of 
the  cotton  tax,  and  the  damages  done  to  rebels,  were  fully  com 
mented  upon,  as  were  the  outrages  committed  upon  freedmen 
during  the  second  administration  of  General  Grant,  the  organi 
zation  of  Ku-Klux  Klans,  and  the  White  League,  and  the  bold 
ness  with  which  the  laws  were  disregarded  in  the  south.  It  is 
difficult  now  to  realize  the  condition  of  public  affairs  in  all  the 
states  then  lately  in  rebellion.  The  people  of  the  south  are 
certainly  entitled  to  the  highest  credit  for  the  great  change 
that  has  recently  been  made  in  the  government  of  their  states, 
but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  during  the  ten  years  after  the  war 
their  condition  bordered  on  the  despotism  of  mob  rule  and 
violence.  Financial  questions,  no  doubt,  entered  into  the 
canvass,  but  in  this  respect  Governor  Tilden  and  Governor 
Hayes  did  not  materially  differ,  while  public  opinion  in  the 
southern  states  was  almost  a  unit  in  favor  of  the  larger  use  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  455 

paper  money.  Their  bankrupt  condition  made  this  policy 
almost  universal  there. 

I  continued  until  the  day  of  election  to  make  speeches,  not 
only  in  Ohio,  but  in  several  of  the  states.  I  engaged  in  a 
joint  debate  with  Senator  Voorhees,  of  Indiana,  at  Columbia 
City,  in  that  state,  in  September,  which  probably  had  more 
fun  and  humor  in  it  than  argument.  It  so  happened  that 
appointments  were  made  for  each  of  us  at  Columbia  City 
on  the  same  day,  and  the  managers  of  the  two  parties  con 
cluded  that  they  would  have  a  joint  debate,  and  arranged 
for  it,  to  which  we  both  assented.  There  was  a  great  crowd, 
and  besides  Mr.  Voorhees  and  myself,  "  Blue  Jeans  "  Williams, 
the  candidate  for  governor,  was  to  open  the  meeting  in  his 
peculiar  way,  to  which,  as  it  would  not  at  all  interfere  with 
our  debate,  I  did  not  object.  The  debate  was  fully  reported 
in  the  Chicago  "  Inter-Ocean,"  and  is  a  very  graphic  specimen 
of  popular  debates  in  which  each  side  claims  to  be  the  vic 
tor.  I  think  it  would  be  safe  to  say  that  from  the  close  of 
Congress  until  the  day  of  election  I  spoke  on  nearly  every 
week  day  in  some  one  of  the  five  or  six  states  which  I 
visited. 

The  result  of  the  presidential  election  in  November,  1876, 
was  extremely  doubtful.  It  was  soon  asserted  that  the  major 
ity  either  way  would  be  very  small,  and  that  the  probabilities 
were  that  Mr.  Tilden  was  elected.  Zachariah  Chandler,  chair 
man  of  the  national  Republican  committee,  however,  confi 
dently  telegraphed,  on  the  morning  after  the  election,  that 
Hayes  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  one  in  the  electoral  col 
lege.  Further  reports  developed  that  on  account  of  intimida 
tion,  frauds  and  violence,  committed  in  the  election  in  Louisi 
ana,  South  Carolina,  and  Florida,  the  vote  of  each  of  those 
states  was  doubtful,  and  could  only  be  ascertained  by  the  reports 
of  the  returning  boards.  All  of  their  electoral  votes  were 
needed  to  give  Hayes  the  majority  of  one.  Both  parties  claimed 
in  each  of  the  states  a  majority  of  the  popular  vote.  In  the 
heated  state  of  political  feeling  in  those  states,  it  was  a  mat 
ter  of  grave  doubt  whether  the  count  of  the  vote  might 
not  result  in  violence,  tumult  or  war.  On  the  evening  of 


456  RECOLLECTIONS 

November  11,1  received  from  President  Grant  the  following 
telegram  : 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA.,  November  11,  1876. 

Received  at  MANSFIELD,  O.,  8:35  p.  m. 
SENATOR  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

I  would  be  much  pleased  if  you  would  join  other  parties,  who  have 
already  accepted  same  invitation,  to  go  to  New  Orleans  to  witness  the  can 
vassing  of  the  vote  of  Louisiana.  U.  S.  GRANT. 

I  replied  that  I  would  go  as  soon  as  practicable,  and  re 
ceived  the  following  answer : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  November  12,  1876. 

Received  at  MANSFIELD,  O.,  4  p.  m. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Unless  you  can  reach  there  by  Friday  morning  it  will  be  too  late. 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

I  at  once  started  for  New  Orleans,  stopping  on  the  way  at 
Columbus  to  confer  with  Governor  Hayes,  who  said  he  wished 
I  would  go  to  New  Orleans  and  witness  the  count,  but  ex 
pressed,  in  the  strongest  possible  language,  his  opposition  to  any 
movement  on  the  part  of  anyone  to  influence  the  action  of  the 
returning  board  in  his  favor.  He  said  if  Mr.  Tilden  was  elected 
he  desired  him  by  all  means  to  have  the  office.  I  proceeded  to 
Cincinnati,  where  I  met  some  of  the  gentlemen  whom  General 
Grant  had  requested  to  witness  the  count.  When  we  arrived 
in  New  Orleans  I  found  far  less  excitement  in  respect  to  the 
count  than  in  Ohio.  I  there  met  the  other  gentlemen  who  had 
been,  like  myself,  invited  by  General  Grant.  They  were  Messrs. 
Stanley  Matthews,  Ohio ;  J.  A.  Garfield,  Ohio ;  E.  W.  Stoughton, 
New  York ;  J.  H.  Van  Alen,  New  York ;  Wm.  D.  Kelley,  Penn 
sylvania;  Job  E.  Stevenson,  Ohio;  Eugene  Hale,  Maine;  J.  M. 
Tuttle,  Iowa ;  J.  W.  Chapman,  Iowa ;  W.  K.  Smith,  Iowa ;  W.  A. 
McGrew,  Iowa ;  Sidney  Clarke,  Kansas ;  C.  B.  Farwell,  Illinois ; 
Abner  Taylor,  Illinois ;  S.  R.  Haven,  Illinois ;  J.  M.  Beardsley, 
Illinois ;  John  Coburn,  Indiana ;  Will  Cumback,  Indiana ;  C.  Irv 
ing  Ditty,  Maryland. 

At  New  Orleans  I  was  for  the  first  time  introduced  to  the 
members  of  the  returning  board,  who,  under  the  laws  of  Lou 
isiana,  were  required  to  verify  the  count  and  whose  return  was 
final.  We  met  also  a  large  number  of  gentlemen  who  were 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  457 

there  at  the  request  of  the  national  Democratic  committee  to 
perform  the  same  duty  that  had  been  imposed  upon  us  by  Gen 
eral  Grant.  These  gentlemen  were  John  M.  Palmer,  Illinois ; 
Lyman  Trumbull,  Illinois ;  William  R.  Morrison,  Illinois ;  Sam 
uel  J.  Randall,  Pennsylvania ;  A.  G.  Curtin,  Pennsylvania ;  Wil 
liam  Bigler,  Pennsylvania ;  J.  R.  Doolittle,  Wisconsin ;  George 
B.  Smith,  Wisconsin ;  J.  E.  McDonald,  Indiana ;  George  W.  Ju 
lian,  Indiana;  M.  D.  Manson,  Indiana;  John  Love,  Indiana; 
Henry  Watterson,  Kentucky;  J.  W.  Stevenson,  Kentucky; 
Henry  D.  McHenry,  Kentucky ;  Oswald  Ottendorfer,  New  York ; 
J.  B.  Stallo,  Ohio ;  Lewis  V.  Bogy,  Missouri ;  James  0.  Brodhead, 
Missouri ;  C.  Gibson,  Missouri ;  John  Lee  Carroll,  Maryland ;  Wil 
liam  T.  Hamilton,  Maryland ;  W.  G.  Sumner,  Connecticut ;  P. 
H.  Watson,  Ohio ;  F.  R.  Coudert,  New  York. 

Before  my  arrival  a  correspondence  had  occurred  between 
what  was  called  the  Democratic  visitors  and  the  Republican 
visitors  in  regard  to  our  respective  duties.  This  correspond 
ence,  all  of  which  was  reported  to  President  Grant,  resulted  in 
the  attendance  of  a  certain  number  of  each  of  the  bodies  of  vis 
itors  at  each  session  of  the  returning  board,  and  thus  a  con 
stant  surveillance  of  the  proceedings  of  the  board  was  had.  At 
the  same  time  we  received  from  the  returning  board  the  follow 
ing  letter: 

STATE  OF  LOUISIANA,  OFFICE  BOARD  OF  RETURNING-OFFICERS,  ) 

NEW  ORLEANS,  November  18,  1876.        ( 

SIR  : — At  a  meeting  of  the  board  of  returning-officers,  held  this  day, 
the  following  preamble  and  resolution,  introduced  by  General  Thomas  C. 
Anderson,  was  unanimously  adopted,  viz.: 

'  WHEREAS,  This  board  has  learned  with  satisfaction  that  distinguished 
gentlemen  of  national  reputation  from  other  states,  some  at  the  request  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  some  at  the  request  of  the  national 
executive  committee  of  the  Democratic  party,  are  present  in  this  city  with  a 
view  to  witness  the  proceedings  of  this  board  in  canvassing  and  compiling 
the  returns  of  the  recent  election  in  this  state  for  presidential  electors,  in 
order  that  the  public  opinion  of  the  country  may  be  satisfied  as  to  the  truth 
of  the  result  and  the  fairness  of  the  means  by  which  it  may  have  been 
attained  ;  and  whereas,  this  board  recognizes  the  importance  which  may  at 
tach  to  the  result  of  their  proceedings,  and  that  the  public  mind  should  be 
convinced  of  its  justice  by  a  knowledge  of  the  facts  on  which  it  may  be 
based,  therefore,  be  it 

'  JResolved,  That  this  board  does  hereby  cordially  invite  and  request  five 
gentlemen  from  each  of  the  two  bodies  named,  to  be  selected  by  themselves 


458  RECOLLECTIONS 

respectively,  to  attend  and  be  present  at  the  meetings  of  this  board  while 
engaged  in  the  discharge  of  its  duties,  under  the  law,  in  canvassing  and 
compiling  the  returns,  and  ascertaining  and  declaring  the  result  of  said 
election  for  presidential  electors,  in  their  capacity  as  private  citizens  of 
eminent  reputation  and  high  character,  and  as  spectators  and  witnesses  of 
the  proceedings  in  that  behalf  of  this  board.' 

J.  MADISON  WELLS, 
Chairman  Board  of  Returning-Officers. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  St.  Charles  Hotel,  New  Orleans. 

On  the  same  day  I  answered  in  behalf  of  my  associates  as 
follows : 

ST.  CHARLES  HOTEL,          ) 
NEW  ORLEANS,  November  18,  1876.  ) 

SIR  : — I  have  received  your  note  of  to-day,  with  a  copy  of  the  resolu 
tion  of  the  board  of  returning-officers  of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  and  have 
communicated  the  invitation  contained  in  it  to  the  gentlemen  who  are  here 
at  the  request  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  witness  the  canvass 
ing  of  the  vote  at  the  recent  election  in  this  state  for  presidential  electors, 
and  am  instructed  by  them  to  inform  you  of  their  acceptance  of  the  invita 
tion,  and  that  they  will  designate  a  committee  of  five  of  their  number  to 
attend  the  meetings  of  the  board.  And  I  take  this  occasion  to  express  my 
thanks  for  the  courteous  terms  of  this  invitation,  my  deep  sense  of  the  im 
portance  of  your  proceedings,  and  my  confident  hope  that  they  will  be  so 
conducted  as  to  convince  the  public  mind  of  the  justice  of  your  finding. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 
HON.  J.  MADISON  WELLS. 

A  similar  invitation  was  extended  to  the  Democratic  vis 
itors,  and  substantially  the  same  reply  made.  The  returning 
board  then  proceeded  to  perform  its  duty  under  the  law.  At 
each  session  the  Republican  and  Democratic  visitors  were 
present,  and  I  neither  know  of  nor  have  ever  heard  of  any  act 
being  done  or  testimony  taken  by  the  board  except  in  the  pres 
ence  of  committees  of  the  two  bodies  of  visitors.  The  proceed 
ings  of  the  returning  board  were  reported  for  each  body  of 
visitors  and  for  the  returning  board,  and  all  the  evidence 
taken  was  not  only  delivered  in  the  presence  of  the  two  visit 
ing  bodies,  but  was  reported  to  the  President  and  was  pub 
lished  by  Congress.  Whatever  opinions  may  be  expressed  as  to 
the  correctness  of  the  findings  of  the  returning  board,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  its  proceedings  were  open,  fair  and  impar 
tial.  The  board  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  Republican 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  459 

electors  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast  in  Louisiana  at 
that  election,  and  were  entitled  to  cast  the  vote  of  the  state 
for  President  of  the  United  States. 

During  the  great  excitement  over  this  controversy,  and 
also  over  that  in  South  Carolina  and  Florida,  exaggerated 
statements,  without  the  slightest  foundation,  of  frauds  and 
improper  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  returning  officers  were 
made  and  published.  As  to  the  action  of  the  returning  board 
in  Louisiana,  I  feel  bound  now,  after  a  long  lapse  of  time,  to 
repeat  what  was  reported  to  General  Grant  by  the  Republi 
can  visitors,  that  it  made  a  fair,  honest  and  impartial  return 
of  the  result  of  the  election.  In  concluding  our  report  we 
said: 

"  The  proof  of  violence  and  intimidation  and  armed  disturbance  in  many 
other  parishes,  is  of  the  same  general  character,  although  more  general  and 
decisive,  as  to  the  five  parishes  particularly  referred  to.  In  the  others,  these 
causes  prevailed  at  particular  polling  places,  at  many  of  which  the  Repub 
lican  vote  was,  to  a  considerable  extent,  prevented. 

"  We  hope  to  be  able  to  furnish  full  copies  of  all  testimony  taken  by  the 
board,  that  the  justice  of  its  conclusions  may  be  appreciated.  It  is  a  tri 
bunal,  from  which  there  can  be  no  appeal,  and,  in  view  of  the  possible  conse 
quences  of  its  adjudication,  we  have  closely  observed  its  proceedings  and 
have  carefully  weighed  the  force  of  a  large  mass  of  the  testimony  upon  which 
that  adjudication  has  been  reached. 

"The  members  of  the  board,  acting  under  oath,  were  bound  by  law,  if 
convinced  by  the  testimony  that  riot,  tumult,  acts  of  violence,  or  armed  dis 
turbance  did  materially  interfere  with  the  purity  and  freedom  of  election  at 
any  poll  or  voting  place,  or  did  materially  change  the  result  of  the  election 
thereat,  to  reject  the  votes  thus  cast,  and  exclude  them  from  their  final  re 
turn.  Of  the  effect  of  such  testimony,  the  board  was  sole  and  final  judge, 
and  if,  in  reaching  a  conclusion,  it  exercised  good  faith  and  was  guided  by 
an  honest  desire  to  do  justice,  its  determination  should  be  respected,  even  if, 
upon  like  proof,  a  different  conclusion  might  have  been  reached  by  other 
tribunals  or  persons. 

"  To  guard  the  purity  of  the  ballot;  to  protect  the  citizen  in  the  free  and 
peaceful  exercise  of  his  right  to  vote;  to  secure  him  against  violence,  intimi 
dation,  outrage,  and  especially  murder,  when  he  attempts  to  perform  this 
duty,  should  be  the  desire  of  all  men,  and  the  aim  of  every  representative 
government.  If  political  success  shall  be  attained  by  such  violent  and  terri 
ble  means  as  were  resorted  to  in  many  parishes  in  Louisiana,  complaint  should 
not  be  made  if  the  votes  thus  obtained  are  denounced  by  judicial  tribunals 
and  all  honest  men  as  illegal  and  void." 


460  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  met  Governor  Hayes  on  my  return  and  his  conversation 
was  to  the  effect  that  he  wished  no  doubtful  votes  and  would 
greatly  prefer  to  have  Mr.  Tilden  serve  as  President  if  there  was 
any  doubt  about  his  (Hayes')  election.  The  Republican  visitors 
did  not  return  until  after  the  meeting  of  Congress  at  its  regular 
session  on  the  4th  of  December,  1876. 

President  Grant,  in  the  beginning  of  his  annual  message  of 
that  date,  said : 

"  In  submitting  my  eighth  and  last  message  to  Congress,  it  seems  proper 
that  I  should  refer  to,  and  in  some  degree  recapitulate,  the  events  and  official 
acts  of  the  past  eight  years. 

"  It  was  my  fortune,  or  misfortune,  to  be  called  to  the  office  of  Chief 
Executive  without  any  previous  political  training.  From  the  age  of  seven 
teen  I  had  never  even  witnessed  the  excitement  attending  a  presidential 
campaign  but  twice  antecedent  to  my  own  candidacy,  and  at  but  one  of  them 
was  I  eligible  as  a  voter.  Under  such  circumstances  it  is  but  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  errors  of  judgment  must  have  occurred.  Even  had  they  not, 
differences  of  opinion  between  the  Executive,  bound  by  an  oath  to  the  strict 
performance  of  his  duties,  and  writers  and  debaters  must  have  arisen.  It  is 
not  necessarily  evidence  of  blunder  on  the  part  of  the  Executive  because 
there  are  these  differences  of  views.  Mistakes  have  been  made,  as  all  can 
see  and  I  admit,  but,  it  seems  to  me,  oftener  in  the  selections  made  of  the  as 
sistants  appointed  to  aid  in  carrying  out  the  various  duties  of  administering  the 
government,  in  nearly  every  case  selected  without  a  personal  acquaintance 
with  the  appointee,  but  upon  recommendations  of  the  representatives  chosen 
directly  by  the  people.  It  is  impossible  where  so  many  trusts  are  to  be 
allotted,  that  the  right  parties  should  be  chosen  in  every  instance.  History 
shows  that  no  administration,  from  the  time  of  Washington  to  the  present, 
has  been  free  from  these  mistakes.  But  I  leave  comparison  to  history, 
claiming  only  that  I  have  acted  in  every  instance  from  a  conscientious  desire 
to  do  what  was  right,  constitutional  within  the  law,  and  for  the  very  best 
interests  of  the  whole  people.  Failures  have  been  errors  of  judgment,  not 
of  intent." 

This  modest  statement  by  General  Grant  was  appreciated 
by  Congress  and  by  the  country.  No  one  doubted  the  sincerity 
and  patriotism  of  the  President.  His  modest  confession  of 
errors  did  not  in  the  slightest  degree  impair  the  universal  con 
fidence  in  him. 

On  the  18th  of  January,  1877,  Mr.  Edmunds,  of  the  select 
committee  of  the  Senate  on  the  counting  of  electoral  votes, 
submitted  a  report  in  writing  with  an  accompanying  bill.  It 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  461 

was,  with  one  exception,  signed  by  the  members  of  the  com 
mittees  of  the  two  Houses  without  distinction  of  party.  The 
bill  provided  in  full  detail  a  prescribed  manner  for  counting 
the  electoral  vote.  It  was  adopted  by  both  Houses  and  voted 
for  by  a  great  majority,  but,  believing  that  it  was  extra  consti 
tutional,  I,  with  other  Republicans,  did  not  vote  for  it.  The 
history  of  the  electoral  commission  provided  for  in  this  bill  is 
part  of  the  history  of  the  country,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to 
here  enter  into  it  in  detail.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  it  re 
sulted  in  the  counting  of  the  votes  of  Louisiana,  South  Carolina 
and  Florida  for  Mr.  Hayes,  electing  him  President  by  a  ma 
jority  of  one  vote.  I  took  an  active  part  in  the  debates  on  the 
questions  involved  and  gave  in  detail  my  view  of  the  action  of 
the  returning  board  in  Louisiana. 

President  Hayes  frequently,  in  personal  conversation  and 
in  writing,  had  expressed  a  strong  desire  that  I  should  become 
his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  I  was  disinclined  to  accept  this 
position,  as  I  was  content  to  serve  my  constituents  in  the  Sen 
ate.  It  was  not  until  after  his  urgent  request  in  his  letter  of 
February  19,  1877,  that  I  seriously  considered  his  desire  that  I 
should  accept  that  office.  I  went  to  Columbus  to  ascertain  the 
views  of  the  legislature,  and  whether  there  would  be  any  diffi 
culty  in  selecting  a  Eepublican  to  my  place  in  the  Senate. 
Having  found  that  there  would  not  be,  I,  with  reluctance, 
accepted  his  offer.  Stanley  Matthews  was  elected  on  the  21st 
of  March  to  serve  out  my  unexpired  term,  which  ended  on  the 
3rd  of  March,  1879. 

President  Hayes  arrived  in  Washington  a  few  days  before 
the  4th  of  March  and  was  my  guest  until  he  was  inaugurated 
as  President.  The  4th  day  of  March  was  on  Sunday,  and  to 
avoid  any  question  about  an  interregnum,  he  was  sworn  into 
office  on  that  day,  but  took  the  formal  oath  on  the  next  day, 
the  5th  of  March,  and  made  his  inaugural  address.  He  nomi 
nated  the  members  of  his  cabinet  to  the  Senate  and  they  were 
promptly  confirmed. 

I  received  many  letters  of  congratulation  and  encourage 
ment  in  assuming  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  two 
of  which  I  insert : 


462  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

NEW  YORK,  March  6,  1877. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SHERMAN  :— Allow  me  to  congratulate  you  on  having 
been  selected  by  President  Hayes  to  administer  the  financial  affairs  of  the 
nation. 

I  deem  it  a  happy  augury  that  the  President's  choice  of  members  of  his 
cabinet  has  fallen  upon  men  who  have  made  their  mark  as  statesmen,  and 
whose  advent  to  power  will,  I  feel  convinced,  inaugurate  an  era  of  prosperity 
for  our  country. 

With  yourself  at  the  head  of  the  treasury  department,  there  is  no  fear  of 
public  credit  being  shaken  and  commercial  interests  imperiled  by  crude  and 
experimental  legislation. 

With  great  respect,  I  remain,  my  dear  Mr.  Sherman, 
Very  truly  your  friend, 

CYRUS  W.  FIELD. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Washington. 

Consulate  General  of  the  United  States  for  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  ) 

LONDON,  E.  C.,  March  12,  1877.  \ 

THE  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — When  I  begin  to  write  to  you,  I  am  reminded  of  what 
General  Sherman  said,  in  my  hearing,  to  General  Grant,  after  the  latter  was 
made  General  in  Chief  :  '  I  cannot  congratulate  you  ;  the  responsibility  is 
too  great.'  You  have  certainly  succeeded  to  the  most  difficult  post  in  the 
government,  one  in  whose  successful  administration  Americans  abroad  feel 
an  especial  interest,  for  no  department  is  more  important  to  foreigners  or 
more  discussed  by  them. 

It  may  not  be  unsatisfactory  to  you  to  know  that  Americans — both  those 
long  domiciled  here  and  those  in  transit — applaud  the  appointment  of  the 
new  Chief  of  the  Treasury. 

I  beg  to  offer  my  best  wishes  and  belief  that  the  reputation  he  has 
already  achieved  in  the  Senate  will  be  increased  in  the  cabinet ;  and  to  say 
how  glad  I  was  that  the  unanimity  of  his  late  compeers  showed  that  they 
were  of  the  same  mind. 

With  great  respect,  I  am,  my  dear  sir, 

Very  faithfully  yours,  ADAM  BADEAU. 


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CHAPTER  XXVIII. 
I  BEGIN  MY  DUTIES  AS  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

Legislative  Training  of  Great  Advantage  to  Me  in  My  New  Position  —  Loan  Contract 
in  Force  When  I  Took  the  Portfolio  —  Appointment  of  Charles  F.  Conant  as 
Funding  Agent  of  the  Treasury  Department  in  London  — Redeeming  Called 
Bonds  —  Sale   of   Four    Per   Cent.    Bonds   Instead  of   Four   and    a 
Half   Per  Cents.  — Popularity    of   the   New    Loan— Great   Sav 
ing  in  Interest  —  On  a  Tour  of  Inspection  Along  the  Northern 
Atlantic  Coast  —  Value  of  Information  Received  on  This 
Trip  — Effect  of  the  Baltimore  and  Pittsburg  Rail 
road  Strikes  in  1877  Upon  Our  Public  Credit. 

WHEN  I  assumed  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  I  had  the  advantage  of  some  of  my  predeces 
sors  in  that  I  was  acquainted  with  the  organization 
and  duties  of  the  treasury  department.  Ever  since 
1859  my  connection  with  the  committee  of  ways  and  means  in 
the  House  and  with  the  committee  on  Finance  in  the  Senate  had 
brought  me  into  official  relations  with  the  head  of  that  depart 
ment.  This  legislative  training  gave  me  a  full  knowledge  of 
the  several  laws  that  were  to  be  executed  in  relation  to  public 
revenue,  to  all  forms  of  taxation,  to  coinage  and  currency,  and 
to  the  public  debt.  The  entire  system  of  national  finance  then 
existing  grew  out  of  the  Civil  War,  and  I  had  participated  in 
the  passage  of  all  the  laws  relating  to  this  subject.  My  inti 
mate  association  with  Secretaries  Chase,  Fessenden  and  Mc- 
Culloch,  and  my  friendly  relations  with  Secretaries  Boutwell 
and  Richardson,  led  me,  as  chairman  of  the  Senate  committee 
on  finance,  to  have  free  and  confidential  intercourse  with  them 
as  to  legislation  affecting  the  treasury.  Secretary  Bristow  had 
not  had  the  benefit  of  experience  either  in  Congress  or  the 
department.  He  was  a  good  lawyer  and  an  able  man.  He 
doubted  whether  resumption  would  be  effective  without  a  grad 
ual  retirement  of  United  States  notes,  a  measure  that  Congress 
would  not  agree  to.  Congress  repealed  even  the  limited  re 
tirement  of  such  notes  provided  for  by  the  resumption  act. 

(463) 


464  RECOLLECTIONS 

Secretary  Merrill,  of  Maine,  my  immediate  predecessor,  was  in 
hearty  sympathy  with  the  policy  of  Congress,  of  which  he  had 
been  a  useful  Senator,  and  but  for  his  failing  health  would 
have  been  an  efficient  secretary.  Upon  my  assuming  the 
duties  of  secretary,  and  for  some  time  before,  he  had  been  con- 
lined  by  illness  in  his  lodgings  in  Washington.  The  treasury 
department  was  then  well  organized.  Most  of  the  principal 
officers  had  been  long  in  the  service.  But  few  changes  were 
made  by  President  Hayes  or  by  myself,  and  only  as  vacancies 
occurred  or  as  incompetency  was  demonstrated.  A  loan  con 
tract  was  in  force  at  the  beginning  of  my  administration  of 
the  treasury  department  with  a  syndicate  headed  by  August 
Belmont  &  Co.  for  N.  M.  Rothschild  &  Sons,  London,  and  in 
cluding  the  Seligmans,  Drexel,  Morgan  &  Co.,  and  Morton, 
Bliss  &  Co.  It  provided  for  the  purchase  of  forty  million  dollars 
of  the  four  and  one-half  per  cent,  bonds.  Of  this  ten  millions 
were  to  be  taken  by  September  1,  1876,  and  the  remainder  in 
installments.  The  parties  had  also  the  option  of  taking  the 
remainder  of  the  issue. 

By  its  terms  the  contract  provided  for  the  sale  of  $40.000,- 
000,  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  of  the  United  States  at 
par  in  gold  coin.  The  contractors  had  the  exclusive  right  to 
subscribe  for  all  or  any  portion  of  the  remainder  of  the  four 
and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds,  amounting  to  $260,000,000.  The 
right  to  terminate  this  contract  at  any  time  after  March  4, 
1877,  after  ten  days'  notice,  was  reserved  by  the  United  States. 
The  proceeds  of  the  bonds  sold  were  to  be  applied  solely  to  the 
payment  of  the  six  per  cent.  5-20  bonds  of  the  United  States. 
No  provision  was  made  in  this  contract  for  the  accumulation 
of  coin  for  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes.  The  process 
of  refunding  under  it  progressed  slowly. 

I  felt  it  to  be  important  that  I  should  have  some  personal 
representative  in  London,  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  United 
States  in  the  execution  of  this  contract,  and,  therefore,  on  the 
31st  of  March,  1877,  I  appointed  Charles  F.  Conant,  as  the 
funding  agent  of  the  treasury  department,  and  directed  him 
to  assume  the  general  management  and  supervision  of  all 
business  in  London,  arising  from  the  funding  of  bonds.  A 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  465 

letter  of  instructions  prescribing  his  duties  was  given  him. 
He  was  directed  to  pursue  the  same  general  plan  under  which 
former  negotiations  had  been  conducted,  except  as  modified 
by  these  instructions,  which  were  based  upon  the  contract 
before  mentioned.  All  bonds,  money,  or  coupons  received 
by  him  were  to  be  securely  kept  in  safes,  furnished  by  the 
department  for  that  purpose,  to  be  deposited  in  the  vaults 
of  the  Messrs.  Rothschild.  Combination  locks  were  provided 
for  each  safe,  and  no  safe  could  be  unlocked  except  by 
three  persons  on  distinct  combinations,  each  person  using 
a  combination  unknown  to  the  others.  He  was  to  keep  me 
fully  advised  of  the  course  of  the  market,  of  the  price  not 
only  of  American  securities,  but  of  foreign  securities,  and  was 
to  receive  the  new  bonds  and  deliver  them  to  the  Rothschilds 
in  exchange  for  the  bonds  redeemed.  He  proved  to  be  a  very 
competent  and  faithful  agent,  and  furnished  me  important 
financial  information,  which  aided  me  greatly  in  refunding 
operations.  His  compensation  and  allowances,  as  well  as 
those  of  all  persons  sent  to  London  in  connection  with  the  re 
funding  of  the  public  debt,  were  paid  by  the  syndicate,  so 
that  no  expense  whatever  was  incurred  by  the  treasury  on 
this  account. 

I  gave  the  following  notice  to  the  parties  to  this  contract 
that  I  would,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  terminate  it. 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  April  6,  1877.  J 

GENTLEMEN  : — I  received  your  friendly  cable  message  of  the  10th 
ultimo,  and  return  my  thanks  and  hearty  good  wishes. 

I  am  very  solicitous  to  promote  the  funding  of  our  six  per  cent,  bonds  as 
rapidly  as  practicable,  and  feel  indebted  to  you  for  the  aid  you  have  given 
in  placing  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds. 

I  propose  no  change  at  present  ;  but  it  is  my  desire,  if  practicable,  to 
withdraw  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  from  the  market  and  substitute 
in  their  place  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  authorized  by  the  funding  act. 

These  bonds,  as  you  know,  are  a  very  desirable  investment,  running 
thirty  years  from  the  date  of  issue,  with  every  guard  and  security  that  has 
been  given  to  any  bond  of  the  United  States,  and  we  think  as  safe  and 
desirable  as  the  securities  of  any  other  nation.  It  is  probably  the  bond  into 
which  all  the  debt  of  the  United  States  will  in  time  be  converted.  I  hope 
you  and  your  associates  will  be  able  to  engage  with  me  to  place  this  bond  on 

S.-30 


466  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  market  when  $200,000,000  of  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  have 
been  sold. 

The  public  policy  of  the  United  States  to  resume  specie  payments  on  or 
before  the  1st  of  January,  1879,  is  fully  established  by  the  law  and  by  pub 
lic  opinion.  It  may  be  that  the  surplus  revenue  will  be  sufficient  to  enable 
me  to  carry  out  this  policy  without  the  sale  of  bonds.  I  am  authorized  by 
the  resumption  act  to  sell  five,  four  and  a  half,  or  four  per  cent,  bonds  to 
prepare  for  resumption,  and  it  may  be  desirable  to  sell  through  the  syndicate, 
under  that  act,  a  limited  amount  of  bonds,  not  exceeding,  I  hope,  $30,000,- 
000  a  year.  I  do  not  wish  in  the  execution  of  this  duty  to  disturb  the  ex 
changes  between  Europe  and  this  country.  For  this  purpose  I  desire  to 
sell  only  the  four  per  cent,  bonds,  and  must  sell  at  par  in  coin,  but  could 
receive  in  payment  coin  coupons  maturing  within  a  limited  time.  I  invite 
from  you  and  your  associates  such  suggestions  and  offers  as  you  may  think 
proper  to  make  for  the  purchase  of  such  bonds. 

The  operations  of  the  syndicate  have  become  so  important  that  I  have 
deemed  it  proper  to  ask  Mr.  Charles  F.  Conant,  late  Assistant  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  to  take  charge  of  the  business  in  London  in  connection  with  the 
gentlemen  already  there.  He  is  well  informed  as  to  our  laws,  and  I  trust 
his  services  may  be  of  advantage  to  the  government  and  agreeable  to  you. 

I  will  give  my  personal  attention  to  this  business,  and  will  receive  with 
pleasure  any  suggestions  from  you  that  will  promote  our  common  object. 

Very  truly,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

MESSRS.  N.  M.  ROTHSCHILD  &  SONS,  London,  England. 

I  received  the  following  letter: 

NEW  YORK,  April  12,  1877. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  had  an  interview  with  Messrs.  Drexel,  Morgan  & 
Co.,  and  conveyed  to  them  your  wishes  respecting  limiting  the  sale  of  the 
four  and  a  half  and  taking  the  four  per  cent,  bond  in  hand  with  the  co 
operation  of  the  Messrs.  Rothschild. 

I  told  Mr.  Drexel  that  you  would  be  happy  to  see  him  and  Mr.  L.  P. 
Morton  in  Washington,  whenever  convenient  for  them  to  go,  and  that  on  re 
ceipt  by  you  of  favorable  advices  from  Mr.  Conant  after  his  arrival  in  Lon 
don,  you  desired  that  Drexel,  Morton  and  I  should  repair  to  Washington,  in 
company  with  other  leading  members  of  the  syndicate,  with  a  view  of  enter 
ing  into  a  contract  with  the  government,  in  conformity  with  your  views  as  ex 
pressed  to  me,  or  perhaps  with  some  slight  modifications,  which,  if  suggested 
by  the  London  people,  through  Mr.  Conant,  you  may  deem  proper  to  adopt. 

I  shall  see  Mr.  Morton  in  the  course  of  this  day,  and  have  no  doubt  but 
that  he,  as  well  as  Drexel  and  myself,  will  be  happy  to  aid  you  in  raising 
the  credit  of  our  common  country,  and  assist  the  President  and  you  in  this 
patriotic  work.  I  remain,  dear  Mr.  secretary,  yours,  very  faithfully. 

Jos.  SELIGMAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  467 

A  month  later  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Conant  as  follows: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  May  14,  1877.  J 

DEAH  MR.  CONANT  :  — .  .  .  On  Friday  last  I  concluded  a  modifica 
tion  of  the  present  syndicate  contract,  which  provides  for  the  sale  of  five 
million  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  at  par  in  coin  for  resumption  pur 
poses.  A  further  negotiation  is  pending  as  to  the  renewal  and  modification 
of  the  contract,  of  which  I  will  give  you  due  notice  when  completed.  In 
the  meantime  I  wish  to  keep  steadily  in  view  the  sale  of  the  balance  of  two 
hundred  million  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds,  and,  if  possible,  I  wish 
to  make  the  necessary  calls  during  this  month  and  next. 

You  can  assure  Messrs.  Rothschild  of  every  disposition  on  the  part  of 
the  government  to  meet  their  views,  and  to  extend  the  contract  with  the 
necessary  modifications.  Their  efforts  in  maintaining  the  credit  of  the  bonds 
and  securing  this  result  will  be  highly  appreciated. 

I  would  like  to  have  you  write  me  at  least  twice  a  week  as  fully  as 
practicable.  Very  truly,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MR.  C.  F.  CONANT,  London. 

As  the  process  of  redeeming  called  bonds  required  a  notice 
of  ninety  days,  I  postponed  the  termination  of  the  existing  con 
tract  until  after  that  period.  My  purpose  in  terminating  the 
contract  was  to  substitute  for  sale  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  of  the 
United  States  instead  of  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds.  I 
believed  that  the  advancing  credit  of  the  United  States  would 
justify  this  reduction  of  the  rate  of  interest.  Another  reason 
for  this  step  was  that,  in  addition  to  refunding  at  a  lower  rate 
of  interest,  I  wished  to  commence  preparation  for  the  resump 
tion  of  specie  payments  on  January  1,  1879,  according  to  law. 
This  could  only  be  done  by  the  sale  of  bonds  for  gold  coin. 
I  reserved  the  remainder  of  the  four  and  a  half  bonds,  amount 
ing  to  $100,000,000,  authorized  by  the  refunding  act,  for  re 
sumption  purposes  in  case  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  could  not 
be  sold  at  par  in  coin. 

Another  reason  for  a  change  in  the  existing  contract  was 
that  it  gave  to  the  syndicate  a  monopoly  in  the  sale  of  bonds 
while  I  wished  to  sell  the  bonds  directly  to  the  people.  On 
June  9,  1877,  I  made  a  new  contract  with  these  parties  em 
bodying  the  changes  I  wished  to  make. 

By  this  contract  the  syndicate  was  to  take  $25,000,000  of  the 
four  per  cent,  bonds  at  par,  or  in  exchange  of  six  per  cent.  5-20 


468  RECOLLECTIONS 

bonds.  Of  this  sum  $5,000,000  in  gold  coin  was  to  be  paid  to  the 
treasury  for  resumption  purposes.  The  eighth  section  was  a 
new  provision,  and  required  the  syndicate  to  offer  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  at  par  and  accrued  interest  in  coin,  the  four 
per  cent,  bonds,  for  a  period  of  thirty  days,  in  such  cities  and 
upon  such  notice  as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  might  pre 
scribe. 

The  result  of  this  contract  was  not  only  to  save  one-half  of 
one  per  cent,  on  the  annual  interest  of  the  bonds  redeemed,  but 
to  so  popularize  the  loan  that  within  a  brief  period  I  was  able 
to  terminate  the  contract  according  to  its  terms,  and  to  sell 
the  four  per  cent,  bonds  directly  to  the  people  at  par,  without  a 
commission,  or  the  aid  of  a  syndicate. 

This  new  agreement  gave  at  once  a  great  impetus  to  the 
new  loan  in  all  parts  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  in  London. 
The  following  letters  received  indicate  this: 

MERCHANTS'  NATIONAL  BANK,          ) 
CLEVELAND,  O.,  June  11,  1877.  j 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  Treasury  United  States. 

DEAR  SIR  : — We  learn  that  you  propose  to  offer  to  the  public  a  certain 
portion  of  the  new  four  per  cent,  loan  for  a  limited  time,  the  amount  sub 
scribed  to  be  paid  in  gold  at  the  par  value  of  the  bonds. 

This  bank,  being  a  public  depositary  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  glad  to  further  your  plans,  and  act  as  agent  for  the  sale  of 
such  portion  of  the  loan  as  you  may  suggest,  and  endeavor  to  give  it  such 
publicity  as  would  secure  the  sale  of  a  portion  of  these  bonds  in  this  part 
of  Ohio. 

Wishing  you  success  in  the  effort,  I  remain,  very  respectfully  and  truly, 

T.  P.  HANDY,  President. 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  June  12,  1877. 
JOHN  P.  HUNT,  ESQ.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

SIR  : — Your  note  is  received.  The  department  will  be  happy  to  receive 
your  subscription  in  a  short  time.  The  bonds  are  not  prepared,  and  the 
treasury  regulations  for  the  popular  subscription  cannot  be  issued  for  a  few 
days,  when  a  copy  will  be  sent  you. 

It  is  the  purpose  to  give  you,  and  all  other  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
an  opportunity  to  subscribe  at  some  convenient  place  in  the  city  of  your  res 
idence,  to  be  designated  in  due  time,  requiring  only  a  small  deposit  at  the 
time  of  subscription,  and  allowing  the  privilege  of  paying  at  any  time  within 
ninety  days  thereafter. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  469 

The  bonds  will  bear  date  the  1st  of  July,  and  will  be  sold  at  par  in  coin 
and  accruing  interest  to  date  of  payment. 

Very  respectfully,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

Contemporaneous  with  this  contract  for  selling  the  four  per 
cent,  bonds  for  gold  coin,  there  appeared  in  the  New  York 
"  Times  "  a  suggestion  that  these  bonds  could  be  paid  in  silver. 
Henry  F.  French,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  a  pub 
lished  letter  of  the  date  of  June  11,  asserted  his  opinion  that  the 
bonds  issued  under  the  act  of  July  14,  1870,  for  refunding,  were 
redeemable  in  coin  of  the  standard  value  at  that  date,  and  that 
"as  it  cannot  be  known  what  bonds  have  been  transferred 
since  the  act  of  1873,  all  bonds  under  the  act  of  1870  must  be 
paid  in  gold  coin  of  the  standard  value  named  in  the  act  of 
1873." 

I  received  a  letter  from  Messrs.  Seligman  &  Co.,  inclosing 
an  extract  from  the  New  York  "  Times,"  as  follows  : 

NEW  YORK,  June  12,  1877. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington. 

DEAR  MR.  SECRETARY  : — We  beg  to  inclose  a  short  editorial  article 
which  appeared  in  to-day's  New  York  *  Times,'  which,  coming  from  a  Repub 
lican  paper,  may  frighten  investors  in  our  country  and  abroad.  Intelligent 
people  know  that  you,  sir,  as  well  as  President  Hayes,  are  sound  on  the  sil 
ver  question,  and  yet  it  may  appear  to  you  proper,  and  highly  advantageous 
to  the  prompt  marketing  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds,  to  disabuse  those  who 
have  been  led  to  believe  that  the  President  and  you  favor  the  remonetizing 
of  silver,  with  a  view  of  paying  our  national  debt  in  a  metal  so  fluctuating 
as  silver  has  become  since  the  principal  nations  of  Europe  have  demonetized 
it.  We  remain,  dear  Mr.  secretary,  your  obedient  servants, 

J.  &.  W.  SELIGMAN  &  Co. 

The  article  in  the  New  York  "Times,"  of  June  12,  1877, 
said: 

"  In  a  dispatch  received  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  yesterday  from 
Mr.  Conant,  the  syndicate  agent  in  London,  it  was  stated  that  the  contract 
touching  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  is  well  received  in  London,  and  the  new 
bond  bids  fair  to  be  the  most  popular  of  American  securities.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  bond  has  many  advantages  both  for  home  and  foreign  invest 
ors.  It  has  only  one  point  of  weakness,  and  that  is,  that  if  the  silver  ring 
should  succeed  in  getting  an  unlimited  issue  of  legal  tender  silver  dollars, 
this  bond  would  be  payable,  principal  and  interest,  in  that  coin.  Shrewd 
men,  who  know  what  silver  has  done  and  is  liable  to  do  in  the  way  of  ups 
and  downs,  will  take  this  fact  into  consideration,  and  the  government  will 


470  RECOLLECTIONS 

ultimately  be  compelled  to  do  the  same.  At  present  the  strength  of  the 
silver  movement  is  estimated  to  be  small,  but  if  this  estimate  should  prove 
to  be  mistaken,  the  new  four  per  cents,  would  suffer." 

Mr.  August  Belmont  wrote  me  a  letter  upon  this  subject  of 
the  date  of  June  14th,  in  which  he  said : 

"  Permit  me  to  add  a  few  words  to  the  letter  of  my  house  of  this  day,  in 
order  to  urge  upon  you  the  vital  importance  of  an  official  expression  of 
yours  over  your  own  signature,  in  the  sense  of  the  letter  of  Assistant  Secre 
tary  French,  published  in  this  morning's  papers. 

********* 

"  You  are  placed  at  this  moment,  by  a  large  portion  of  your  political 
friends,  in  a  somewhat  similar  position  as  the  late  Mr.  Chase  was  by  the 
attempt  of  Thad.  Stevens  to  have  Congress  pass  a  law  to  declare  the  princi 
pal  of  the  5-20  bonds  payable  in  currency. 

"  Mr.  Chase  took  the  bull  by  the  horns  by  declaring,  over  his  own  signa 
ture,  that  the  principal  as  well  as  the  interest  of  the  5-20  bonds  were  paya 
ble  in  gold,  the  faith  of  the  United  States  being  pledged  to  this  by  the  tacit 
understanding  of  the  government  and  its  creditors. 

"  Nothing  has  reflected  more  credit  and  renown  upon  that  great  states 
man —  then  as  prominent  and  favored  a  son  of  the  noble  State  of  Ohio  as 
you  are  to-day  —  and  nothing  more  effectually  paved  the  way  to  the  great 
work  of  reducing  the  burden  of  our  people  by  lowering  our  interest  one- 
third  than  that  expression,  sanctioned  and  confirmed  by  subsequent  enact 
ment  of  Congress  in  1869. 

********* 

"  You  will,  in  my  opinion,  insure  the  success  of  your  financial  measures, 
and  add  greatly  to  your  high  and  prominent  political  position,  if  you  will 
unequivocally  declare  that  the  funded  debt  of  the  government  can  only  be 
redeemed,  principal  and  interest,  in  gold  coin,  and  that  until  otherwise 
agreed  upon  by  the  mutual  consent  of  the  great  commercial  nations  of  the 
United  States,  England,  France,  and  Germany,  the  silver  dollar  can  only  be 
accepted  as  an  auxiliary  standard  for  the  payment  of  fractional  indebtedness." 

To  this  I  replied  as  follows : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  June  16,  1877.  \ 

DEAR  SIR  : — Your  private  note,  the  letter  of  your  firm,  and  one  from 
Messrs.  Seligman  &  Co.,  asking  me  to  make  a  public  statement  over  my 
own  signature,  similar  to  that  of  Mr.  French,  are  received.  I  have  given  to 
this  important  suggestion  the  most  serious  consideration,  and  have  come  to 
the  firm  conclusion  that  such  an  act  on  my  part  would  be  inexpedient,  and 
defeat  the  very  object  you  have  in  view.  As  a  purely  executive  officer,  I 
have  no  power  to  pass  upon  the  question  mooted.  My  attempt  to  do  so 
would  at  once  unite  all  those  who  are  seized  with  this  mania,  and  those  who 
oppose  executive  encroachment  upon  legislative  power.  It  would  create 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  471 

excitement,  personal  and  political  animosities  would  mingle  with  it,  and  it 
would  tend  more  than  anything  else  to  defeat  the  success  of  the  loan.  I  am 
quite  sure  this  would  be  the  result. 

As  to  whether  Congress  or  the  people  would  ever  undertake  to  pay 
either  principal  or  interest  of  the  bonded  debt,  and  especially  the  bonds  sold 
since  1873,  in  silver,  I  have  a  firm  conviction  that  the  question  will  neve* 
seriously  be  raised.  These  bonds  will  be  paid,  principal  and  interest,  in 
gold  coin.  The  people  of  the  United  States  have  always  been  extremely 
sensitive  as  to  the  public  credit.  They  never  have,  for  the  sake  of  an  appar 
ent  profit,  yielded  any  question  involving  the  public  honor. 

The  great  satisfaction  that  will .  arise  from  the  funding  of  the  loan  at  a 
low  rate  of  interest,  together  with  their  strong  sense  of  public  honor  and 
public  faith,  will  always  secure  the  payment  of  these  bonds,  principal  and 
interest,  in  coin. 

Parties  or  factions  may,  for  a  time,  raise  and  contest  questions,  but  they 
are  but  bubbles,  and  will  pass  away,  and,  like  all  other  questions  involving 
the  public  credit,  will  be  rightfully  settled,  in  due  time,  by  Congress  and 
the  people. 

Nothing  would  so  tend  to  disturb  this  result  as  unauthorized  '  theses,' 
or  dogmas,  by  an  executive  officer,  upon  a  question  purely  legislative  or 
judicial.  Indeed,  it  may  be  that  too  much  has  already  been  said  about  this 
matter  by  both  the  President  and  myself,  and  I  assure  you  that  you  will  have 
no  occasion  to  be  disturbed  by  anything  truthfully  reported  of  either  of  us 
hereafter.  The  better  way  is  to  move  right  along,  making  your  own  state 
ments,  and  if,  at  any  time,  I  see  a  proper  occasion  for  a  strong  expression  of 
my  opinion,  I  will  give  it. 

Please  show  this  to  Mr.  Seligman,  and  such  of  your  associates  as  you 
deem  proper,  as  an  answer  to  all.     Very  truly  yours,      JOHN  SHERMAN. 
HON.  AUGUST  BELMONT,  New  York. 

The  new  loan  was  promptly  placed  on  the  market  on  the 
14th  of  June  by  the  following  circular  letter  signed  by  the 
members  of  the  syndicate  : 

Under  the  authority  of  a  contract  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
the  undersigned  hereby  give  notice  that  from  this  date  until  July  16,  at  3 
p.  m.,  they  will  receive  subscriptions  for  the  four  per  cent,  funded  loan  of 
the  United  States  in  denominations  as  stated  below,  at  par  and  accrued 
interest  in  gold  coin. 

The  bonds  are  redeemable  after  thirty  years  from  July  1,  1877,  and 
carry  interest  from  that  date,  payable  quarterly,  and  are  exempt  from  the 
payment  of  taxes  or  duties  to  the  Uniteo^  States,  as  well  as  from  taxation  in 
any  form,  by  or  under  state,  municipal,  or  local  authority. 

The  interest  on  the  registered  stock  will  be  paid  by  check,  issued  by  the 
treasurer  of  the  United  States  to  the  order  of  the  holder,  and  mailed  to  his 
address.  The  check  is  payable  on  presentation,  properly  indorsed,  at  the 


472  RECOLLECTIONS 

offices  of  the  treasurer  and  assistant  treasurers  of  the  United  States. 

The  subscriptions  will  be  for  coupon  bonds  of  $50  and  $100,  and  regis 
tered  stock  in  denominations  of  $50,  $100,  $500,  $1,000,  $5,000,  and  $10,000. 
The  bonds,  both  coupon  and  registered,  will  be  ready  for  delivery  July 
2,  1877. 

Forms  of  application  will  be  furnished  by  the  treasurer  at  Washington, 
the  assistant  treasurers  at  Baltimore,  Boston,  Chicago,  Cincinnati,  New  Or 
leans,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  St.  Louis,  and  San  Francisco,  and  by  the 
national  banks  and  bankers  generally.  The  applications  must  specify  the 
amount  and  denominations  required,  and  for  registered  stock  the  full  name 
and  post  office  address  of  the  person  to  whom  the  bonds  shall  be  made 
payable. 

Two  per  cent,  of  the  purchase  money  must  accompany  the  subscription. 
The  remainder  may  be  paid,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  purchaser,  either  at  the 
time  of  the  subscription  or  at  any  time  prior  to  October  16,  1877,  with  inter 
est  added  at  four  per  cent,  to  date  of  payment. 

The  payments  may  be  made  in  gold  coin  to  the  treasurer  of  the  United 
States  at  Washington,  or  assistant  treasurers  at  Baltimore,  Boston,  Chicago, 
Cincinnati,  New  Orleans,  and  St.  Louis,  and  to  the  assistant  treasurer  at  San 
Francisco,  with  exchange  on  New  York,  or  to  either  of  the  undersigned. 

To  promote  the  convenience  of  subscribers,  the  undersigned  will  also 
receive,  in  lieu  of  coin,  United  States  notes  or  drafts  on  New  York,  at  their 
coin  value  on  the  day  of  receipt  in  the  city  of  New  York. 

AUGUST  BELMONT  &  Co.,  New  York. 
DREXEL,  MORGAN  &  Co.,  New  York. 
1ft  IQW  ^'  ^  ^'  SELIGMAN  &  Co.,  New  York. 

MORTON,  BLISS  &  Co.,  New  York. 
FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK,  New  York. 
DREXEL  &  Co.,  Philadelphia. 

A  few  days  later  I  wrote  the  following  letter : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  June  19,  1877.  J 

SIR:  —  Your  letter  of  the  18th  instant,  in  which  you  inquire  whether 
the  four  per  cent,  bonds  now  being  sold  by  the  government  are  payable, 
principal  and  interest,  in  gold  coin,  is  received.  The  subject,  from  its  great 
importance,  has  demanded  and  received  careful  consideration. 

Under  laws  now  in  force,  there  is  no  coin  issued  or  issuable  in  which 
the  principal  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  is  redeemable,  or  the  interest  paya 
ble,  except  the  gold  coins  of  the  United  States  of  the  standard  value  fixed 
by  laws  in  force  on  the  14th  of  July,  1870,  when  the  bonds  were  authorized. 

The  government  exacts,  in  exchange  for  these  bonds,  payment  at  par 
in  such  gold  coin,  and  it  is  not  to  be  anticipated  that  any  future  legis 
lation  of  Congress,  or  any  action  of  any  department  of  the  government, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  473 

would  sanction  or  tolerate  the  redemption  of  the  principal  of  these  bonds,  or 
the  payment  of  the  interest  thereon,  in  coin,  of  less  value  than  the  coin 
authorized  by  law  at  the  time  of  the  issue  of  the  bonds,  being  the  coin 
exacted  by  the  government  in  exchange  for  the  same. 

The  essential  element  of  good  faith,  in  preserving  the  equality  in  value 
between  the  coinage  in  which  the  government  receives  and  that  in  which  it 
pays  these  bonds,  will  be  sacredly  observed  by  the  government  and  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States,  whatever  may  be  the  system  of  coinage  which  the 
general  policy  of  the  nation  may  at  any  time  adopt. 

This  principle  is  impressed  upon  the  text  of  the  law  of  July  14,  1870, 
under  which  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  are  issued,  and  requires,  in  the  opin 
ion  of  the  executive  department  of  the  government,  the  redemption  of  these 
bonds  and  the  payment  of  their  interest  in  coin  of  equal  value  with  that 
which  the  government  receives  from  its  issue. 

Very  respectfully,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

FRANCIS  O.  FRENCH,  Esq.,  94  Broadway,  New  York. 

The  subscriptions  were  taken  in  every  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  within  thirty  days  $67,600,000  were  taken  in  this 
country  and  $10,200,000  in  Europe,  making  $77,800,000  sold. 
This  sum,  when  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  six  per  cent, 
bonds,  made  an  annual  saving  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  of  $1,556,000.  Since  the  1st  of  March,  1877,  there  had 
been  sold  under  the  refunding  act  $135,000,000  four  and  a  half 
per  cent,  bonds  and  that  amount  of  six  per  cent,  bonds  was 
paid  off  and  canceled,  thus  saving  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  $2,025,000  in  coin  each  year.  The  aggregate  reduction 
of  interest  by  both  classes  of  bonds,  from  the  1st  of  March  to 
the  close  of  the  popular  loan,  was  $3,581,000  a  year  in  coin. 
This  was  regarded  as  a  great  success. 

Early  in  July  I  set  out  on  the  revenue  cutter  "U.  S.  Grant" 
on  a  visit  of  inspection  along  the  north  Atlantic  coast,  accom 
panied  by  the  chief  of  the  coast  survey,  the  secretary  of  the 
lighthouse  board,  the  superintendent  of  the  life-saving  service, 
and  the  chief  of  the  revenue  marine  service,  and  also  by  Webb 
Hayes,  the  son  of  the  President.  We  visited  the  life-saving 
stations  along  the  New  Jersey  coast.  I  was  deeply  interested 
in  this  service,  which  I  regard  as  the  most  deserving  humani 
tarian  branch  of  the  public  service.  We  also  visited  some  of  the 
leading  lighthouses  along  the  coast  and  the  principal  custom- 


474  RECOLLECTIONS 

houses  between  the  Chesapeake  Bay  and  Eastport,  Maine.  We 
were  everywhere  received  with  great  kindness  and  many  social 
courtesies  were  extended  to  us,  especially  in  New  York,  Boston 
and  Portland.  This  outing  was  a  great  relief  from  the  close 
confinement  I  had  undergone  since  the  4th  of  March.  The  in 
formation  I  gathered  as  to  these  branches  of  the  service,  with 
which  I  had  not  previously  had  much  acquaintance,  was  of  great 
value  to  me.  Such  trips  are  sometimes  treated  by  the  press  as 
''junketing'7  at  the  public  expense.  This  is  a  great  error.  Each 
of  us  paid  his  share  of  the  expenses  and  the  vessel  only  pursued 
its  usual  course  of  duty.  I  was  brought  into  close  associa 
tion  with  these  subordinate  officers  of  the  department  and  be 
came  informed  of  their  duties,  and  their  fitness  for  them,  and 
was  enabled  to  act  with  intelligence  on  their  recommenda 
tions. 

The  only  unpleasant  incident  that  occurred  on  the  trip  was 
the  running  of  the  cutter  upon  a  rock  upon  the  coast  of  Maine. 
This  happened  in  the  afternoon  of  a  beautiful  day.  All  the 
gentlemen  with  me  and  the  officers  of  the  vessel  were  on  deck. 
The  various  buoys  were  being  pointed  out  and  a  map  of  the 
channel  was  lying  before  us.  Some  mention  was  made  of  a 
buoy  that  ought  to  be  near  the  place  where  we  were  to  mark 
the  location  of  a  rock,  but  none  was  found,  and  suddenly  we 
heard  the  scraping  of  the  vessel  upon  the  rock.  The  cutter 
trembled  and  careened  over.  The  captain  was  somewhat 
alarmed  and  turned  the  vessel  toward  the  beach,  where  it  was 
speedily  examined  and  found  to  be  somewhat  injured.  We 
ascertained  afterwards  that  the  buoy  had  been  displaced  by  a 
storm  and  that  a  vessel  was  then  on  its  way  to  replace  it.  The 
sinking  of  the  revenue  cutter  "  U.  S.  Grant"  was  reported  in 
the  morning  dispatches  and  created  some  excitement ;  but  the 
vessel  did  not  sustain  any  substantial  injury.  We  thought  it 
best  to  leave  it  for  a  time  to  be  thoroughly  examined  and  re 
paired,  and  took  another  vessel  to  complete  our  journey  to 
Eastport,  the  northeastern  port  of  the  United  States.  From 
thence  Webb  Hayes  and  myself  returned  to  Portland  and 
crossed  over  to  Burlington,  Vermont,  on  Lake  Champlain,  and 
from  thence  went  to  Saratoga,  where  we  remained  a  few  days, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  475 

and  then  returned  to  Washington  on  the  22nd  of  July.  We 
passed  through  Baltimore  on  the  day  the  riots  occurred  in  that 
city,  and  soon  after  heard  of  the  much  more  dangerous  out 
break  in  Pittsburg. 

On  the  6th  of  August  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Conant  as  follows : 

"  Your  letter  of  the  26th  ultimo  is  received.  You  can  safely  say  to  the 
Messrs.  Rothschild  that  the  strikes  have  been  totally  disconnected  with  the 
government,  but  grow  purely  out  of  a  contract  between  the  managers  of 
leading  lines  of  railway  and  their  employes  as  to  rates  of  pay. 

"The  railroad  companies  have,  for  several  years,  competed  with  each 
other  in  a  very  improvident  and  reckless  way,  and  are  now,  and  have  been 
for  some  time,  carrying  freight  for  less  than  cost.  This  has  caused  a  large 
reduction  of  the  net  income  of  roads,  has  led  to  the  loss  of  dividends,  and 
now  to  the  reduction  of  wages  of  employes  to  rates  scarcely  sufficient  to 
support  life.  Hence  the  strikes. 

"  The  government  has  been  appealed  to  by  both  railroads  and  strikers,  by 
states  and  by  cities,  for  relief,  and  has  promptly  extended  it  in  every  proper 
case,  and,  without  shedding  blood,  has,  in  every  case,  suppressed  the  riot, 
and  maintained  the  peace,  so  that  the  government  is  really  stronger  by 
reason  of  these  unfortunate  events  than  before.  I  do  not  observe  that  any 
change  has  been  made  by  them,  either  in  the  price  of  bonds  or  in  the  price 
of  gold,  nor  in  the  payment  of  subscriptions  to  four  per  cent,  bonds. 

"  No  effort  is  made  to  sell  the  bonds  now,  nor  do  I  care  to  press  the  home 
market,  until  enough  bonds  are  sold  abroad  to  provide  for  called  bonds 
abroad. 

"  The  month  of  August  must  necessarily  be  a  languid  one,  and  I  do  not 
advise  any  unusual  efforts  to  force  sales. 

"  Your  supplemental  cipher  was  received  after  your  telegram,  but  was 
soon  found  and  dispatch  made  out." 

I  no  doubt  was  mistaken  in  the  effect  of  the  strikes  upon 
our  public  credit.  From  that  time  forward  for  many  months 
there  was  scarcely  any  sale  of  government  bonds  at  any  price. 
The  contracting  parties  informed  me  that  no  bonds  were  then 
selling  in  the  market  and  that  in  New  York  they  were  a  trifle 
below  par.  Practically,  for  the  remainder  of  the  year,  govern 
ment  securities  were  greatly  affected  in  price  and  value. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 
POLICY  OF  THE  HAYES  ADMINISTRATION. 

Reception  at  My  Home  in  Mansfield  —  Given  by  Friends  Irrespective  of  Party  — 
Introduced  by  My  Old  Friend  and  Partner  Henry  C.  Hedges  —I  Reply  by  Giving 
a  Resume"  of  the  Contests  in  South  Carolina  and  Louisiana  to  Decide  Who 
Was  Governor — Positions  Taken  by  Presidents  Grant  and  Hayes  in 
These   Contests  —  My  Plans    to    Secure  the  Resumption  of    Specie 
Payments  —  Effects  of  a  Depreciated  Currency  — Duties  of  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury  —  Two  Modes  of  Resuming  —  My  Mans 
field    Speech  Printed  Throughout  the   Country    and    in 
England  — Letters  to  Stanley  Matthews  —  Our  Defeat 
in  Ohio  —  An  Extra  Session    of    Congress  —  Bills 
Introduced  to  Repeal  the  Act  Providing  for  the 
Resumption  of  Specie  Payments  — They  All 
Fail  of   Passage — Popular    Subscrip 
tion    of     Bonds    All    Paid    for. 

ABOUT  the  10th  of  August  I  made  my  usual  visit  to  my 
home   at   Mansfield.      Soon   after    my    arrival   I    re 
ceived  the   following    invitation,   signed  by  a  great 
number  of  my  neighbors  and  friends,  without  respect 
to  party,  expressing  a  desire  to  tender  me  a  reception  : 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAK  SIR  :  - —  The  undersigned,  your  townsmen,  and  fellow-citizens 
of  Richland  county,  desire  to  give  you  some  manifestation  of  the  very 
high  regard  in  which  we  hold  your  public  services.  W^  are  glad  to  know 
that  you  are  permitted  to  again  be  at  your  own  home,  and  for  a  week 
or  two  mingle  with  us  in  all  the  unrestrained  freedom  of  friends  and  towns 
men. 

Financial  and  other  public  questions  are,  however,  of  importance  to  us 
always,  and  especially  now.  We  recognize  your  great  ability  and  long  ex 
perience,  and  cannot  but  think  that  an  expression  of  your  views  on  these 
questions  will  be  very  highly  prized  by  the  people  of  Ohio,  irrespective  of 
party.  We  therefore  desire,  with  your  sanction,  on  some  day  during  the 
next  week,  to  give  you  a  hearty  welcome  to  your  old  home,  and  shall  be 
glad  to  have  you,  on  the  occasion,  give  your  views  on  the  public  questions, 
now  of  such  vast  importance  to  all.  With  our  kindest  regards,  we  are, 

Your  friends,  etc.,  etc. 
(476) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  477 

I  replied  as  follows: 

MANSFIELD,  O.,  August  13,  1877. 

GENTLEMEN  : — I  received  with  much  pleasure  your  kindly  letter  of  the 
10th  inst.,  signed  by  so  many  of  my  old  friends  and  neighbors  in  Mansfield, 
and  assure  you  of  my  high  appreciation  of  your  generous  words  of  courtesy 
and  regard. 

I  always  return  with  satisfaction  to  my  home  on  the  western  slopes  of 
our  little  city,  and  always  enjoy  the  fresh  air  and  picturesque  country  around 
us,  but,  more  than  all,  the  cordial  greetings  of  old  friends,  with  whom  I 
have  been  acquainted  since  boyhood.  It  will  give  me  much  pleasure,  at 
any  time  or  place,  to  meet  you,  and  to  speak  to  you  on  current  public  ques 
tions,  and  I  venture  to  name  next  Friday  evening. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  gathering  was  one  of  the  largest  that  had  come  together 
in  Mansfield  for  years.  The  evening  was  delightful,  cool  and 
balmy,  a  bright  moonlight  adding  attraction  to  the  scene.  A 
stand  decorated  with  flags  had  been  erected  near  the  center 
of  the  park,  with  seats  in  front,  and  lights  gleamed  on  either 
hand.  I  was  introduced  to  the  audience  by  my  old  friend 
and  partner,  Henry  C.  Hedges,  whose  remarks  were  too  flatter 
ing  for  me  to  insert.  In  closing  he  said : 

"  Regarding  you  as  our  friend,  our  neighbor,  our  townsman,  we  are  glad 
and  rejoice.  We  welcome  you  home,  though  your  stay  may  be  only  a  few 
days,  and  we  sincerely  trust  that,  rested  by  your  stay,  you  may  go  back  to 
your  work  reinvigorated,  and  that  frequently  we  may  have  the  pleasure  of 
your  temporary  visits,  and  in  the  future,  when  your  labors  are  finished, 
among  us  you  may  spend  your  old  age,  honored  and  happy." 

As  my  speech  expressed  my  views  upon  important  ques 
tions  of  that  time,  I  think  it  well  to  embody  extracts  from 
it  as  part  of  the  history  of  the  then  recent  events,  and  my 
anticipations  for  the  future.  After  referring  to  the  kindly 
welcome  extended  to  me  by  my  old  friends  I  referred  to  the 
chief  features  of  the  administration  of  President  Hayes  thus 
far,  and  especially  to  his  action,  now  almost  forgotten,  in 
withdrawing  the  United  States  troops  from  the  state  house  in 
South  Carolina,  during  the  Chamberlain-Hampton  contest, 
and  his  action  in  Louisiana  in  the  contest  between  Packard 
and  Nichols.  I  explained  the  delicate  and  difficult  task  the 
President  had  accomplished,  and  the  justness  of  his  views  under 
the  circumstances. 


478  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  then  stated  the  action  I  proposed  to  take  to  secure  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments.  The  plan  was  executed  in  all 
its  parts  by  me,  and  my  remarks  may,  in  one  sense,  be  said  to 
be  a  history  of  resumption.  Continuing  I  said  : 

"  And  now,  fellow-citizens,  this  brings  me  to  the  question  upon  which 
there  is  so  much  diversity  of  opinion,  so  many  strange  delusions,  and  that  is 
the  question  of  specie  payments.  What  do  we  mean  by  this  phrase  ?  Is  it, 
that  we  are  to  have  no  paper  money  in  circulation  ?  If  so,  I  am  as  much 
opposed  to  it  as  any  of  you.  Is  it  that  we  are  to  retire  our  greenback  circu 
lation  ?  If  so,  I  am  opposed  to  it  and  have  often  so  said.  What  I  mean 
by  specie  payments  is  simply  that  paper  money  ought  to  be  made  equal  to 
coin,  so  that  when  you  receive  it,  it  will  buy  as  much  beef,  corn  or  clothing 
as  coin. 

"  Now  the  importance  of  this  cannot  be  overestimated.  A  depreciated 
paper  money  cheats  and  robs  every  man  who  receives  it,  of  a  portion  of  the 
reward  of  his  labor  or  production,  and,  in  all  times,  it  has  been  treated  by 
statesmen  as  one  of  the  greatest  evils  that  can  befall  a  people.  There  are  times 
when  such  money  is  unavoidable,  as  during  war  or  great  public  calamity, 
but  it  has  always  been  the  anxious  care  of  statesmen  to  return  again  to  the 
solid  standard  of  coin.  Therefore  it  is  that  specie  payments,  or  a  specie 
standard,  is  pressed  by  the  great  body  of  intelligent  men  who  study  these 
questions,  as  an  indispensable  prerequisite  for  steady  business  and  good 
times. 

"  Now,  most  of  you  will  agree  to  all  this,  and  will  only  differ  as  to  the 
mode,  or  time,  and  manner ;  but  there  is  a  large  class  of  people  who  believe 
that  paper  can  be,  and  ought  to  be,  made  into  money  without  any  promise 
or  hope  of  redemption ;  that  a  note  should  be  printed  :  '  This  is  a  dollar,' 
and  be  made  a  legal  tender. 

"I  regard  this  as  a  mild  form  of  lunacy,  and  have  no  disposition  to 
debate  with  men  who  indulge  in  such  delusions,  which  have  prevailed  to 
some  extent,  at  different  times,  in  all  countries,  but  whose  life  has  been  brief, 
and  which  have  ever  shared  the  fate  of  other  popular  delusions.  Congress 
will  never  entertain  such  a  proposition,  and,  if  it  should,  we  know  that  the 
scheme  would  not  stand  a  moment  before  the  Supreme  Court.  That  court 
only  maintained  the  constitutionality  of  the  legal  tender  promise  to  pay  a 
dollar  by  a  divided  court,  and  on  the  ground  that  it  was  issued  during  the 
war,  as  in  the  nature  of  a  forced  loan,  to  be  redeemed  upon  the  payment  of 
a  real  dollar ;  that  is,  so  ma.ny  grains  of  silver  or  gold. 

"  1  therefore  dismiss  such  wild  theories,  and  speak  only  to  those  who  are 
willing  to  assume,  as  an  axiom,  that  gold  and  silver,  or  coined  money,  have 
been  proven  by  all  human  experience  to  be  the  best  possible  standards  of 
value,  and  that  paper  money  is  simply  a  promise  to  pay  such  coined  money, 
and  should  be  made  and  kept  equal  to  coined  money,  by  being  convertible 
on  demand. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  479 

"Now,  the  question  is  as  to  the  time  and  mode  by  which  this  may  be 
brought  about,  and  on  this  subject  no  man  should  be  dogmatic,  or  stand, 
without  yielding,  upon  a  plan  of  his  own,  but  should  be  willing  to  give  and 
take,  securing  the  best  expedient  that  public  opinion  will  allow  to  be  adopted. 
The  purpose  and  obligation  to  bring  our  paper  money  to  the  standard  of 
coin  have  been  over  and  over  again  announced  by  acts  of  Congress,  and  by 
the  platforms  of  the  great  political  parties  of  the  country.  If  resolutions  and 
promises  would  bring  about  specie  payments,  we  would  have  been  there  long 
ago ;  but  the  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the  mode  now — twelve  years  after 
the  close  of  the  war — still  leaves  our  paper  money  at  a  discount  of  five  per 
cent.  Until  this  is  removed,  there  will  be  no  new  enterprises  involving 
great  sums,  no  active  industries,  but  money  will  lie  idle,  and  watch  and  wait 
the  changes  that  may  be  made  before  we  reach  the  specie  standard. 

"  In  1869,  Congress  pledged  the  public  faith  that  the  United  States  would 
pay  coin  for  United  States  notes.  Again,  in  January,  1875,  after  more  than 
a  year's  debate,  Congress  declared  that  on  and  after  the  1st  of  January,  1879, 
the  United  States  would  pay  its  notes  in  coin. 

"  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  expressly  required  to  prepare  for,  and 
maintain,  the  redemption  of  all  United  States  notes  presented  at  the  treasury 
on  and  after  that  date,  and  for  that  purpose  he  is  authorized  to  use  all 
the  surplus  revenue,  and  to  sell  bonds  of  the  United  States  bearing  four, 
four  and  a  half,  and  five  per  cent,  interest,  at  par  in  coin.  It  is  this  law, 
called  the  resumption  act,  now  so  much  discussed  in  the  papers,  that  imposes 
upon  the  office  I  hold  most  difficult  and  important  duties,  and  without  reply 
ing  to  any  attacks  made  upon  me,  I  am  anxious  to  convey  to  you  personally, 
what  I  have  done,  and  what  I  must  do,  in  obedience  to  the  provisions  of  this 
act.  It  is  said  that  the  law  is  defective,  but,  if  the  great  object  and  policy 
of  the  law  is  right,  the  machinery  of  the  law  could  easily  be  changed  by 
Congress.  That  resumption  can  be  secured,  and  ought  to  be  secured,  under 
this  law,  it  will  be  my  purpose  to  show  you,  and  I  shall  not  hesitate  to  point 
out  such  defects  in  the  law  as  have  occurred  to  me  in  its  execution. 

"  There  are  two  modes  of  resumption ;  one  is  to  diminish  the  amount  of 
notes  to  be  redeemed,  which  mode  is  commonly  called  a  contraction  of  the 
currency ;  the  other  is  to  accumulate  coin  in  the  treasury,  to  enable  the  sec 
retary  to  maintain  the  notes  at  par." 

Objection  had  been  made  that  under  the  first  mode  resump 
tion  would  be  a  process  of  converting  a  non-interest  bearing 
note  into  an  interest  bearing  note,  and  that  was  true,  but  what 
right  had  we,  as  a  nation,  or  had  any  bank,  or  individual,  to 
force  into  circulation,  as  money,  its  note  upon  which  it  paid  no 
interest?  Why  ought  not  anyone  who  issued  a  promise  to  pay 
on  demand  be  made  to  pay  it  when  demanded,  or  pay  interest 


480  RECOLLECTIONS 

thereafter?  What  right  had  he,  in  law  or  justice,  to  insist 
upon  maintaining  in  circulation  his  note,  which  he  refused  to 
pay  according  to  his  promise,  and  which  he  refused  to  receive 
in  payment  of  a  note  bearing  interest?  A  certain  amount  of 
United  States  notes  could  be,  and  ought  to  be,  maintained  at 
par  in  coin,  with  the  aid  of  a  moderate  coin  reserve  held  in 
the  treasury,  and  to  the  extent  that  this  could  be  done  they 
formed  the  best  possible  paper  money,  a  debt  of  the  people 
without  interest,  of  equal  value  with  coin,  and  more  convenient 
to  carry  and  handle.  Beyond  this  the  issue  of  paper  money, 
either  by  the  government  or  by  banks,  was  a  dangerous  ex 
ercise  of  power,  injurious  to  all  citizens,  and  should  not  con 
tinue  a  single  day  beyond  the  necessities  that  gave  it  birth.  I 
added : 

"The  one  practical  defect  in  the  law  is,  that  the  secretary  is  not  at 
liberty  to  sell  bonds  of  the  United  States  for  United  States  notes,  but  must 
sell  them  for  coin.  As  coin  is  not  in  circulation  among  the  people,  he  is 
practically  prohibited  from  selling  bonds  to  the  people,  except  by  an  evasion 
of  the  law,  or  through  private  parties.  Bonds  are  in  demand  and  can  readily 
be  sold  at  par  in  coin,  and  still  easier  at  par,  or  at  a  premium,  in  United 
States  notes.  The  process  of  selling  for  United  States  notes  need  not  go 
far  before  the  mere  fact  that  they  are  receivable  for  bonds  would  bring  them 
up  to  par  in  coin,  and  that  is  specie  payments. 

"  But  the  reason  of  the  refusal  of  Congress  to  grant  this  authority,  often 
asked  of  it,  was  that  it  would  contract  the  currency,  and  this  fear  of  con 
traction  has  thus  far  prevented  Congress  from  granting  the  easiest,  plainest, 
and  surest  mode  of  resumption.  To  avoid  contraction,  it  provided  that 
national  bank  notes  may  be  issued  without  limit  as  to  amount,  and  that, 
when  issued,  United  States  notes  might  be  retired  to  the  extent  of  four- 
fifths  of  the  bank  notes  issued.  This  was  the  only  provision  for  redeeming 
United  States  notes  that  Congress  made  or  would  make,  and  this,  it  was 
supposed,  would  reduce  the  United  States  notes  to  $300,000,000  before  Jan 
uary  1,  1879.  The  actual  experiment  only  proves  the  folly  of  the  cry  we 
had  for  more  money,  more  money." 

The  second  mode  of  resuming  was  by  accumulating  coin 
gradually,  so  that  when  the  time  fixed  for  resumption  should 
arrive,  the  treasury  might  be  able  to  redeem  such  notes  as 
should  be  presented.  In  this  respect  the  resumption  act  was 
as  full  and  liberal  as  human  language  could  frame  it.  The 
secretary  was  authorized  to  prepare  for  resumption,  and  for 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  481 

that  purpose  to  use  the  surplus  revenue  and  sell  either  of  the 
three  classes  of  bonds,  all  of  which  in  1877  were  at  or  above 
par  in  coin.  I  said  :  "  The  power  can  be,  ought  to  be,  and  will 
be,  executed  if  not  repealed." 

This  speech  was  printed  in  the  leading  papers  in  the 
United  States  and  in  England,  and  was  regarded  by  the  pub 
lic  at  large  as  a  declaration  of  the  policy  of  the  administra 
tion,  to  enforce  the  resumption  law,  whatever  might  be  the 
current  of  opinion  developed  at  the  approaching  elections, 
which,  as  they  occurred,  were  generally  against  the  Eepublican 
party.  The  Democratic  party  had  taken  position  against  the 
resumption  act,  in  favor  of  the  enlarged  issue  of  United  States 
notes  and  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  The  strikes  led  to  the 
organization  of  labor  unions,  which,  though  independent  of 
political  parties,  chiefly  affected  the  Republican  party  then  in 
power. 

Among  many  letters  received  by  me,  after  this  speech,  I  in 
sert  one  from  Mr.  Evarts : 

WINDSOR,  Vt.,  Aug.  30, 1877. 
THE  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

DEAR  MR.  SHERMAN  :  • —  I  congratulate  you  upon  the  excellence  and  suc 
cess  of  your  speech  in  Ohio.  The  difficulty  of  the  undertaking  justly  en 
hances  the  credit  of  its  prosperous  treatment. 

I  inclose  a  remonstrance  from  an  *  Injustice '  on  the  subject  of  a  new 
arrangement  in  the  weighing  at  the  customhouse.  It  was  sent  to  me  at 
Washington  and  forwarded  from  there  here.  I  know  nothing  of  its  source 
and  have  no  opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  supposed  project. 

The  President's  visit  has  pleased  the  people  in  New  England  amazingly. 
I  hope  to  see  you  all  in  Washington  ef  rly  next  week. 

I  am  very  truly  yours,  WM.  M.  EVARTS. 

On  the  14th  of  September,  1877,  I  sent  to  Hon.  Stanley 
Matthews  the  following  letter,  giving  my  view  of  the  position 
taken  by  General  Ewing  and  Mr.  Pendleton  : 

"  At  the  request  of  General  Robinson  I  have  directed  to  you,  in  the  care 
of  Bickham,  a  number  of  documents  for  reference  in  your  debate  with 
Ewing,  and  as  Robinson  says  you  wish  me  to  make  suggestions,  1  venture 
to  do  so,  but  without  any  confidence  that  they  can  be  of  assistance,  though 
they  can  do  no  harm. 

"  The  most  beneficial  financial  act  of  the  administration  is  the  reduction 
of  the  interest  on  the  public  debt.  The  amount  already  accomplished  is 


482  RECOLLECTIONS 

stated  in  my  printed  speech.  The  rapidity  of  this  process  depends  entirely 
upon  the  credit  of  the  government.  Ewing's  policy  would  destroy  our 
credit  and  stop  the  process.  The  very  doubts  created  by  him  and  Pendle- 
ton  have  already  damaged  the  government  very  largely.  Confidence  is  so 
sensitive  that  when  prominent  men  like  Ewing  and  Pendleton  talk  as  they 
do,  the  injury  is  immediate. 

"The  whole  difference  between  the  amount  of  silver  and  gold  at  this 
moment  is  eight  per  cent.,  so  that  the  payment  of  the  debt  in  silver  would 
lessen  the  burden  of  the  debt  eight  per  cent.,  but  under  the  funding  opera 
tions,  which  would  be  entirely  destroyed  by  anything  that  alarmed  the 
market,  we  are  enabled  to  save  thirty-three  per  cent.  Whatever  may  be  our 
right  to  pay  our  bonds,  either  in  greenbacks  or  in  silver,  this  question  of 
expediency,  as  you  very  properly  said  in  one  of  your  speeches,  is  to  be 
considered  apart  from  the  question  of  legal  power. 

"  Refunding  would  go  on  with  greatly  accelerated  speed  if  we  could  sell 
bonds  for  greenbacks.  We  make  discrimination  against  the  greenbacks  by 
refusing  to  take  them  in  payment  of  bonds.  If  I  had  the  power  to  sell 
bonds  for  greenbacks  I  could  make  greenbacks  equal  to  coin  with  scarcely 
a  perceptible  change.  That  is  the  advice  of  the  most  sagacious  men  in  the 
•country.  I  know  it.  There  is  talk  about  the  bondholder  being  a  privi 
leged  person.  He  ought  to  be  so  no  longer,  and  the  moment  that  a  bond 
could  be  bought  with  currency  at  par  in  gold,  all  discrimination  in  favor  of 
the  bondholder  would  disappear. 

"  The  differences  among  Republicans  about  silver  will  be  settled  by  the 
use  of  the  silver  dollar  to  the  extent  that  it  can  be  kept  in  circulation  at  par 
with  greenbacks,  and  is  a  pure  question  of  detail.  The  difference  in  the 
Democratic  party  about  interconvertible  currency  is  vital,  and  Ewing's 
doctrine  overthrows  the  whole  Democratic  theory  of  finance  before  the  war. 

"  The  existence  of  the  national  banks  is  a  question  simply  of  policy  not  a 
question  of  principle.  The  right  conferred  upon  banks  to  issue  circulation 
is  not  conferred  for  their  profit,  but  for  the  public  convenience,  and  all 
Republicans  can  agree  that  that  right  should  never  be  permitted  to  exist 
except  when  it  is  for  the  public  convenience.  The  office  of  bank  notes  is 
simply  to  supply  the  ebb  and  flow  of  currency  made  necessary  by  the  wants 
of  business.  The  United  States  cannot  lend  United  States  notes,  and 
therefore  cannot  meet  this  want.  Ewing  proposes  to  destroy  the  whole 
national  bank  system,  interwoven  with  all  the  business  of  the  country.  I 
send  you  the  last  statement  of  the  national  banks.  You  can  very  easily 
show  the  effect  upon  the  reviving  industry  of  the  country  of  the  withdrawal 
of  these  loans  and  disturbing  all  this  business.  As  at  present  organized 
the  circulation  is  the  vital  thing,  and  if  the  bonds  held  by  the  banks  to 
secure  circulation  were  thrown  upon  the  market,  it  would  stop  funding  and 
compel  also  the  withdrawal  of  loans,  and  create  distress  compared  with 
which  our  present  troubles  are  mere  moonshine. 

"  I  am  afraid  you  will  think  I  am  going  on  to  make  a  speech  for  you,  so  I 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  433 

will  stop  abruptly,  with  the  promise  that  if  I  can  furnish  you  any  documents 
or  information  that  may  be  of  service  to  you  I  will  do  so  with  pleasure. 

********* 

^  "I  inclose  the  last  statement  of  the  national  banks  containing  many 
points  that  may  be  of  use. 

"  Upon  the  question  of  resumption  I  believe  we  are  all  agreed  that  it 
must  come,  and  that  the  only  standard  value  is  gold  or  silver  coin.  The 
time  and  manner  are  the  points  of  disagreement.  Ewing  is  opposed  to  all 
resumption,  but  believes  in  printing  a  dollar  and  saying  it  is  a  dollar,  while 
all  the  world  would  know  that  the  declaration  is  a  lie.  The  fact  that  we 
have  advanced  the  greenbacks  six  per  cent,  in  one  year,  by  the  movements 
made  under  the  resumption  act,  shows  that  it  is  working  pretty  well.  I  send 
you  a  statement  showing  the  changed  condition  in  a  year  of  our  finances. 

"  While  the  people  differ  about  the  resumption  act  there  is  time  to  change 
it  if  it  needs  change,  but  Ewing  would  go  back  and  commence  the  process 
over  again.  I  am  disposed  to  be  tolerant  about  differences  on  the  resump 
tion  act,  for  I  think  it  will  demonstrate  its  success  or  failure  before  Congress 
is  likely  to  tamper  with  it." 

The  election  in  Ohio,  in  October,  resulted  in  the  defeat  of 
William  H.  West,  Republican,  for  governor,  mainly  on  account 
of  his  position  as  to  labor  unions,  but  no  doubt  also  because 
of  a  feeling  of  opposition  against  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments.  Richard  M.  Bishop,  Democrat,  was  elected  gov 
ernor,  with  a  Democratic  legislature  in  both  branches,  which 
subsequently  elected  George  H.  Pendleton  as  United  States 
Senator. 

The  following  letter  expresses  my  view  of  the  election,  and 
the  causes  which  led  to  our  defeat : 

WASHINGTON,  October  17,  1877. 

DEAR  SIR:— Your  letter  of  the  13th  inst.  is  received, 

Your  statement  of  the  causes  of  our  defeat  in  Ohio  seems  to  me  reason 
able,  though  probably  I  would  not  agree  with  you  in  many  points  stated. 

It  is  not  worth  while  now  to  bother  ourselves  about  what  we  cannot 
help.  All  we  can  do  is  to  inquire  how  far  we  have  been  right,  and  to  that 
extent  pursue  the  right,  whether  victory  or  defeat  is  the  result.  No  party 
can  administer  a  government,  that  will  not  take  the  risk  of  temporary  de 
feat  when  it  is  pursuing  what,  in  the  opinion  of  the  great  masses  of  it,  is  a 
beneficial  policy  for  the  country. 

So  far  as  the  southern  question  is  concerned,  I  feel  that  the  President 
did  right.  The  wisdom  of  his  executive  order  as  to  office  holders  depends 
upon  the  construction  given  to  it,  and  he  is  not  responsible  for  a  perverted 
construction  not  authorized  by  its  words  or  terms.  As  to  the  resumption 


484  RECOLLECTIONS 

policy,  the  law  is  plain  and  mandatory,  and,  more  than  all,  the  law  is  right, 
and  the  Republican  party  might  as  well  understand  first  as  last,  that  the 
question  of  resumption  is  one  higher  than  any  party  obligations  and  will  be 
pursued  by  our  adversaries  if  we  do  not.  We  can  gain  the  credit  of  success, 
but  we  can  gain  no  credit  by  retreating  on  this  vital  question.  While  the 
law  stands  nothing  is  left  but  to  execute  it,  and  for  one  I  never  would  aid 
to  alter  the  law,  except  to  make  it  more  effective,  and  would  be  very  willing 
to  retire  on  this  question  rather  than  to  surrender. 

The  only  way  is  for  us  to  go  steadily  forward,  with  a  certainty  that  public 
opinion  in  the  end  will  sustain  us  if  we  do  what  is  substantially  right.    The  Re 
publican  party  has  been  in  this  position  many  times  and  has  never  won  success 
by  retreat  and  cannot  do  so  now.     Very  truly  yours,     JOHN  SHERMAN. 
A.  P.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  Toledo,  Ohio. 

It  became  necessary  for  the  President  to  call  an  extra  ses 
sion  of  Congress,  on  account  of  the  failure  of  the  passage  of  the 
army  bill  at  the  previous  session.  Though  the  proclamation 
was  issued  on  the  5th  of  May,  1877,  Congress  was  not  con 
vened  until  the  15th  of  October  following.  Both  Houses 
met  on  the  day  appointed.  The  Senate  was  organized  by  the 
election  of  Thomas  W.  Ferry,  of  Michigan,  as  president  pro 
tempore,  and  Samuel  J.  Randall,  a  Democratic  Member  from 
Pennsylvania,  was  elected  speaker  of  the  House  by  a  majority 
of  seventeen  over  James  A.  Garfield,  the  Republican  candidate. 

The  message  of  the  President  was  confined  mainly  to  the 
circumstances  connected  with  the  failure  of  the  previous  Con 
gress  to  provide  for  the  support  of  the  army,  and  to  certain 
deficiencies  in  appropriations  required  for  the  government,  the 
President  stating  that  as  certain  acts  of  Congress,  providing 
for  reports  of  the  government  officials,  required  their  submis 
sion  at  the  regular  annual  session,  he  deferred  until  that  time 
any  further  reference  to  subjects  of  public  interest. 

Congress,  however,  not  being  confined  in  its  powers,  and 
having  full  jurisdiction  of  all  legislative  questions,  proceeded 
at  once  to  discuss  financial  questions  and  especially  the  meas 
ures  taken  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  No  less 
than  four  bills  were  introduced  in  the  Senate  and  fourteen 
in  the  House,  providing  for  the  repeal,  in  whole  or  in  part,  of 
the  act  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  One  of  these 
bills  was  reported  from  the  committee  on  banking  and  cur 
rency,  by  Mr.  Ewing,  on  the  31st  of  October.  It  was  the  subject 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  485 

of  debate  during  the  remaining  period  of  the  session,  and 
finally  passed  the  House  on  the  23rd  of  November,  by  the  vote 
of  133  yeas  and  120  nays.  It  repealed  all  that  part  of  the 
resumption  act  which  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  to  dispose  of  United  States  bonds,  and  to  redeem  and  can 
cel  the  greenback  currency,  or  practically  all  the  resumption 
act  except  the  clauses  for  the  substitution  of  silver  coin  for 
fractional  currency.  It  was  sent  to  the  Senate  on  the  26th  of 
November,  and  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance.  No  ac 
tion  was  taken  upon  it  during  that  session,  which  adjourned 
on  the  3rd  of  December.  The  regular  session  convened  on 
the  same  day,  with  this  bill  still  pending  in  the  committee  on 
finance.  On  the  17th  of  April,  1878,  Mr.  Ferry,  from  that  com 
mittee,  reported  back  the  bill  with  an  amendment  to  strike 
out  all  after  the  enacting  clause,  and  insert  new  matter.  After 
a  long  debate  ending  on  the  13th  of  June,  the  following 
amendment  was  adopted  as  a  substitute  for  Mr.  Ferry's  amend 
ment,  by  a  vote  of  yeas  30,  nays  29  : 

"  That  from  and  after  the  passage  of  this  act  United  States  notes  shall 

be  receivable  the  same  as  coin  in  payment  for  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  now 

authorized  by  law  to  be  issued ;  and  on  and  after  October  1,  1878,  said 
notes  shall  be  receivable  for  duties  on  imports." 

The  bill,  as  amended,  passed  the  Senate  by  a  large  major 
ity.  In  this  form  it  had  no  proper  relevancy  to  the  bill  as  it 
passed  the  House,  and  the  action  of  the  Senate  was  regarded 
as  a  practical  defeat  of  the  bill.  It  was  taken  up  in  the  House 
on  the  14th  of  June,  and  the  question  being  taken  on  concur 
ring  in  the  amendment  of  the  Senate,  the  vote  was  yeas  112, 
nays  122,  so  the  motion  was  disagreed  to.  On  the  17th  of 
June,  a  motion  was  made  to  suspend  the  rules  and  proceed 
to  the  consideration  of  the  bil],  but  as  two-thirds  did  not  vote 
in  favor  of  the  motion  it  was  not  adopted,  and  the  bill  was  not 
called  up  for  action  until  the  next  session  of  Congress,  when 
Mr.  Ewing,  on  February  22,  1879,  reported  it  from  the  com 
mittee  on  banking  and  currency,  and  moved  to  concur  in  the 
Senate  amendments,  with  amendments  changing  the  date  on 
which  the  act  should  take  effect,  and  also  adding,  "  that  the 
money  hereafter  received  from  any  sale  of  bonds  of  the  United 


486  RECOLLECTIONS 

States  shall  be  applied  only  to  the  redemption  of  other  bonds 
bearing  a  higher  rate  of  interest,  and  subject  to  call." 

This  motion  came  too  late,  as  the  whole  subject-matter 
had  been  disposed  of  by  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  on 
the  1st  of  January  previous.  It  led,  however,  to  a  considerable 
debate  in  which  Mr.  Garfield  participated.  He  made  a  humor 
ous  allusion  to  the  revival  of  controversies  that  were  past  and 
gone  since  the  1st  of  January,  and  moved  to  lay  the  bill  and 
the  amendments  upon  the  table.  That  was  adopted  by  a  vote 
of  yeas  141,  nays  118. 

I  have  given  the  official  history  of  the  efforts  to  repeal  the 
resumption  act,  but  it  would  be  beyond  the  limits  of  this  book 
to  quote,  or  even  state,  the  copious  speeches  for  and  against 
resumption.  I  felt  secure,  for  if  such  a  bill  should  pass,  the 
executive  veto  would  prevent  any  action  by  Congress  that 
would  interfere  with  the  execution  of  the  law.  My  principal 
effort  was  to  convince  Congress  that  it  ought  not  to  interfere 
with  what  the  House  called  a  destructive  experiment,  but  what 
I  regarded  as  an  easy  and  beneficial  execution  of  existing  law. 
A  large  part  of  the  opposition  was  purely  political.  The  re 
sumption  act  was  a  Republican  measure,  voted  for  only  by  Re 
publicans.  The  Democratic  party  had,  by  the  elections  just 
previous  to  its  taking  effect,  secured  a  majority  in  the  House, 
and,  with  the  aid  of  a  few  Republican  Senators,  with  strong 
"  greenback  "  proclivities,  had  the  control  of  the  Senate  on  the 
financial  question. 

This  political  condition  in  the  fall  of  1877  tended  to  prevent 
the  sale  of  four  per  cent,  bonds  after  the  close  of  the  popular 
loan.  My  official  correspondence  with  members  of  the  syndi 
cate,  and  with  Mr.  Conant,  published  by  order  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  the  volume  "  Specie  Resumption  and 
Refunding  of  the  National  Debt,"  shows  fully  the  earnest  effort 
made  by  me  to  sell  the  four  per  cent,  bonds.  This  was  success 
ful  to  a  slight  degree  in  August  and  September,  but  sales  were 
substantially  suspended  after  that  date,  until  it  became  mani 
fest  that  the  two  Houses  could  not  agree  upon  the  repeal  of  the 
resumption  act,  or  the  remonetization  of  silver.  The  threat 
ened  measure  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  and  the  fear  that 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  487 

the  bonds  would  be  paid  in  silver  coin  less  valuable  than  the 
gold  coin  paid  for  them,  tended,  more  than  the  efforts  to  repeal 
the  resumption  act,  to  prevent  the  sale  of  bonds. 

While  at  Mansfield,  in  August,  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Conant,  in 
London,  as  follows : 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  August  18,  1877. 

DEAR  MR.  CONANT  : — Your  letter  of  the  4th  was  forwarded  to  me  here. 
I  notice  what  you  say  about  the  calls,  but  you  must  remember  that  out  of 
the  sales  of  four  per  cent,  bonds  we  must  provide  five  millions  gold  for  each 
of  the  months  of  September  and  October,  so  that  for  ten  millions  of  bonds 
there  must  be  no  calls.  I  should  have  informed  you  of  this  sooner,  but  neg 
lected  to  do  so  before  leaving.  The  parties  in  New  York,  and  no  doubt  the 
Rothschilds,  have  been  advised  of  it  and  agree  to  it.  Until  the  popular  sub 
scription  is  paid  for  it  will  be  difficult  to  press  the  sale  of  the  four  per  cents., 
but  I  hope  in  September  the  sales  will  commence  and  be  pushed  rapidly. 
The  movement  of  the  crop  has  already  commenced.  The  strike  seems  to  be 
ended,  with  a  better  feeling  among  laborers,  and  some  advance  in  freight. 
The  necessity  of  the  trunk  lines  combining  on  freight  is  so  clear  that  it  is 
likely  to  result  in  some  agreement  that  will  stand. 

I  made  a  speech  here  yesterday,  which  no  doubt  will  be  received  by  you 
in  the  New  York  papers  in  due  time,  and  which  contains  some  matters  affect 
ing  your  operations.  It  is  substantially  in  conformity  with  the  general  wish 
of  the  administration  as  to  financial  affairs,  and  it  might  be  well  for  you  to 
call  the  attention  of  the  Rothschilds  to  that  part  of  it  relating  to  our  loans 
and  the  basis  of  our  credit. 

I  return  next  week  to  Washington,  where  I  will  again  be  happy  to  hear 
from  you.  Very  truly,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

Mr.  Conant  answered  as  follows : 

NEW  COURT,  ST.  SWITHIN'S  LANE,          ) 
LONDON,  E.  C.,  ENGLAND,  August  23,  1877.  j 

DEAR  MR.  SECRETARY  : — I  was  very  glad  indeed  to  receive  your  letter 
of  the  6th  instant.  I  at  once  informed  the  contracting  parties  of  what  you 
had  written  in  reference  to  the  strikes  and  riots  at  home.  The  sale  of  our 
bonds  has  not  been  directly  interfered  writh  on  account  of  the  riots.  In  fact, 
the  occurrence  of  the  riots  has  almost  been  forgotten.  The  London  '  Times,' 
of  this  morning,  has,  however,  revived  the  subject  by  printing  a  letter  from 
its  Philadelphia  correspondent,  in  which  he  says  that  the  strikers,  it  is  evi 
dent,  are  to  get  into  politics  through  the  organization  of  a  party,  to  be  called 
the  *  Workingmen's  party  ; '  and  he  predicts  that  mischief  will  come  out  of 
it  through  the  control  of  the  state  governments  which  the  mob  element  may 
gain ;  and  the  consequent  enactment  of  bad  laws,  etc.,  especially  against 
capital.  Another  letter  is  also  printed  (written  by  a  Mr.  Connolly),  by 
which  it  is  made  to  appear  that  America  is  in  a  terrible  financial  condition. 


488  RECOLLECTIONS 

These  two  letters  are  made  the  subject  of  an  editorial  which,  on  the  whole, 
is  not  very  complimentary  to  us,  nor  calculated  to  improve  our  credit.  The 
'  Times '  of  last  Monday's  date  had  an  editorial  on  the  speech  which  you 
made  in  Ohio  on  Friday  last.  I  send  you  a  copy,  and  think,  if  you  can  find 
time,  you  will  rather  enjoy  reading  the  article.  Nearly  all  of  the  English 
people,  as  you  are  aware,  believe  in  the  principle  of  '  free  trade,'  and  it  is 
but  natural  that  they  should,  for  the  reason  that  England  depends  upon  her 
great  commerce  and  her  markets  in  every  part  of  the  globe  for  the  employ 
ment  and  maintenance  of  her  people.  People  here  think  that  our  protec 
tionist  tariffs  are  not  only  detrimental  to  the  commercial  interest  of  our 
country,  but  that  they  are  of  a  suicidal  character  so  far  as  our  fiscal  policy  is 
concerned.  They  think,  in  other  words,  that  it  would  be  vastly  better  for 
the  real  interest  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  if  they  would  trade  more 
extensively  with  the  people  of  England.  What  the  '  Times '  editor  has  to 
say  about  the  balance  of  trade  will  amuse  you,  and  yet  people  talk  about 
the  advantages  of  a  balance  of  trade  as  being  an  exploded  idea.  English 
interests  are  laboring  to  effect  a  new  treaty  with  France,  under  which  large 
reductions  in  duties  are  proposed. 

I  note  what  you  are  pleased  to  say  in  regard  to  sales  of  bonds  during 
the  present  month.  With  the  price  of  bonds  at  the  present  moment  they 
cannot  of  course  be  sold.  The  parties  will  find  it  necessary  to  use  great 
caution  as  well  as  care  in  managing  the  market,  so  as  to  get  control  of  it. 
Any  attempt  to  force  the  sale  of  the  bonds  during  this,  and,  I  think, 
next,  month  will  only  operate  to  keep  the  price  so  low  that  they  cannot  be 
sold  at  all.  I  am  firm  in  the  belief  that  the  premium  on  gold  will  go  grad 
ually  lower,  and  that  the  balance  of  trade  in  our  favor  will  keep  forcing  it 
down.  I  remain  your  obedient  servant, 

CHAS.  F.  CONANT. 
HON.  JOHN  SHEEMAN. 

He  again  wrote  on  the  30th  of  August : 

"  On  Tuesday  last  a  further  amount  of  gold  (£130,000)  was  withdrawn 
from  the  Bank  of  England  for  shipment  to  the  United  States,  and  for  the 
purpose  of  protecting  its  stock  of  bullion  the  bank  immediately  advanced 
its  rate  to  three  per  cent.,  and  also  increased  the  price  of  American  eagles. 

"  Great  Britain  must  obtain  from  us  this  season  a  large  supply  of  bread- 
stuffs  and  grain,  larger  than  has  been  required  in  any  one  year  during 
several  years  past,  and  at  higher  prices  than  those  heretofore  paid,  and,  in 
the  present  condition  of  trade  between  the  two  countries,  gold,  to  quite  an 
extent,  will  have  to  be  sent  over  in  payment  for  these  articles.  Therefore, 
advancing  the  rate  of  interest  may  check  for  a  time,  but  will  not  stop  alto 
gether,  the  shipment  of  bullion,  but  it  may  attract  here  some  of  the  gold 
held  by  the  Bank  of  France.  The  bank  rate  does  not  govern  the  street 
rate,  and  a  further  advance  by  the  bank,  which  it  is  very  likely  may  be  made, 
is  not  to  be  considered  as  indicating  that  we  are  to  have  a  dearer  money 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  489 

market.  I  inquired  to-day  of  Mr.  Morgan  and  the  Messrs.  Rothschild  what 
they  thought  of  the  prospects  of  making  any  sales  during  next  month,  and 
their  answer  was :  *  Wait  patiently  for  the  market  to  recuperate.' 

My  experience  thus  far  convinced  me  that  it  was  bad  public 
policy  to  continue  the  sale  of  bonds  for  refunding  purposes 
through  a  syndicate  of  bankers,  the  chief  of  whom  resided  in 
London.  I  could  see  no  reason  why  this  function  could  riot 
be  performed  by  national  banks,  better  than  by  bankers  at 
home  or  abroad.  A  question  arose  whether  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  had  the  power  to  designate  national  banks  as 
public  depositaries  of  the  proceeds  of  bonds  sold  under  the  re 
sumption  and  refunding  acts.  The  object  to  be  gained  by  this 
designation  was  to  prevent  the  withdrawal  of  coin  from  circu 
lation,  and  the  undue  accumulation  of  coin  in  the  treasury 
of  the  United  States.  If  the  exchange  of  one  bond  by  an 
other  could  be  directly  effected  through  the  banks  without  the 
payment  of  coin,  it  would  facilitate  the  process  of  refunding.  I 
submitted  this  inquiry  to  Attorney  General  Devens,  and  on  the 
30th  of  August  he  stated  his  opinion  and  closed  as  follows : 

"  In  answer  to  your  inquiry,  I  have,  therefore,  the  honor  to  say  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  if  he  deems  it  expedient  as  a  matter  of  adminis 
trative  policy,  may  sell  bonds  under  the  act  known  as  the  '  refunding '  and 
1  resumption'  acts,  depositing  the  amounts  received  therefrom  with  such 
public  depositaries  as  he  may  select  under  the  national  bank  act,  taking  such 
security  as  is  required  by  the  statutes." 

The  last  of  the  popular  subscriptions  for  the  four  per  cent, 
bonds  became  due  on  the  16th  of  October,  and  all  were  paid 
for  but  three  subscriptions  aggregating  $1,600,  and  these  were 
assumed  by  the  syndicate.  The  bonds  had  been  paid  for  by 
the  syndicate  either  by  called  six  per  cent,  bonds,  which  were 
canceled,  or  in  gold  coin  deposited  in  the  treasury,  without  the 
loss  of  a  dollar.  The  called  session  of  Congress,  which  met  on 
the  15th  of  October,  and  the  agitation  of  the  repeal  of  the  re 
sumption  act  and  the  remonetization  of  silver,  prevented  for 
the  time  any  further  sales  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  by  the 
government. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

EFFECT  OF  THE  BLAND  BILL  ON  THE  COUNTRY. 

An  Act  Passed  by  the  House  Providing  for  the  Free  Coinage  of  the  Silver  Dollar- 
Mr.  Ewing  Makes  an  Attack  on  Resumption  —  Fear  of  Capitalists  Regarding  Our 
National  Credit— Four  Per  Cents.  Sell  Below  Par— Suspense  and  Anxiety 
Continued  Throughout  the  Year— My  First  Report  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  —  Recommendations    of    a    Policy   to    be    Pursued    "  To 
Strengthen   the   Public   Credit"  —  Substitution    of  $50,000,000 
in  Silver  Coin  for  Fractional  Currency  —  Silver  as  a  Medium 
of  Circulation  —  Its  Fluctuation  in  Value — Importance 
of   Gold  as   a   Standard    of   Value  —  Changes  in 
the   Market   Value    of   Silver   Since   1873. 

THE  silver  question  was  suddenly  thrust  upon  the  House 
of  Representatives  on  the  5th  of  November,  1877,  by 
a  motion,  submitted  by  Mr.  Bland,  of  Missouri,  that 
the  rules  be  suspended  so  as  to  enable  him  to  intro 
duce,  and  the  House  to  pass,  a  bill  to  authorize  the  free  coinage 
of  the  standard  silver  dollar  of  41 2|  grains,  and  to  restore  its 
legal  tender  character.  The  motion  to  suspend  the  rules  cut 
off  all  amendments  and  all  debate.  Several  members  de 
manded  a  hearing.  Efforts  were  made  to  adjourn,  but  this  was 
refused.  The  previous  question  being  ordered  and  the  rules 
suspended,  a  single  vote  would  introduce  the  bill  without  a  ref 
erence  to  a  committee,  and  would  pass  it  without  any  power  of 
amendment,  without  the  usual  reading  at  three  separate  times. 
The  motion  was  agreed  to  by  a  vote  of  yeas  163,  nays  34. 
So,  two-thirds  voting  in  favor  thereof,  the  rules  were  suspended 
and  the  bill  was  passed. 

The  first  section  of  this  bill  provided  that  there  shall  be 
coined,  at  the  several  mints  of  the  United  States,  the  silver  dol 
lar  of  the  weight  of  41 2^  grains,  troy,  of  standard  silver,  as  pro 
vided  in  the  act  of  January  18,  1837,  on  which  shall  be  the  de 
vices  and  superscriptions  provided  by  said  act ;  which  coins, 
together  with  all  silver  dollars  heretofore  coined  by  the  United 

(490) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  491 

States,  of  like  weight  and  fineness,  shall  be  a  legal  tender  at 
their  nominal  value  for  all  debts  and  dues,  public  and  private, 
except  where  otherwise  provided  by  contract ;  and  any  owner 
of  silver  bullion  may  deposit  the  same  in  any  United  States 
coinage  mint  or  assay  office,  to  be  coined  into  such  dollars  for 
his  benefit,  upon  the  same  terms  and  conditions  as  gold  bullion 
is  deposited  for  coinage  under  existing  law.  Section  2  provided 
for  repealing  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts  inconsistent  with  provi 
sions  of  the  act. 

Thus  this  bill,  of  wide-reaching  importance,  was  introduced 
and  passed  by  the  House  under  the  previous  question,  and  a 
suspension  of  the  rules  without  debate  on  the  same  day  of  its 
introduction  by  a  vote  of  yeas  163,  nays  34.  It  was  sent  to  the 
Senate  and  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance. 

On  the  same  day  Mr.  Ewing  moved  in  the  House  of  Kepre- 
sentatives  to  suspend  the  rules  and  adopt  the  following  resolu 
tion: 

"  ^Resolved,  That  the  bill  to  repeal  the  third  section  of  the  resumption 
law  be  made  the  special  order,  not  to  interfere  with  any  appropriation  bills, 
for  to-morrow  at  the  expiration  of  the  morning  hour,  and  from  day  to  day 
thereafter  until  the  following  Tuesday  at  three  o'clock,  when  the  previous 
question  shall  be  ordered  on  it  and  on  any  amendments  then  pending,  all 
amendments  meanwhile  to  be  in  order,  provided  the  time  shall  be  extended, 
if  necessary,  so  as  to  allow  five  days  after  the  morning  hour  for  the  consider 
ation  of  said  bill  and  amendments." 

This  resolution  passed  by  a  vote  of  yeas  143,  nays  47. 

In  consequence  of  this  action  of  the  House,  the  syndicate 
declined  to  offer  the  bonds,  and  no  further  calls  for  six  per 
cent,  bonds  were  therefore  made. 

On  the  7th  of  November  August  Belmont  wrote  me  from 
New  York  as  follows : 

"I  fear  that  the  threatening  position  of  the  silver  question  will  check 
completely  any  demand  for  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  here  and  in  Europe. 
The  damage  which  the  passage  of  this  measure  will  do  to  our  public 
credit  abroad  cannot  be  over  estimated.  To  remonetize  silver  upon  the 
old  standard,  and  make  it  a  legal  tender  for  all  private  and  public  debts, 
will  be  considered  by  the  whole  civilized  world  as  an  act  of  repudiation  on 
the  part  of  the  federal  government,  and  cast  a  stain  upon  our  national  credit, 
which  has  hitherto  stood  as  high  and  bright  as  that  of  any  government  in  the 
world. 


492  RECOLLECTIONS 

"It  is  just  as  much  repudiation  for  the  federal  government  to  compel  its 
bondholders  to  accept  the  payment  of  their  interest  in  silver,  which  is  at  a 
discount  of  ten  per  cent.,  against  the  gold  which  the  government  received  for 
its  bonds,  as  it  would  be  if  Congress  decreed  that  all  the  bonds  of  the 
United  States  should  not  bear  a  higher  interest  than  two  per  cent,  per 
annum.  To  do  such  a  thing  now  as  is  contemplated  by  the  Bland  silver 
bill,  when  the  federal  finances  are  in  a  flourishing  condition,  when  the  pre 
mium  of  gold  has  been  reduced  two  and  a  half  to  three  per  cent.,  and 
when  our  funded  debt  sells  equal  to  that  of  any  other  public  security  in  the 
world,  is  actually  as  if  a  man  of  wealth  and  position,  who  had  by  a  life-long 
course  of  strict  honesty  acquired  the  well-earned  confidence  and  respect  of 
his  fellow-citizens  and  of  the  outer  world,  should  in  the  midst  of  his  afflu 
ence,  and  without  any  palliating  excuse  of  any  temptation  of  want  or 
necessity,  commit  open  theft. 

"  I  am  sure  I  do  not  over  estimate  the  damaging  effect  which  the  passage 
of  the  bill  must  have  upon  American  credit.  All  my  letters  from  abroad, 
and  conversations  with  persons  familiar  with  the  English  and  continental 
money  markets,  confirm  my  convictions  on  that  point.  When  you  look 
back  and  find  in  the  archives  of  your  department  the  proud  records  of  a 
nation's  faith  kept  inviolate  with  a  most  punctilious  and  chivalrous  spirit 
during  a  century,  amidst  all  the  trials  of  foreign  and  civil  war  which  strained 
the  resources  of  our  country  to  the  very  verge  of  ruin,  the  task  before  you  is 
certainly  a  difficult  and  harrassing  one  ;  but  while  the  path  of  duty  is  often 
narrow  and  difficult,  it  is  always  straight  and  so  well  defined  that  it  can 
never  be  mistaken. 

"  Sound  financial  policy  and  love  of  our  country's  fair  name  alike  demand 
from  those  to  whom  the  administration  of  its  affairs  have  been  intrusted  the 
most  uncompromising  hostility  to  the  blind  and  dishonest  frenzy  which  has 
taken  hold  of  Congress,  and  I  sincerely  hope  that  you  will  be  seconded  in 
the  task  before  you  by  the  hearty  support  of  the  President  and  your  col- 


On  the  9th  of  November  I  was  advised  that  the  four  per 
cent,  bonds  were  selling  at  99  and  interest,  in  a  small  way  only. 
The  syndicate  had  bought  in  the  market  about  $750,000  of 
these  bonds  at  less  than  par  in  order  to  prevent  a  further  de 
preciation.  On  the  same  day  I  was  informed  by  August  Bel- 
mont  &  Co.,  as  follows  : 

"After  conference  and  careful  consideration  of  the  whole  subject,  it  is 
the  conclusion  of  all  the  associates,  in  Europe  and  here,  that  it  is  injudicious 
to  undertake  further  negotiations  of  the  fours,  during  the  pendency  of  the 
legislation  proposing  to  make  silver  a  full  legal  tender,  as  the  discussion  has 
checked  dealings  in  the  bonds  by  the  public.  To  make  a  call  in  the  face  of 
a  market  quotation  (to-day  98|  and  interest)  below  the  price  fixed  by  law 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  493 

would  not  convince  the  public  that  new  business  had  been  undertaken  at  a 
loss,  but  that  the  call  was  connected  with  business  previously  done. 

ft******** 
"  Further  than  this,  we  are  satisfied  that,  holding  the  views  expressed  in 
your  letters  mentioned,  the  President  and  all  his  cabinet  will  agree  with  us 
that  it  would  be  wrong  for  us  to  ask  for  another  call  at  this  juncture,  as  such 
action  would  be  held  by  those  advocating  the  legislation  in  favor  of  silver  as 
proving  that  such  legislation  in  our  opinion  was  not  prejudicial  to  the  na 
tional  credit  and  the  refunding  of  our  national  debt." 

On  the  10th  of  November  Mr.  Conant  wrote  me  that  our 
bonds  had  been  depressed  by  the  rumors  which  had  been  circu 
lated  respecting  probable  legislation  which  would  depreciate 
their  value,  and  that  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  had  fallen 
off  three-fourths  per  cent.  He  said:  "If,  in  any  legislation 
which  may  be  enacted  regarding  silver,  provision  could  be 
made  not  only  exempting  the  debt  and  the  interest  thereon  from 
payment  in  silver,  but  declaring  that  payment  of  the  same  shall 
be  made  in  gold  coin,  it  would  aid  us  immeasurably  in  placing 
our  bonds." 

Two  days  later  I  received  a  letter  from  F.  0.  French,  of 
New  York,  as  follows : 

"  Our  business  people  are  very  much  alarmed  at  the  rumored  strength  of 
the  silver  people,  and,  as  they  apprehend  the  gravest  disasters  from  the  suc 
cess  of  the  Bland  bill,  a  committee  of  gentlemen  connected  with  insurance 
and  trust  companies,  as  well  as  with  the  banks,  go  to  Washington  to-morrow 
to  present  their  views  to  the  finance  committee. 

"Once  dispatch  this  silver  business — and  I  have  faith  that  it  cannot  live 
in  the  light  of  full  discussion  by  the  Senate — and  we  shall  renew  funding, 
and  by  attaining  resumption  put  an  end  to  financial  discussions  as  we  did  to 
slavery." 

And  on  the  following  day  I  wrote  to  August  Belmont  &  Co. : 

"  Your  letter  of  the  9th  instant  was  received,  and  also  a  personal  letter 
from  Mr.  Belmont. 

"  I  am  watchful  of  the  course  of  legislation  in  Congress  and  of  the  current 
of  public  sentiment,  both  in  our  own  and  foreign  countries,  on  the  silver 
question.  I  am  not  prepared  at  present  to  give  any  assurance  as  to  what 
will  be  done  in  Congress,  nor  of  the  action  of  the  executive  department. 
It  is  better  to  let  the  matter  stand  as  it  is,  awaiting  events  without  any  com 
mittals  whatever.  I  have  faith  to  believe  that  all  will  come  out  right  so  far 
as  the  public  credit  is  affected,  and  will  write  you  again  when  anything 
definite  can  be  said." 


494  RECOLLECTIONS 

On  the  29th  of  November  Belmont  wrote  me  a  long  letter, 
containing  the  following  statements : 

"  I  need  hardly  assure  you,  at  this  late  day,  of  my  earnest  solicitude  for 
the  success  of  the  funding  and  resumption  operations,  and  of  my  personal 
deep  regret,  apart  from  all  pecuniary  considerations,  as  a  member  of  the 
syndicate,  to  see  this  unfortunate  situation  of  the  silver  question  put  a  com 
plete  stop  to  all  further  sales  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  at  present,  here  and 
in  England.  The  capitalists  and  banks  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  will 
not  buy  a  bond  at  par  in  gold,  when  it  is  almost  certain,  from  the  over 
whelming  vote  in  the  House,  and  the  known  attitude  of  the  Senate,  that  a 
silver  bill,  making  the  old  silver  dollar  a  legal  tender  for  all  private  and 
public  obligations,  will  pass  both  Houses  this  winter.  .  .  . 

"  The  bonds  are  selling  at  ninety-nine  to  one-fourth  in  gold  in  open 
market,  and  it  seems  to  me  very  doubtful  policy  to  offer  bonds,  by  us,  to  the 
public  at  this  moment,  and  thus  assist  the  advocates  of  the  old  silver  dollar 
by  our  apparent  indifference  to  the  injustice  and  dishonesty  of  the  Bland 
bill." 

This  condition  of  suspense  and  anxiety  continued  during 
the  remainder  of  the  year. 

My  first  annual  report,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was 
made  to  Congress  on  the  3rd  of  December,  1877.  The  state 
ment  made  of  our  financial  condition  was  a  very  favorable  one, 
showing  a  surplus  revenue  of  $30,340,577.69.  The  receipts 
from  different  sources  of  revenue  were  largely  diminished,  but 
the  expenditures  for  the  year  were  reduced  by  an  equal  amount. 
The  surplus  revenue  was  applied  to  the  redemption  of  United 
States  notes  and  of  fractional  currency,  and  to  the  payment  of 
six  per  cent,  bonds  for  the  sinking  fund.  The  report  dealt  with 
the  usual  topics  of  such  reports,  embracing  a  great  variety  of 
subjects.  What  attracted  the  most  attention  was,  naturally, 
what  was  said  about  refunding  the  public  debt  and  the  resump 
tion  of  specie  payments.  The  results  of  refunding  during  the 
previous  year  have  already  been  sufficiently  stated.  The  plans 
for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  were  fully  explained. 
The  mode  and  manner  of  bringing  this  about  was  not  specified 
in  the  law,  but  the  time  for  resumption  was  fixed  and  the 
means  provided  for  accumulating  coin  for  that  purpose  were 
ample. 

By  the  resumption  act  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  re 
quired  to  redeem  legal  tender  notes  to  the  amount  of  eighty  per 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  495 

centum  of  the  sum  of  national  bank  notes  issued,  and  to  con 
tinue  such  redemption,  as  circulating  notes  were  issued,  until 
there  was  outstanding  the  sum  of  $300,000,000  of  such  legal 
tender  United  States  notes,  and  no  more. 

By  the  same  act  it  was  provided  that,  on  and  after  the  1st 
day  of  January,  1879,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  should  re 
deem,  in  coin,  the  United  States  legal  tender  notes  then  out 
standing,  on  their  presentation  for  redemption  at  the  office  of 
the  assistant  treasurer  of  the  United  States,  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  in  sums  of  not  less  than  fifty  dollars.  "And,"  it  contin 
ued,  "to  enable  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  prepare  and 
provide  for  the  redemption  in  this  act  authorized  or  required, 
he  is  authorized  to  use  any  surplus  revenues,  from  time  to 
time,  in  the  treasury,  not  otherwise  appropriated,  and  to  issue, 
sell,  and  dispose  of,  at  not  less  than  par,  in  coin,  either  of  the 
descriptions  of  bonds,  of  the  United  States,  described  in  the  act 
of  Congress  approved  July  14,  1870,  entitled  'An  act  to  author 
ize  the  refunding  of  the  national  debt/  with  like  qualities, 
privileges,  and  exemptions,  to  the  extent  necessary  to  carry 
this  act  into  full  effect,  and  to  use  the  proceeds  thereof  for 
the  purposes  aforesaid." 

In  obedience  to  this  provision  I  had  sold  at  par,  for  coin, 
$15,000,000  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds,  or  $5,000,000  during 
each  of  the  months  of  May,  June  and  July,  and  $25,000,000  at 
par,  in  coin,  of  four  per  cent,  bonds,  or  $5,000,000  for  each  of 
the  months  of  August,  September,  October,  November  and  De 
cember.  Of  the  coin  thus  received  $4,000,000  had  been  sold 
for  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes,  and  the  residue  was 
in  the  treasury.  The  surplus  revenue  had  also,  under  the  same 
authority,  been  applied  to  the  redemption  of  the  residue  of 
United  States  notes,  not  redeemed  by  the  sale  of  coin,  and  the 
balance  was  held  in  the  treasury  in  preparation  for  resumption. 

These  operations,  aided  greatly,  no  doubt,  by  the  favorable 
condition  of  our  foreign  commerce,  had  advanced  the  market 
value  of  United  States  notes  to  ninety-seven  and  three-eighths 
per  cent.,  or  within  nearly  two  and  a  half  per  cent,  of  coin. 
They  had  also  conclusively  demonstrated  the  practicability  of 
restoring  United  States  notes  to  par,  in  coin,  by  the  time  fixed 


496  RECOLLECTIONS 

by  law,  and  that  without  disturbing  either  domestic  or  foreign 
trade  or  commerce.  Every  step  had  been  accompanied  with 
growing  business,  with  the  advance  of  public  credit,  and  the 
steady  appreciation  of  United  States  notes.  The  export  of  bul 
lion  had  been  arrested,  and  our  domestic  supply  had  accumu 
lated  in  the  treasury.  The  exportation  of  other  domestic  prod 
ucts  had  been  largely  increased,  with  great  ?dvantage  to  all 
industries.  I  said  the  course  adopted  under  the  resumption 
act,  if  pursued,  would  probably  be  followed  with  like  favorable 
results,  and  a  sufficient  fund  for  the  maintenance  of  resump 
tion  would  doubtless  accumulate  in  the  treasury  at  or  before 
the  date  fixed  by  law. 

I  strongly  urged  the  firm  maintenance  of  a  policy  that 
would  make  good  the  promise  contained  in  the  United  States 
note  when  issued— a  promise  repeated  in  the  act  "To 
strengthen  the  public  credit,"  approved  March  18,  1869,  and 
made  definite  and  effective  by  the  resumption  act,  and  asserted 
that  dishonored  notes,  less  valuable  than  the  coin  they  promise, 
though  justified  by  the  necessity  which  led  to  their  issue, 
should  be  made  good  as  soon  as  practicable ;  that  the  public 
credit  was  injured  by  failure  to  redeem  them;  that  every 
holder  who  was  compelled  by  law  to  receive  them  was  de 
prived  of  a  part  of  his  just  due ;  that  our  national  resources 
being  ample,  the  process  of  appreciation  being  almost  com 
plete,  and  the  wisdom  of  the  law  having  been  demonstrated, 
it  was  the  dictate  of  good  policy  and  good  faith  to  continue 
the  process  of  preparation,  so  that,  at  or  before  the  time  fixed 
by  law,  every  United  States  note  would  have  equal  purchas 
ing  power  with  coin;  that  to  reverse  this  policy  in  the  face 
of  assured  success  would  greatly  impair  the  public  credit,  arrest 
the  process  of  reducing  the  interest  on  the  public  debt,  and 
cause  anew  the  financial  distress  our  country  had  recently 
suffered. 

The  first  section  of  the  resumption  act  plainly  provided  for 
the  permanent  substitution  of  silver  coin  for  the  whole  amount 
of  fractional  currency  outstanding.  Section  3  directed  the 
permanent  reduction  of  United  States  notes  to  an  amount 
not  exceeding  $300,000,000.  No  distinct  legislative  declaration 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  497 

was  made  in  the  resumption  act  that  notes  redeemed  after 
that  limit  was  reached  should  not  be  reissued;  but  section 
3579  of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States  provided  that 
"when  any  United  States  notes  are  returned  to  the  treasury 
they  may  be  reissued,  from  time  to  time,  as  the  exigencies  of 
the  public  interest  may  require." 

I  expressed  in  my  report  the  opinion  that,  under  this  sec 
tion,  notes,  when  redeemed  after  the  1st  of  January,  1879,  if 
the  amount  outstanding  was  not  in  excess  of  $300,000,000, 
might  be  reissued  as  the  exigencies  of  the  public  service  re 
quired.  A  note  redeemed  with  coin  was  in  the  treasury  and 
subject  to  the  same  law  as  if  received  for  taxes,  or  as  a  bank 
note,  when  redeemed  by  the  corporation  issuing  it.  The  au 
thority  to  reissue  it  did  not  depend  upon  the  mode  in  which  it 
was  returned  to  the  treasury.  But  this  construction  was  con 
troverted,  and  I  thought  should  be  settled  by  distinct  provisions 
of  law.  It  should  not  be  open  to  doubt  or  dispute.  The  deci 
sion  of  this  question  by  Congress  would  involve  not  merely  the 
construction  of  existing  law,  but  the  public  policy  of  maintain 
ing  in  circulation  United  States  notes,  either  with  or  without 
the  legal  tender  clause.  These  notes  were  of  great  public  con 
venience — they  circulated  readily;  were  of  universal  credit; 
were  a  debt  of  the  people  without  interest ;  were  protected  by 
every  possible  safeguard  against  counterfeiting ;  and,  when  re 
deemable  in  coin  at  the  demand  of  the  holder,  formed  a  paper 
currency  as  good  as  had  yet  been  devised. 

It  was  conceded,  I  said,  that  a  certain  amount  could,  with 
the  aid  of  an  ample  reserve  in  coin,  be  always  maintained  in 
circulation.  Should  not  the  benefit  of  this  circulation  inure  to 
the  people,  rather  than  to  corporations,  either  state  or  national  ? 
The  government  had  ample  facility  for  the  collection,  custody, 
and  care  of  the  coin  reserves  of  the  country.  It  was  a  safer 
custodian  of  such  reserves  than  a  multitude  of  scattered  banks 
would  be.  The  authority  to  issue  circulating  notes  by  banks 
was  not  given  to  the  banks  for  their  benefit,  but  for  the  public 
convenience,  and  to  enable  them  to  meet  the  ebb  and  flow  of 
currency  caused  by  varying  crops,  productions,  and  seasons. 
It  was  indispensable  that  a  power  should  exist  somewhere  to 

S.— 32 


498  RECOLLECTIONS 

issue  and  loan  credit  money  at  certain  times,  and  to  redeem  it 
at  others.  This  function  could  be  performed  better  by  cor 
porations  than  by  the  government.  The  government  could 
not  loan  money,  deal  in  bills  of  exchange,  or  make  advances 
on  property. 

I  expressed  the  opinion,  that  the  best  currency  for  the  people 
of  the  United  States  would  be  a  carefully-limited  amount  of 
United  States  notes,  promptly  redeemable,  on  presentation  in 
coin,  supported  by  ample  reserves  of  coin,  and  supplemented 
by  a  system  of  national  banks,  organized  under  general  laws, 
free  and  open  to  all,  with  power  to  issue  circulating  notes 
secured  by  United  States  bonds,  deposited  with  the  government 
and  redeemable  on  demand  in  United  States  notes  or  coin. 
Such  a  system  would  secure  to  the  people  a  safe  currency  of 
equal  value  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  receivable  for  all  dues, 
and  easily  convertible  into  coin.  Interest  could  thus  be  saved 
on  so  much  of  the  public  debt  as  could  be  conveniently  main 
tained  in  permanent  circulation,  leaving  to  national  banks  the 
proper  business  of  such  corporations,  of  providing  currency  for 
the  varying  changes,  the  ebb  and  flow  of  trade. 

I  said  that  the  legal  tender  quality  given  to  United  States 
notes  was  intended  to  maintain  them  in  forced  circulation  at  a 
time  when  their  depreciation  was  inevitable.  When  they  were 
redeemable  in  coin  this  quality  might  either  be  withdrawn  or 
retained,  without  affecting  their  use  as  currency  in  ordinary 
times.  But  all  experience  had  shown  that  there  were  periods 
when,  under  any  system  of  paper  money,  however  carefully 
guarded,  it  was  impracticable  to  maintain  actual  coin  redemp 
tion.  Usually  contracts  would  be  based  upon  current  paper 
money,  and  it  was  just  that,  during  a  sudden  panic,  or  an  un 
reasonable  demand  for  coin,  the  creditor  should  not  be  allowed 
to  demand  payment  in  other  than  the  currency  upon  which 
the  debt  was  contracted.  To  meet  this  contingency,  it  would 
seem  to  be  right  to  maintain  the  legal  tender  quality  of  the 
United  States  notes.  If  they  were  not  at  par  with  coin  it  was 
the  fault  of  the  government  and  not  of  the  debtor,  or,  rather,  it 
was  the  result  of  unforeseen  stringency  not  contemplated  by 
the  contracting  parties. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  499 

In  establishing  a  system  of  paper  money,  designed  to  be  per 
manent,  I  said  it  should  be  remembered  that  theretofore  no  ex 
pedient  had  been  devised,  either  in  this  or  other  countries,  that 
in  times  of  panic  or  adverse  trade  had  prevented  the  drain  and 
exhaustion  of  coin  reserves,  however  large  or  carefully  guarded. 
Every  such  system  must  provide  for  a  suspension  of  specie 
payment.  Laws  might  forbid  or  ignore  such  a  contingency,  but 
it  would  come ;  and  when  it  came  it  could  not  be  resisted,  but 
had  to  be  acknowledged  and  declared,  to  prevent  unnecessary 
sacrifice  and  ruin.  In  our  free  government  the  power  to  make 
this  declaration  would  not  be  willingly  intrusted  to  individuals, 
but  should  be  determined  by  events  and  conditions  known  to 
all.  It  would  be  far  better  to  fix  the  maximum  of  legal  tender 
notes  at  $300,000,000,  supported  by  a  minimum  reserve  of 
$100,000,000,  of  coin,  only  to  be  used  for  the  redemption  of 
notes,  not  to  be  reissued  until  the  reserve  was  restored.  A  de 
mand  for  coin  to  exhaust  such  a  reserve  might  not  occur,  but,  if 
events  should  force  it,  the  fact  would  be  known  and  could  be  de 
clared,  and  would  justify  a  temporary  suspension  of  specie  pay 
ments.  Some  such  expedient  could,  no  doubt,  be  provided  by 
Congress  for  an  exceptional  emergency.  In  other  times  the 
general  confidence  in  these  notes  would  maintain  them  at  par 
in  coin,  and  justify  their  use  as  reserves  of  banks  and  for  the 
redemption  of  bank  notes. 

As  to  the  fractional  currency  I  said  the  resumption  act 
provided  for  the  exchange  and  substitution  of  silver  coin 
for  such  currency.  To  facilitate  this  exchange,  the  joint 
resolution,  approved  July  22,  1876,  provided  that  such  coin 
should  be  issued  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  $10,000,000, 
for  an  equal  amount  of  legal  tender  notes.  It  also  pro 
vided  that  the  aggregate  amount  of  such  coin  and  fractional 
currency  outstanding  should  not  exceed,  at  any  time,  $50,000,- 
000.  That  limit  would  have  been  reached  if  the  whole  amount 
of  fractional  currency  issued  and  not  redeemed,  had  been  held 
to  be  "outstanding."  It  was  well  known,  however,  that  a  very 
large  amount  of  fractional  currency  issued  had  been  destroyed, 
and  could  not  be  presented  for  redemption,  and  could  hardly 
be  held  to  be  "outstanding."  The  Treasurer  of  the  United 


500  RECOLLECTIONS 

States,  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency,  and  the  Director  of 
the  Mint  concurred  in  estimating  the  amount,  so  lost  and  de 
stroyed,  to  be  not  less  than  $8,083,513. 

As  it  was  evident  that  Congress  intended  to  provide  an 
aggregate  issue  of  $50,000,000  of  such  coin  and  currency  in  cir 
culation,  I  directed  the  further  issue  of  silver  coin,  equal  in 
amount  to  the  currency  estimated  to  have  been  lost  and 
destroyed. 

I  recommended  that  the  limitation  upon  the  amount  of  such 
fractional  coin,  to  be  issued  in  exchange  for  United  States  notes, 
be  repealed.  This  coin  was  readily  taken,  was  in  great  favor 
with  the  people,  its  issue  was  profitable  to  the  government,  and 
experience  had  shown  that  there  was  no  difficulty  in  maintain 
ing  it  at  par  with  United  States  notes.  The  estimated  amount 
of  such  coin  in  circulation  in  the  United  States  in  1860,  at  par 
with  gold,  was  $43,000,000.  Great  Britain,  with  a  population 
of  32,000,000,  maintained  an  inferior  fractional  coin  to  the 
amount  of  $92,463,500,  at  par  with  gold,  and  other  nations 
maintained  a  much  larger  per  capita  amount.  The  true  limit 
of  such  coin  was  the  demand  that  might  be  made  for  its  issue, 
and  if  only  issued  in  exchange  for  United  States  notes  there 
was  no  danger  of  an  excess  being  issued. 

By  the  coinage  act  of  1873,  any  person  might  deposit  silver 
bullion  at  the  mint  to  be  coined  into  trade  dollars  of  the  weight 
of  420  grains,  troy,  upon  the  payment  of  the  cost  of  coinage. 
This  provision  had  been  made  at  a  time  when  such  a  dollar, 
worth  in  the  market  $1.02^  in  gold,  was  designed  for  the  use 
of  trade  in  China,  where  silver  was  the  only  standard.  By  the 
joint  resolution  of  July  22,  1876,  passed  when  the  trade  dollar 
in  market  value,  had  fallen  greatly  below  one  dollar  in  gold,  it 
was  provided  that  it  should  not  be  thereafter  a  legal  tender, 
and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  authorized  "  to  limit  the 
coinage  thereof  to  such  an  amount  as  he  may  deem  sufficient 
to  meet  the  export  demand  for  the  same."  Under  these  laws 
the  amount  of  trade  dollars  issued,  mainly  for  exportation,  was 
$30,710,400. 

In  October,  1877,  it  became  apparent  that  there  was  no 
further  export  demand  for  trade  dollars,  but  deposits  of  silver 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  501 

bullion  were  made,  and  such  dollars  were  demanded  of  the 
mint  for  circulation  in  the  United  States,  that  the  owner  might 
secure  the  difference  between  the  value  of  such  bullion  in  the 
market  and  United  States  notes.  At  the  time  the  mints  were 
fully  occupied  by  the  issue  of  fractional,  and  other  coins,  on  ac 
count  of  the  government.  Therefore,  under  the  authority  of  the 
law  of  1876  referred  to,  I  directed  that  no  further  issues  of  trade 
dollars  be  made  until  necessary  again  to  meet  an  export  de 
mand.  In  case  another  silver  dollar  was  authorized,  I  recom 
mended  that  the  trade  dollar  be  discontinued. 

The  question  of  the  issue  of  a  silver  dollar  for  circulation  as 
money  had,  previous  to  my  report,  been  discussed  and  care 
fully  examined  by  a  commission  organized  by  Congress,  which 
had  recommended  the  coinage  of  the  old  silver  dollar.  With 
such  legislative  provision  as  would  maintain  its  current  value 
at  par  with  gold,  its  issue  was  recommended  by  me.  I  thought 
a  gold  coin  of  the  denomination  of  one  dollar  was  too  small 
for  convenient  circulation,  wrhile  such  a  coin  in  silver  would  be 
convenient  for  a  multitude  of  daily  transactions,  and  in  a  form 
to  satisfy  the  natural  instinct  of  hoarding. 

I  discussed  the  silver  question  at  some  length  and  said  that 
of  the  metals,  silver  was  of  the  most  general  use  for  coin 
age.  It  was  a  part  of  every  system  of  coinage,  even  in  countries 
where  gold  was  the  sole  legal  standard.  It  best  measured  the 
common  wants  of  life,  but,  from  its  weight  and  bulk,  was  not  a 
convenient  medium  in  the  larger  exchanges  of  commerce.  Its 
production  was  reasonably  steady  in  amount.  The  relative 
market  value  of  silver  and  gold  was  far  more  stable  than  that 
of  any  other  two  commodities — still,  it  did  vary.  It  was  not  in 
the  power  of  human  law  to  prevent  the  variation.  This  inher 
ent  difficulty  had  compelled  all  nations  to  adopt  one  or  the 
other  as  the  sole  standard  of  value,  or  to  authorize  an  alterna 
tive  standard  of  the  cheaper  coin,  or  to  coin  both  metals  at  an 
arbitrary  standard,  and  to  maintain  one  at  par  with  the  other 
by  limiting  the  amount  and  legal  tender  quality  of  the  cheaper 
coin,  and  receiving  or  redeeming  it  at  par  with  the  other. 

It  had  been  the  careful  study  of  statesmen  for  many  years 
to  secure  a  bimetallic  currency  not  subject  to  the  changes  of 


502  RECOLLECTIONS 

market  value,  and  so  adjusted  that  both  kinds  could  be  kept  in 
circulation  together,  not  alternating  with  each  other.  The 
growing  tendency  had  been  to  adopt,  for  coins,  the  principle  of 
"  redeemability "  applied  to  different  forms  of  paper  money. 
By  limiting  tokens,  silver,  and  paper  money,  to  the  amount 
needed  for  business,  and  promptly  receiving  or  redeeming  all 
that  might  at  any  time  be  in  excess,  all  these  forms  of  money 
could  be  kept  in  circulation,  in  large  amounts,  at  par  with  gold. 
In  this  way,  tokens  of  inferior  intrinsic  value  were  readily  cir 
culated,  and  did  not  depreciate  below  the  paper  money  into 
which  they  were  convertible.  The  fractional  coin  then  in  cir 
culation,  though  the  silver  of  which  it  was  composed  was  of 
less  market  value  than  the  paper  money,  passed  readily  among 
all  classes  of  people  and  answered  all  the  purposes  for  which  it 
was  designed.  And  so  the  silver  dollar,  if  restored  to  our  coin 
age,  would  greatly  add  to  the  convenience  of  the  people.  But 
this  coin  should  be  subject  to  the  same  rule,  as  to  issue  and 
convertibility,  as  other  forms  of  money.  If  the  market  value 
of  the  silver  in  it  was  less  than  that  of  gold  coin  of  the  same 
denomination,  and  it  was  issued  in  unlimited  quantities,  and 
made  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  it  would  demonetize  gold  and 
depreciate  our  paper  money. 

The  importance  of  gold  as  the  standard  of  value  was  con 
ceded  by  all.  Since  1834,  it  had  been  practically  the  sole  coin 
standard  of  the  United  States,  and,  since  1815,  had  been  the  sole 
standard  of  Great  Britain.  Germany  had  recently  adopted  the 
same  standard.  France,  and  other  Latin  nations,  had  suspended 
the  coinage  of  silver,  and,  it  was  supposed,  would  gradually 
either  adopt  the  sole  standard  of  gold,  or  provide  for  the  con 
vertibility  of  silver  coin,  on  the  demand  of  the  holder,  into  gold 
coin. 

In  the  United  States,  several  experiments  had  been  made 
with  the  view  of  retaining  both  gold  and  silver  in  circulation. 
The  2nd  Congress  undertook  to  establish  the  ratio  of  fifteen 
of  silver  to  one  of  gold,  with  free  coinage  of  both  metals.  By 
this  ratio  gold  was  under-valued,  as  one  ounce  of  gold  was 
worth  more  in  the  markets  of  the  world  than  fifteen  ounces  of 
silver,  and  gold,  therefore,  was  exported.  To  correct  this,  in 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  503 

1837,  the  ratio  was  fixed  at  sixteen  to  one,  but  sixteen  ounces  of 
silver  were  worth,  in  the  market,  more  than  one  ounce  of  gold, 
so  that  silver  was  demonetized. 

These  difficulties  in  the  adjustment  of  gold  and  silver  coin 
age  had  been  fully  considered  by  Congress,  prior  to  the  passage 
of  the  act  approved  February  21,  1853.  By  that  act  a  new,  and 
it  was  believed  a  permanent,  policy  was  adopted  to  secure  the 
simultaneous  circulation  of  both  silver  and  gold  coins  in  the 
United  States.  Silver  fractional  coins  were  provided  for  at  a 
ratio  of  14.88  in  silver  to  one  in  gold,  and  were  only  issued  in 
exchange  for  gold  coin.  The  right  of  private  parties  to  deposit 
silver  bullion  for  such  coinage  was  repealed,  and  these  coins 
were  issued  from  bullion  purchased  by  the  Treasurer  of  the 
Mint,  and  only  upon  the  account,  and  for  the  profit,  of  the 
United  States.  The  coin  was  a  legal  tender  only  in  payment 
of  debts  for  all  sums  not  exceeding  five  dollars.  Though  the 
silver  in  this  coin  was  then  worth  in  the  market  3.13  cents  on 
the  dollar  less  than  gold  coin,  yet  its  convenience  for  use  as 
change,  its  issue  by  the  government  only  in  exchange  for,  and 
its  practical  convertibility  into,  gold  coin,  maintained  it  in  cir 
culation  at  par  with  gold  coin.  If  the  slight  error  in  the  ratio 
of  1792  prevented  gold  from  entering  into  circulation  for  forty- 
five  years,  and  the  slight  error  in  1837  brought  gold  into  circu 
lation  and  banished  silver  until  1853,  how  much  more  certainly 
would  an  error  then  of  nine  per  cent,  cause  gold  to  be  exported 
and  silver  to  become  the  sole  standard  of  value?  Was  it  worth 
while  to  travel  again  the  round  of  errors,  when  experience  had 
demonstrated  that  both  metals  could  only  be  maintained  in 
circulation  together  by  adhering  to  the  policy  of  1853  ? 

The  silver  dollar  was  not  mentioned  in  the  act  of  1853,  but 
from  1792  until  1874  it  was  worth  more  in  the  market  than  the 
gold  dollar  provided  for  in  the  act  of  1837.  It  was  not  a  cur 
rent  coin  contemplated  as  being  in  circulation  at  the  passage 
of  the  act  of  February  12,  1873.  The  whole  amount  of  such 
dollars,  issued  prior  to  1853,  was  $2,553,000.  Subsequent  to 
1853,  and  until  it  was  dropped  from  our  coinage  in  1873,  the 
total  amount  issued  was  $5,492,838,  and  this  was  almost  exclu 
sively  for  exportation. 


504  RECOLLECTIONS 

By  the  coinage  act  approved  February  12,  1873,  fractional 
silver  coins  were  authorized,  similar  in  general  character  to 
the  coins  of  1853,  but  with  a  slight  increase  of  silver  in  them, 
to  make  them  conform  exactly  to  the  French  coinage,  and  the 
old  dollar  was  replaced  by  the  trade  dollar  of  420  grains  of 
standard  silver. 

Much  complaint  had  been  made  that  this  was  done  with  the 
design  of  depriving  the  people  of  the  privilege  of  paying  their 
debts  in  a  cheaper  money  than  gold,  but  it  was  manifest  that 
this  was  an  error.  No  one  then  did  or  could  foresee  the  subse 
quent  fall  in  the  market  value  of  silver.  The  silver  dollar  was 
an  unknown  coin  to  the  people,  and  was  not  in  circulation  even 
on  the  Pacific  slope,  where  coin  was  in  common  use.  The 
trade  dollar  of  420  grains  was  substituted  for  the  silver  dollar 
of  41 2|  grains  because  it  was  believed  that  it  was  better 
adapted  to  supersede  the  Mexican  dollar  in  the  Chinese  trade, 
and  experiment  proved  this  to  be  true.  Since  the  trade  dollar 
was  authorized  $30,710,400  had  been  issued,  or  nearly  four  times 
the  entire  issue  of  old  silver  dollars  since  the  foundation  of  the 
government.  Had  not  the  coinage  act  of  1873  passed,  the 
United  States  would  have  been  compelled  to  suspend  the  free 
coinage  of  silver  dollars,  as  the  Latin  nations  were,  or  to 
accept  silver  as  the  sole  coin  standard  of  value. 

Since  February,  1873,  great  changes  had  occurred  in  the 
market  value  of  silver.  Prior  to  that  time  the  silver  in  the  old 
dollar  was  worth  more  than  a  gold  dollar,  while  it  was  worth 
then,  in  1877,  about  92  cents.  If  by  law  any  holder  of  silver 
bullion  might  deposit  it  in  the  mint  and  demand  a  full  legal 
tender  dollar  for  every  41 2|  grains  of  standard  silver  deposited, 
the  result  would  be  inevitable  that  as  soon  as  the  mints  could  sup 
ply  the  demand  the  silver  dollar  would,  by  a  financial  law  as  fixed 
and  invariable  as  the  law  of  gravitation,  become  the  only  stand 
ard  of  value.  All  forms  of  paper  money  would  fall  to  that 
standard  or  below  it,  and  gold  would  be  demonetized  and 
quoted  at  a  premium  equal  to  its  value  in  the  markets  of  the 
world.  For  a  time  the  run  to  deposit  bullion  at  the  mint 
would  give  to  silver  an  artificial  value,  of  which  the  holders 
and  producers  of  silver  bullion  would  have  the  sole  benefit. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  505 

The  utmost  capacity  of  the  mints  would  be  employed  for  years 
to  supply  this  demand  at  the  cost  of,  and  without  profit  to,  the 
people.  The  silver  dollar  would  take  the  place  of  gold  as  rap 
idly  as  coined,  and  be  used  in  the  payment  of  customs  duties, 
causing  an  accumulation  of  such  coins  in  the  treasury.  If  used 
in  paying  the  interest  on  the  public  debt,  the  grave  questions 
then  presented  would  arise  with  public  creditors,  seriously 
affecting  the  public  credit. 

It  had  been  urged  that  the  free  coinage  of  silver  in  the 
United  States  would  restore  its  market  value  to  that  of  gold. 
Market  value  was  fixed  by  the  world,  and  not  by  the  United 
States  alone,  and  was  affected  by  the  whole  mass  of  silver  in 
the  world.  As  the  enormous  and  continuous  demand  for  silver 
in  Asia  had  not  prevented  the  fall  in  silver,  it  was  not  likely 
that  the  limited  demand  for  silver  coin  in  this  country,  where 
paper  money  then  was,  and  would  be,  the  chief  medium  of  ex 
change,  would  cause  any  considerable  advance  in  its  value. 
This  advance,  if  any,  would  be  secured  by  the  demand  for  silver 
bullion  for  coin,  to  be  issued  by  and  for  the  United  States,  as 
well  as  if  it  were  issued  for  the  benefit  of  the  holder  of  the  bul 
lion.  If  the  financial  condition  of  our  country  was  so  grievous 
that  we  must  at  every  hazard  have  a  cheaper  dollar,  in  order  to 
lessen  the  burden  of  debts  already  contracted,  it  would  be  far 
better,  rather  than  to  adopt  the  single  standard  of  silver,  to 
boldly  reduce  the  number  of  grains  in  the  gold  dollar,  or  to 
abandon  and  retrace  all  efforts  to  make  United  States  notes 
equal  to  coin.  Either  expedient  would  do  greater  harm  to  the 
public  at  large  than  any  possible  benefit  to  debtors. 

The  free  coinage  of  silver  would  also  impair  the  pledge 
made  of  the  customs  duties,  by  the  act  of  February,  1862,  for 
payment  of  the  interest  of  the  public  debt.  The  policy  adhered 
to  of  collecting  these  duties  in  gold  coin,  had  been  the  chief 
cause  of  upholding  and  advancing  the  public  credit,  and  mak 
ing  it  possible  to  lessen  the  burden  of  interest  by  the  process  of 
refunding. 

In  view  of  these  considerations,  I  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to 
earnestly  urge  upon  Congress  the  serious  objections  to  the  free 
coinage  of  silver  on  such  conditions  as  would  demonetize  gold, 


506  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

greatly  disturb  all  the  financial  operations  of  the  government, 
suddenly  revolutionize  the  basis  of  our  currency,  throw  upon 
the  government  the  increased  cost  of  coinage,  arrest  the  re 
funding  of  the  public  debt,  and  impair  the  public  credit,  with 
no  apparent  advantage  to  the  people  at  large. 

I  believed  that  all  the  beneficial  results  hoped  for  from  a 
liberal  issue  of  silver  coin  could  be  secured  by  issuing  this  coin, 
in  pursuance  of  the  general  policy  of  the  act  of  1858,  in  ex 
change  for  United  States  notes,  coined  from  bullion  purchased 
in  the  open  market  by  the  United  States,  and  by  maintaining  it 
by  redemption,  or  otherwise,  at  par  with  gold  coin.  It  could  be 
made  a  legal  tender  for  such  sums  and  on  such  contracts  as 
would  secure  to  it  the  most  general  circulation.  It  could  be 
easily  redeemed  in  United  States  notes  and  gold  coin,  and 
only  reissued  when  demanded  for  public  convenience.  If  the 
essential  quality  of  redeemability  given  to  the  United  States 
notes,  bank  bills,  tokens,  fractional  coins  and  currency,  main 
tained  them  at  par,  how  much  easier  it  would  be  to  maintain 
the  silver  dollar,  of  intrinsic  market  value  nearly  equal  to 
gold,  at  par  with  gold  coin,  by  giving  to  it  the  like  quality  of 
redeemability.  To  still  further  secure  a  fixed  relative  value  of 
silver  and  gold,  the  United  States  might  invite  an  international 
convention  of  commercial  nations.  Even  such  a  convention, 
while  it  might  check  the  fall  of  silver,  could  not  prevent  the 
operation  of  that  higher  law  which  places  the  market  value  of 
silver  above  human  control.  Issued  upon  the  conditions  stated, 
I  was  of  opinion  that  the  silver  dollar  would  be  a  great  public 
advantage,  but  that  if  issued  without  limit,  upon  the  demand 
of  the  owners  of  silver  bullion,  it  would  be  a  great  public 
injury. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 
ENACTMENT  OF  THE  BLAND-ALLISON  SILVER  LAW. 

Amendments  to  the  Act  Keported  by  the  Committee  on  Finance— Revival  of  a  Letter 
Written  by  Me  in  1868  — Explained  in  a  Letter  to  Justin  S.  Morrill  Ten  Years 
Later— Text  of  the  Bland  Silver  Bill  as  Amended  by  the  Senate  and  Agreed 
to  by  the  House— Vetoed  by  President  Hayes  — Becomes  a  Law  Notwith 
standing  His  Objections  — I  Decide  to  Terminate  the  Existing  Con 
tract  with    the  Syndicate— Subscriptions  Invited  for  Four  per 
Cent.  Bonds  —  Preparations  for  Resumption — Interviews  with 
Committees  of  Both  Houses  —  Condition  of  the  Bank  of 
England  as  Compared  with  the  United  States  Treas 
ury — Mr.  Buckner  Changes  His  Views  Somewhat. 

THE  President's  message  supported  and  strengthened  the 
position  taken  by  me  both  in  favor  of  the  policy  of 
resumption  and  against  the  free  coinage  of  silver  pro 
vided  for  in  the  Bland  bill.     The  comments  in  the  pub 
lic  press,  both  in  the  United  States  and  in  Europe,  generally 
sustained  the  position  taken  by  the  President  and  myself.     I 
soon  had  assurances  that  the  Bland  bill  would  not  pass  the 
Senate  without  radical   changes.     Even  the  House  of  Kepre- 
sentatives,  so  recently  eager  to  repeal  the  resumption  act,  and 
so  hasty  and  united  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  had  become 
more  conservative  and  would  not  have  favored  either  measure 
without  material  changes.     I  conversed  with  Mr.  Allison  and 
wrote  him  the  following  letter : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  December  10,  1877. 
HON.  W.  B.  ALLISON,  U.  S.  Senate. 

DEAR  SIR: — Permit  me  to  make  an  earnest  appeal  to  you  to  so  amend 
the  silver,  bill  that  it  will  not  arrest  the  refunding  of  our  debt  or  prevent  the 
sale  of  our  four  per  cent,  bonds.  I  know  that  upon  you  must  mainly  rest 
the  responsibility  of  this  measure,  and  I  believe  that  you  would  not  do  any 
thing  that  you  did  not  think  would  advance  the  public  service,  whatever 
pressure  might  be  brought  to  bear  upon  you. 

It  is  now  perfectly  certain  that  unless  the  customs  duties  and  the  public 
debt— at  least  so  much  of  it  as  was  issued  since  February,  1873- — are  ex- 
cepted,  we  cannot  sell  the  bonds.  The  shock  to  our  credit  will  bring  back 

(507) 


508  RECOLLECTIONS 

from  abroad  United  States  bonds,  and  our  people  will  then  have  a  chance  to 
buy  the  existing  bonds  and  we  cannot  sell  the  four  per  cent,  bonds.  This  will 
be  a  grievous  loss  and  damage  to  the  administration  and  to  our  party,  for  which 
we  must  be  held  responsible.  You  know  I  have  been  as  much  in  favor  of 
the  silver  dollar  as  anyone,  but  if  it  is  to  be  used  to  raise  these  difficult 
questions  with  public  creditors,  it  will  be  an  unmixed  evil. 

I  wish  I  could  impress  you  as  I  feel  about  this  matter,  and  I  know  you 
would  then  share  in  the  responsibility,  if  there  is  any,  in  so  amending  this 
bill  that  we  can  have  all  that  is  good  out  of  it  without  the  sure  evil  that  may 
come  from  it  if  it  arrests  our  funding  and  resumption  operations. 

With  much  respect,  yours,  etc. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  amendments  to  the  Bland  bill  reported  by  Mr.  Allison 
from  the  committee  on  finance,  completely  revolutionized  that 
measure.  The  Senate  committee  proposed  to  strike  out  these 
words  in  the  House  bill : 

"And  any  owner  of  silver  bullion  may  deposit  the  same  at  any  coinage 
mint  or  assay  office,  to  be  coined  into  such  dollars,  for  his  benefit,  upon  the 
same  terms  and  conditions  as  gold  bullion  is  deposited  for  coinage  under 
existing  laws." 

And  to  insert  the  following : 

"And  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  authorized  and  directed,  out  of 
any  money  in  the  treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated,  to  purchase,  from  time 
to  time,  at  the  market  price  thereof,  not  less  than  $2,000,000  per  month,  nor 
more  than  $4,000,000  per  month,  and  cause  the  same  to  be  coined  into  such 
dollars.  And  any  gain  or  seigniorage  arising  from  this  coinage  shall  be 
accounted  for  and  paid  into  the  treasury,  as  provided  under  existing  laws 
relative  to  the  subsidiary  coinage  :  Provided,  that  the  amount  of  money  at 
any  one  time  invested  in  such  silver  bullion,  exclusive  of  such  resulting  coin, 
shall  not  exceed  $5,000,000." 

These  amendments  were  agreed  to. 

Sections  two  and  three  of  the  bill  were  added  by  the  Sen 
ate.  The  bill,  as  amended,  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives,  and  the  Senate  amendments  were  agreed  to.  The 
bill  as  amended  was  as  follows : 

AN  ACT  TO  AUTHORIZE  THE  COINAGE  OF  THE  STANDARD  SILVER 
DOLLAR,  AND  TO  RESTORE  ITS  LEGAL  TENDER  CHARACTER. 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  there  shall  be  coined,  at  the 
several  mints  of  the  United  States,  silver  dollars  of  the  weight  of  four 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  509 

hundred  and  twelve  and  a  half  grains  troy  of  standard  silver,  as  provided  in  the 
act  of  January  eighteenth,  eighteen  hundred  thirty-seven,  on  which  shall  be 
the  devices  and  superscriptions  provided  by  said  act ;  which  coins,  together 
with  all  silver  dollars  heretofore  coined  by  the  United  States,  of  like  weight 
and  fineness,  shall  be  a  legal  tender,  at  their  nominal  value,  for  all  debts  and 
dues,  public  and  private,  except  where  otherwise  expressly  stipulated  in  the 
contract.  And  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  authorized  and  directed  to 
purchase,  from  time  to  time,  silver  bullion,  at  the  market  price  thereof,  not 
less  than  two  million  dollars  worth  per  month,  nor  more  than  four  million 
dollars  worth  per  month,  and  cause  the  same  to  be  coined  monthly,  as  fast  as 
so  purchased,  into  such  dollars ;  and  a  sum  sufficient  to  carry  out  the  fore 
going  provision  of  this  act  is  hereby  appropriated  out  of  any  money  in  the 
treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated.  And  any  gain  or  seigniorage  arising 
from  this  coinage  shall  be  accounted  for  and  paid  into  the  treasury,  as  pro 
vided  under  existing  laws  relative  to  the  subsidiary  coinage  :  Provided, 
That  the  amount  of  money  at  any  one  time  invested  in  such  silver  bullion, 
exclusive  of  such  resulting  coin,  shall  not  exceed  five  million  dollars  :  And 
provided  further,  That  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  construed  to  authorize 
the  payment  in  silver  of  certificates  of  deposit  issued  under  the  provisions  of 
section  two  hundred  and  fifty-four  of  the  Revised  Statutes. 

"  SEC.  2.  That  immediately  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  the  President 
shall  invite  the  governments  of  the  countries  composing  the  Latin  Union, 
so-called,  and  of  such  other  European  nations  as  he  may  deem  advisable,  to 
join  the  United  States  in  a  conference  to  adopt  a  common  ratio  between 
gold  and  silver,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing,  internationally,  the  use  of 
bimetallic  money,  and  securing  fixity  of  relative  value  between  those  met 
als  ;  such  conference  to  be  held  at  such  place,  in  Europe  or  in  the  United 
States,  at  such  time  within  six  months,  as  may  be  mutually  agreed  upon  by 
the  executives  of  the  governments  joining  in  the  same,  whenever  the  gov 
ernments  so  invited,  or  any  three  of  them,  shall  have  signified  their  willing 
ness  to  unite  in  the  same. 

"  The  President  shall,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
appoint  three  commissioners,  who  shall  attend  such  conference  on  behalf  of 
the  United  States,  and  shall  report  the  doings  thereof  to  the  President,  who 
shall  transmit  the  same  to  Congress. 

"Said  commissioners  shall  each  receive  the  sum  of  two  thousand  five 
hundred  dollars  and  their  reasonable  expenses,  to  be  approved  by  the  Sec 
retary  of  State  ;  and  the  amount  necessary  to  pay  such  compensation  and 
expenses  is  hereby  appropriated  out  of  any  money  in  the  treasury  not  other 
wise  appropriated. 

"  SEC.  3.  That  any  holder  of  the  coin  authorized  by  this  act  may  deposit 
the  same  with  the  treasurer  or  any  assistant  treasurer  of  the  United  States  in 
sums  not  less  than  ten  dollars,  and  receive  therefor  certificates  of  not  less 
than  ten  dollars  each,  corresponding  with  the  denominations  of  the  United 
States  notes.  The  coin  deposited  for  or  representing  the  certificates  shall 


510  RECOLLECTIONS 

be  retained  in  the  treasury  for  the  payment  of  the  same  on  demand.  Said 
certificates  shall  be  receivable  for  customs,  taxes,  and  all  public  dues,  and, 
when  so  received,  may  be  reissued. 

"  SEC.  4.  All  acts  and  parts  of  acts  inconsistent  with  the  provisions  of 
this  act  are  hereby  repealed." 

It  was  sent  to  the  President,  and  was  disapproved  by  him. 
His  veto  message  was  read  in  the  House  on  the  28th  of  Febru 
ary,  and  upon  the  question  whether  the  bill  should  pass,  the 
objections  of  the  President  notwithstanding,  it  was  adopted  by 
a  vote  of  yeas  196,  nays  73.  It  passed  the  Senate  on  the  same 
day,  by  a  vote  of  yeas  46,  nays  19,  and  thus  became  a  law. 

I  did  not  agree  with  the  President  in  his  veto  of  the  bill,  for 
the  radical  changes  made  in  its  terms  in  the  Senate  had  greatly 
changed  its  effect  and  tenor.  The  provisions  authorizing  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  purchase  not  less  than  $2,000,000 
worth  of  silver  bullion  per  month,  at  market  price,  and  to  coin 
it  into  dollars,  placed  the  silver  dollars  upon  the  same  basis  as 
the  subsidiary  coins,  except  that  the  dollar  contained  a  greater 
number  of  grains  of  silver  than  a  dollar  of  the  subsidiary  coins, 
and  was  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts  without  limit  as  to  amount. 
The  provision  that  the  gain  or  seigniorage  arising  from  the  coin 
age  should  be  accounted  for  and  paid  into  the  treasury,  as  under 
the  existing  laws  relative  to  subsidiary  coinage,  seemed  to  re 
move  all  serious  objections  to  the  measure.  In  view  of  the  strong 
public  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  free  coinage  of  the  silver  dol 
lar,  I  thought  it  better  to  make  no  objections  to  the  passage  of 
the  bill,  but  I  did  not  care  to  antagonize  the  wishes  of  the 
President.  He  honestly  believed  that  it  would  greatly  disturb 
the  public  credit  to  make  a  legal  tender  for  all  amounts,  of  a 
dollar,  the  bullion  in  which  was  not  of  equal  commercial  value 
to  the  gold  dollar. 

The  provision  made  directing  the  President  to  invite  the 
governments  of  the  countries  composing  the  Latin  Union,  and 
of  such  other  European  countries  as  he  deemed  advisable,  to 
unite  with  the  United  States  in  adopting  a  common  ratio  be 
tween  gold  and  silver,  has  been  made  the  basis  of  several  con 
ferences  which  have  ended  without  any  practical  result,  and 
the  question  of  the  single  or  double  standard  still  stands  open 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  511 

as  the  great  disturbing  question  of  public  policy,  affecting  alike 
all  commercial  countries. 

While  this  measure  was  pending  in  the  Senate,  a  casual 
letter  written  by  me  ten  years  previously  was  frequently  quoted, 
as  evidence  that  I  was  then  in  favor  of  paying  the  bonds  of 
the  United  States  with  United  States  notes,  at  that  date  at  a 
large  discount  in  coin.  The  letter  is  as  follows : 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,  ) 

WASHINGTON,  March  20,  1868.  J 

DEAR  SIR  : — I  was  pleased  to  receive  your  letter.  My  personal  inter 
ests  are  the  same  as  yours,  but,  like  you,  I  do  not  intend  to  be  influenced  by 
them.  My  construction  of  the  law  is  the  result  of  careful  examination,  and 
I  feel  quite  sure  an  impartial  court  would  confirm  it,  if  the  case  could  be 
tried  before  a  court.  I  send  you  my  views,  as  fully  stated  in  a  speech. 
Your  idea  is  that  we  propose  to  repudiate  or  violate  a  promise  when  we  offer 
to  redeem  the  *  principal '  in  *  legal  tender.'  I  think  the  bondholder  vio 
lates  his  promise  when  he  refuses  to  take  the  same  kind  of  money  he  paid 
for  the  bonds.  If  the  coin  is  to  be  tested  by  the  law,  I  am  right ;  if  it  is  to 
be  tested  by  Jay  Cooke's  advertisements,  I  am  wrong.  I  hate  repudiation,  or 
anything  like  it,  but  we  ought  not  to  be  deterred  from  doing  what  is  right 
by  fear  of  undeserved  epithets.  If,  under  the  law  as  it  stands,  the  holder  of 
the  5-20's  can  only  be  paid  in  gold,  then  we  are  repudiators  if  we  propose  to 
pay  otherwise.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  bondholder  can  legally  demand 
only  the  kind  of  money  he  paid,  he  is  a  repudiator  and  an  extortioner  to  de 
mand  money  more  valuable  than  he  gave.  Yours  truly, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 
HON.  A.  MANN,  JR.,  Brooklyn  Heights. 

On  the  26th  of  March,  1878,  I  wrote  the  following  letter  to 
Senator  Justin  S.  Morrill,  which  was  read  by  him  in  the  de 
bate,  and,  I  think,  was  a  conclusive  answer  to  the  erroneous 
construction  put  upon  my  letter  to  Mann : 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Your  letter  of  the  24th  inst.  is  received.  I  have  no 
ticed  that  my  casual  letter  to  Dr.  Mann,  of  the  date  of  March  20,  1868,  in 
closing  a  speech  made  by  me,  has  been  frequently  used  to  prove  that  I  have 
changed  my  opinion  since  that  time  as  to  the  right  of  the  United  States  to 
pay  the  principal  of  the  5-20  bonds  in  legal  tenders.  This  would  not  be 
very  important,  if  true,  but  it  is  not  true,  as  I  never  have  changed  my  opin 
ion  as  to  the  technical  legal  right  to  redeem  the  principal  of  the  5-20  bonds 
in  legal  tenders,  but,  as  you  know  and  correctly  state,  have  always  insisted 
that  we  could  not  avail  ourselves  of  this  legal  right  until  we  complied,  in  all 
respects,  with  the  legal  and  moral  obligations  imposed  by  the  legal  tender 


512  RECOLLECTIONS 

note,  to  redeem  it  in  coin  on  demand  or  to  restore  the  right  to  convert  it  into 
an  interest-bearing  government  bond.  The  grounds  of  this  opinion  are  very 
fully  stated  in  the  speech  made  February  27,  1868,  referred  to  in  the  letter 
to  Dr.  Mann,  and  in  a  report  on  the  funding  bill  made  by  me  from  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  December  7,  1867. 

If  my  letter  is  taken  in  connection  with  the  speech  which  it  inclosed 
and  to  which  it  expressly  referred,  it  will  be  perceived  that  my  position  there 
is  entirely  consistent  with  what  it  is  now,  and  time  has  proven  that,  if  the  re 
port  of  the  committee  on  finance  had  been  adopted,  we  would  long  since 
have  reached  the  coin  standard,  with  an  enormous  saving  of  interest,  and 
without  impairing  the  public  credit.  My  position  was,  that  while  the  legal 
tender  act  made  United  States  notes  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  private  and 
public,  except  for  customs  duties  and  interest  of  the  public  debt,  yet  we 
could  not  honestly  compel  the  public  creditors  to  receive  United  States 
notes  in  the  payment  of  bonds  until  we  made  good  the  pledge  of  the  public 
faith  to  pay  the  notes  in  coin.  That  promise  was  printed  on  the  face  of  the 
notes  when  issued,  was  repeated  in  several  acts  of  Congress,  and  was  de 
clared  valid  and  obligatory  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

********* 
This  act  is  the  settled  law,  and  whatever  any  man's  opinions  were  before 
it  passed,  he  would  assume  a  grave  responsibility  who  would  seek  to  evade 
its  terms,  weaken  its  authority  or  change  its  provisions.  It  has  entered  into 
every  contract  made  since  that  time.  It  has  passed  the  ordeal  of  four  Con 
gresses  and  two  elections  for  Presidents.  It  cannot  be  revoked  without 
public  dishonor.  So  far  as  the  bondholder  is  concerned,  it  is  an  executed 
law.  Over  $700,000,000  of  bonds  have  been  redeemed  in  coin  under  it,  and 
the  civilized  world  regards  all  the  remainder  as  covered  by  its  sanction,  and 
in  their  faith  in  it  our  securities  have  become  the  second  only  in  the  markets 
of  the  world.  This  law  is  not  yet  quite  executed  so  far  as  the  note  holder  is 
concerned.  His  note  is  not  yet  quite  as  good  as  coin. 

****•#***£ 
The  promise  made  in  1862,  and  so  often  repeated,  is  about  to  be  ful 
filled.  Agitation  on  collateral  questions  may  delay  it,  but  the  obligation  of 
public  faith  written  on  the  face  of  every  United  States  note  and  sacredly 
pledged  by  the  act  to  strengthen  the  public  credit,  will  give  us  neither 
peace  nor  assured  prosperity  until  it  is  fulfilled.  Public  opinion  may 
vibrate,  and  men  and  parties  may  array  themselves  against  the  fulfillment 
of  these  public  promises,  but  in  time  they  will  be  fulfilled,  and  I  think  the 
sooner  the  better.  Pardon  me  for  this  long  answer  to  your  note,  but  I  have 
no  time  to  condense  it. 

Relief  from  the  fear  of  the  enactment  of  the  Bland  bill,  and 
the  limitation  of  the  amount  of  silver  dollars  to  be  coined,  re 
moved  the  great  impediment  to  the  sale  of  four  per  cent,  bonds, 
for  refunding  purposes,  and  the  progress  toward  specie  payments. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  513 

As  already  indicated,  I  had  concluded  to  terminate  the 
existing  contract  with  the  syndicate,  and  to  make  the  sales 
directly  through  national  bank  depositaries,  and  the  treasury 
and  sub-treasuries  of  the  United  States.  I  therefore  gave 
August  Belmont  &  Co.  the  following  notice : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  January  14,  1878. 
MESSRS.  AUGUST  BELMONT  &  Co.,  New  York. 

GENTLEMEN  : — In  compliance  with  the  second  clause  of  the  contract 
between  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  yourselves  and  associates,  of  the 
date  of  June  9,  1877,  for  the  sale  of  four  per  cent,  bonds,  I  give  you  notice 
that  from  and  after  the  26th  day  of  January  instant  that  contract  is  termi 
nated.  It  is  the  desire  of  the  President,  in  which  I  concur,  to  open  subscrip 
tions  in  the  United  States  to  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  in  a  different  way  from 
that  provided  in  our  contract,  and  therefore  this  notice  is  given.  I  sincerely 
hope  to  have  your  active  cooperation  in  the  new  plan,  and  am  disposed,  if 
you  are  willing,  to  continue  in  substance,  by  a  new  contract  with  you,  the 
sale  of  these  bonds  in  European  markets,  and  invite  your  suggestions  to  that 
end.  Very  respectfully, 

JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

I  received  from  them  the  following  answer : 

NEW  YORK,  January  15,  1878. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington. 

DEAR  SIR  : — We  beg  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the  14th 
instant,  notifying  us  of  the  termination  of  the  contract  of  June  9,  1877,  for 
the  sale  of  four  per  cent,  bonds,  on  the  29th  of  this  month,  which  we  have 
communicated  to  the  associates  here  and  in  London. 

We  have  also  communicated  to  our  friends  in  London  your  willingness 
to  continue  the  contract  for  the  sale  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  in  Europe, 
with  such  modifications  as  may  become  necessary,  and  as  soon  as  we  have 
received  their  views  we  shall  take  pleasure  in  writing  to  you  again  for  the 
purpose  of  appointing  a  conference  on  the  subject. 

In  the  meantime,  we  remain,  very  respectfully, 

AUG.  BELMONT  &  Co. 

Notice  was  given  to  Mr.  Conant  of  the  termination  of  the 
contract,  but  he  was  advised  by  me  that  we  would  probably 
agree  to  the  continuance  of  the  syndicate  in  the  European 
markets.  He  had  expressed  to  me  a  fear  that  a  panic  would 
occur  about  our  bonds  in  Europe,  on  account  of  the  anticipated 
passage  of  the  Bland  bill,  but  I  was  able  to  assure  him  that  it 
would  not  become  a  law  in  the  form  originally  proposed. 

S.— 33 


514  RECOLLECTIONS 

Being  thus  free  from  all  existing  contracts,  I  published  the  fol 
lowing  notice  inviting  subscriptions  to  the  four  per  cent,  bonds : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  16,  1878.  ) 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  hereby  gives  notice  that,  from  the  26th 
instant,  and  until  further  notice,  he  will  receive  subscriptions  for  the  four  per 
cent,  funded  loan  of  the  United  States,  in  denominations  as  stated  below,  at 
par  and  accrued  interest,  in  coin. 

The  bonds  are  redeemable  July,  1907,  and  bear  interest,  payable  quar 
terly,  on  the  first  day  of  January,  April,  July,  and  October,  of  each  year,  and 
are  exempt  from  the  payment  of  taxes  or  duties  to  the  United  States,  as  well 
as  from  taxation  in  any  form  by  or  under  state,  municipal,  or  local  authority. 

The  subscriptions  may  be  made  for  coupon  bonds  of  $50,  $100,  $500, 
and  $1,000,  and  for  registered  bonds  of  $50,  $100,  $500,  $1,000,  $5,000,  and 
$10,000. 

Two  per  cent,  of  the  purchase  money  must  accompany  the  subscription; 
the  remainder  may  be  paid  at  the  pleasure  of  the  purchaser,  either  at  the  time 
of  subscription  or  within  thirty  days  thereafter,  with  interest  on  the  amount 
of  the  subscription,  at  the  rate  of  four  per  cent,  per  annum,  to  date  of  payment. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  full  payment,  the  bonds  will  be  transmitted,  free  of 
charge,  to  the  subscribers,  and  a  commission  of  one-fourth  of  one  per  cent, 
will  be  allowed  upon  the  amount  of  subscriptions,  but  no  commission  will  be 
paid  upon  any  single  subscription  less  than  $1,000. 

Forms  of  application  will  be  furnished  by  the  treasurer  at  Washington, 
the  assistant  treasurers  at  Baltimore,  Boston,  Chicago,  Cincinnati,  New 
Orleans,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  St.  Louis,  and  San  Francisco,  and  by  the 
national  banks  and  bankers  generally.  The  applications  must  specify  the 
amount  and  denominations  required,  and,  for  registered  bonds,  the  full  name 
and  post  office  address  of  the  person  to  whom  the  bonds  shall  be  made  payable. 

The  interest  on  the  registered  bonds  will  be  paid  by  check,  issued  by 
the  treasurer  of  the  United  States,  to  the  order  of  the  holder,  and  mailed  to 
his  address.  The  check  is  payable  on  presentation,  properly  indorsed,  at 
the  offices  of  the  treasurer  and  assistant  treasurers  of  the  United  States. 

Payments  for  the  bonds  may  be  made  in  coin  to  the  treasurer  of  the 
United  States  at  Washington,  or  the  assistant  treasurers  at  Baltimore,  Boston, 
Chicago,  Cincinnati,  New  Orleans,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  St.  Louis,  and 
San  Francisco. 

To  promote  the  convenience  of  subscribers,  the  department  will  also  re 
ceive,  in  lieu  of  coin,  called  bonds  of  the  United  States,  coupons  past  due  or 
maturing  within  thirty  days,  or  gold  certificates  issued  under  the  act  of 
March  3,  1863,  and  national  banks  will  be  designated  as  depositaries  under 
the  provisions  of  section  5153,  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States,  to  re 
ceive  deposits  on  account  of  this  loan,  under  regulations  to  be  hereafter 
prescribed.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  515 

After  the  publication  of  this  notice  inviting  subscriptions 
to  the  four  per  cent,  bonds,  I  found  that  the  chief  impediment 
in  my  way  was  the  apparent  disposition  of  both  Houses  of  Con 
gress  to  require  the  called  bonds  to  be  paid  in  United  States 
notes.  This  was  not  confined  to  any  party,  for,  while  the  ma 
jority  of  the  Democrats  of  each  House  were  in  favor  of  such 
payment,  many  of  the  prominent  Kepublicans  were  fully  com 
mitted  to  the  same  policy.  I  was  requested  by  committees  of 
the  two  Houses,  from  time  to  time,  to  appear  before  them, 
which,  in  compliance  with  the  law,  I  cheerfully  did,  and  found 
that  a  free  and  unrestricted  statement  of  what  I  proposed  to  do 
was  not  only  beneficial  to  the  public  service,  but  soon  induced 
Congress  not  to  interfere  with  my  plans  for  resumption.  My 
first  interview  was  oh  the  llth  of  March,  1878,  with  the  com 
mittee  on  coinage  of  the  House,  of  which  Alexander  H.  Steph 
ens,  of  Georgia,  was  chairman.  I  was  accompanied  by  H.  R. 
Linderman,  Director  of  the  Mint.  The  notes  of  the  confer 
ence  were  ordered  by  the  House  of  Representatives  to  be 
printed,  and  the  committee  was  convinced  of  the  correctness 
of  the  statements  in  regard  to  the  amount  of  actual  coin  and 
bullion  on  hand,  and  where  it  was  situated,  which  had  been 
previously  doubted. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  I  had  an  interview  with  the  Senate 
committee  on  finance,  of  which  Mr.  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  was 
chairman.  I  was  examined  at  great  length  and  detail  as  to  the 
preparations  for  resumption,  and  the  actual  state  of  the  treas 
ury  at  that  time.  The  principal  topic  discussed  was  whether 
the  four  per  cent,  bonds  could  be  sold,  Mr.  Bayard  being  evi 
dently  in  favor  of  the  substitution  of  the  four  and  a  half  per 
cents,  for  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  I  had  placed  on  the  market. 
The  question  of  how  to  obtain  gold  coin  and  bullion  was  fully 
considered  in  this  interview,  and  here  I  was  able  to  convince 
the  committee  that  a  purchase  of  domestic  gold  coin  and  bul 
lion  would  meet  all  the  requirements  of  the  treasury,  and  that 
no  necessity  existed  for  the  purchase  of  gold  abroad.  This  inter 
view,  which  covers  over  twenty  printed  pages,  I  believe  entirely 
satisfied  the  committee  of  the  expediency  of  the  steps  taken  by 
me  and  their  probable  success.  After  this  interview  I  had  the 


516  RECOLLECTIONS 

assistance  of  the  committee  of  finance,  without  regard  to 
party,  in  the  measures  adopted  by  me.  Mr.  Bayard  and  Mr. 
Kernan  gave  me  their  hearty  support,  and  Mr.  Voorhees  made 
no  unfriendly  opposition.  The  report  of  this  interview  was 
subsequently  published,  and  had  a  good  effect  upon  the  popular 
mind. 

By  far  the  most  important  interview  was  one  with  the  com 
mittee  on  banking  and  currency,  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  of  which  A.  H.  Buckner,  of  Missouri,  was  chairman.  A 
large  majority  of  this  committee  had  reported  a  bill  to  repeal 
the  resumption  act,  and  the  members  of  the  committee  of  each 
party  were  among  the  most  pronounced  greenbackers  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  Perhaps  the  most  aggressive  was 
Thomas  Ewing,  a  friend,  and  by  marriage  a  relative  of  mine,  a 
Member  of  ability  and  influence,  and  thoroughly  sincere  in  his 
convictions  against  the  policy  of  resumption.  I  was  summoned 
before  this  committee  to  answer  a  series  of  interrogatories  fur 
nished  me  a  few  days  previously,  calling  for  statements  as  to  the 
actual  amount  of  gold  and  silver  belonging  to,  and  in  the  custody 
of,  the  treasury  department  on  the  28th  of  March,  where  located, 
and  what  deductions  were  to  be  made  from  it  on  account  of  ac 
tual  existing  demands  against  it.  This  interview,  extending 
through  several  days,  and  covering  seventy-three  printed  pages, 
embraced  every  phase  of  the  financial  condition  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  policy  of  the  treasury  department  in  the  past 
and  in  the  future.  At  the  end  of  the  first  day  the  principal 
question  seemed  to  be  whether  it  was  possible  that  the  United 
States  could  resume  specie  payments  and  maintain  them.  This 
led  to  a  careful  scrutiny  of  the  amount  of  gold  in  the  treasury, 
Mr.  Ewing  assuming  that  a  portion  of  the  amount  stated  was 
"  phantom  "  gold,  and  was  really  not  available  for  the  purposes 
of  resumption.  I  said  that  the  United  States  would  be,  on  the 
1st  of  January,  in  a  better  condition  to  resume  specie  pay 
ments  than  the  Bank  of  England  was  to  maintain  them,  and 
gave  my  reasons  for  that  opinion.  I  saw  that  Mr.  Ewing  re 
garded  this  statement  as  an  exaggeration. 

After  the  adjournment  I  understood  that  Mr.  Ewing  said 
that  I  was  grossly  in  error,  and  that  he  would  be  able  to  show 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  517 

it  by  authentic  documents  as  to  the  condition  of  the  Bank  of 
England.  He  said  that  I  was  laboring  under  delusions,  which 
he  would  be  able  to  expose  at  the  next  meeting.  When  we 
again  met  with  the  full  committee  present,  Mr.  Ewing  said  : 

"I  ask  your  attention  to  a  comparison  of  the  condition  of  the  treasury 
for  resumption  with  the  condition  of  the  Bank  of  England  in  1819  and  now, 
with  the  Bank  of  France  this  year,  and  with  the  banks  of  the  United  States 
in  1857  and  1861." 

To  this  I  replied  : 

"  When  I  said  the  other  day  that  I  thought  the  condition  of  the  treasury, 
on  the  1st  of  January  next,  would  be  as  good  as  the  Bank  of  England,  I 
had  not  then  before  me  the  actual  figures  or  tables,  but  only  spoke  from  a 
general  knowledge  of  the  facts.  Since  then  I  have  given  the  matter  a  good 
deal  of  attention,  and  now  have  some  carefully  prepared  tables,  founded 
upon  late  information,  giving  the  exact  comparison  of  the  condition  of 
the  Bank  of  England,  the  Bank  of  France,  the  Bank  of  Germany,  the  Bank 
of  Belgium,  the  national  banks,  and  the  treasury.  These  tables  will  show 
that  pretty  accurately." 

I  handed  the  tables  to  the  committee,  and  they  are  printed 
with  the  report.  I  then  proceeded  to  show  in  detail  that  while 
the  Bank  of  England  had  notes  outstanding  to  the  amount  of 
£38,698,020,  it  had  on  hand  as  assets  :  government  debt,  £11,- 
015,100  ;  other  securities,  £3,984,900  ;  gold  coin  and  bullion,  £23,- 
698,020 ;  that  upon  this  it  was  apparent  that  in  the  issue 
department  the  Bank  of  England  was  stronger  than  the  United 
States  ;  but  in  the  banking  department,  the  bank  was  liable 
for  deposits,  the  most  dangerous  form  of  liability,  and  various 
other  forms  of  liability,  to  the  amount  of  £46,277,277.  To  pay 
these  it  had  government  securities,  notes  and  other  securities, 
and  £1,032,773  gold  and  silver  coin,  in  all  amounting  to  £46,- 
277,277.  Combining  these  accounts  it  was  shown  that  the 
demand  liabilities  on  the  bank  were  £54,639,171,  while  the  gold 
and  bullion  on  hand  was  only  £24,730,793.  Then  I  said : 

"  Now,  in  regard  to  the  United  States,  I  have  a  statement  here  showing 
the  apparent  and  probable  condition  of  the  United  States  treasury  on  April 
1,  1878,  and  on  the  1st  of  January  next.  The  only  difference  in  these  state 
ments  is  that  I  add  to  the  present  condition  of  the  treasury  the  proposed 
accumulation  of  fifty  millions  of  coin  and  a  substantial  payment  before  that 
of  the  fractional  currency.  I  think  it  will  be  practically  redeemed  before 


518  RECOLLECTIONS 

that  time.  The  actual  results  show  the  amount  of  demand  liabilities  on 
April  1,  1878,  against  the  United  States,  as  $460,527,374,  and  they  show 
the  demand  resources,  including  coin  and  currency,  at  $174,324,459,  making 
the  percentage  of  resources  to  liabilities  thirty-seven.  To  show  the  probable 
condition  of  the  treasury  on  the  1st  of  January,  1879,  I  add  the  fifty  mil 
lions  of  coin  and  I  take  off  the  fractional  currency,  and  deduct  estimated 
United  States  notes  lost  and  destroyed,  leaving  the  other  items  about  the 
same.  That  would  show  an  aggregate  of  probable  liabilities  of  $435,098,400 
and  probable  cash  resources  of  $224,324,459,  making  fifty-one  per  cent,  of 
the  demand  liabilities.  The  ratio  of  the  Bank  of  England,  at  this  time,  is 
forty-five  per  cent.;  the  ratio  of  the  Bank  of  France,  is  sixty-five  per  cent.; 
the  ratio  of  the  Bank  of  Germany,  is  fifty-eight  per  cent.;  and  the  ratio  of 
the  Bank  of  Belgium,  is  twenty-five  per  cent.,  all  based  upon  the  same 
figures." 

I  gave  the  statistics  as  to  the  condition  of  the  national  banks, 
showing  their  assets  and  liabilities,  that  they  were  not  bound 
to  redeem  their  notes  in  gold  or  silver,  but  could  redeem  them 
in  United  States  notes,  of  which  they  had  on  hand  $97,083,248, 
and  besides  they  had  deposited  in  the  treasury,  as  security  for 
their  notes,  an  amount  of  United  States  bonds  ten  per  cent, 
greater  than  the  entire  amount  of  their  circulating  notes,  and 
that  these  bonds  were  worth  in  the  market  a  large  premium  in 
currency.  In  addition  to  the  legal  tenders  on  hand,  they  had 
five  per  cent,  of  their  circulation  in  legal  tender  notes  deposited 
in  the  treasury  as  a  redemption  fund,  amounting  to  $15,028,340. 
They  had  also  on  hand  gold  and  silver  coin  and  gold  certifi 
cates  amounting  to  $32,907,750,  making  a  total  cash  reserve  of 
$145,019,338.  The  ratio  of  their  legal  tender  funds  to  cir 
culation  was  48.4;  ratio  of  legal  tenders  to  circulation  and 
deposits,  15.1. 

In  this  interview  I  explicitly  stated  to  the  committee  my 
purpose  to  sell  bonds,  under  the  resumption  act,  at  the  rate  of 
$5,000,000  a  month,  to  the  aggregate  amount  of  $50,000,000 ; 
that  I  was  satisfied  I  could  make  this  sale  upon  favorable  terms, 
and  could  add  to  the  coin  then  in  the  treasury  the  sum  of 
$50,000,000  gold  coin,  which  I  thought  sufficient  to  secure  and 
maintain  the  parity  of  our  notes  with  coin.  Mr.  Ewing  inquired: 

"  Where  do  you  expect  to  get  the  additional  fifty  millions  of  gold  by 
January  1,  1879  ?  " 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  519 

My  answer  was  as  follows  : 

"  You  must  see  that  for  me  to  state  too  closely  what  I  propose  to  do 
might  prevent  me  from  doing  what  I  expect  to  do,  and  therefore  I  will 
answer  your  question  just  as  far  as  I  think  you  will  say  I  ought  to  go.  I 
answer,  mainly  from  the  sale  of  bonds.  Indeed,  in  the  present  condition  of 
the  revenue,  we  cannot  expect  much  help  from  surplus  revenue,  except  so 
far  as  that  surplus  revenue  may  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  greenbacks 
and  to  the  redemption  of  fractional  currency  in  aid  of  the  sinking  fund.  To 
that  extent  I  think  we  can  rely  upon  revenue  enough  to  retire  the  United 
States  notes  redeemed  under  the  resumption  act ;  so  that  I  would  say  that 
we  can  get  the  $50,000,000  of  gold  additional  by  the  sale  of  bonds.  As  to 
the  kind  of  bonds  that  I  would  sell,  and  as  to  how  I  would  sell  them,  etc.,  I 
ought  not  to  say  anything  on  that  subject  at  present,  because  you  ought  to 
allow  me,  as  an  executive  officer,  in  the  exercise  of  a  very  delicate  discretion, 
free  power  to  act  as  I  think  right  at  the  moment,  holding  me  responsible  for 
my  action  afterward.  As  to  what  bonds  I  will  sell,  or  where  I  will  sell  them, 
or  how  I  will  sell  them,  as  that  is  a  discretionary  power  left  with  the  secre 
tary,  I  ought  not  to  decide  that  now,  but  to  decide  it  as  the  case  arises." 

Some  question  was  made  by  Mr.  Ewing  as  to  the  ability  to 
sell  bonds,  and  he  asked : 

"  I  understood  you  to  say  in  your  interview  with  the  Senate  committee 
that  you  would  have  to  rely  upon  the  natural  currents  of  trade  to  bring  gold 
from  abroad  ;  that  is,  that  there  cannot  be  a  large  sale  of  bonds  for  coin 
abroad.  Is  it  on  a  foreign  sale  that  you  are  relying?" 

I  replied : 

"  Not  at  all,  but  on  a  sale  at  home.  Perhaps  I  might  as  well  say  that  if 
I  can  get  two-thirds  of  this  year's  supply  of  gold  and  silver  from  our  own 
mines,  it  will  amount  to  a  good  deal  more  than  $50,000,000,  so  that  I  do 
not  have  to  go  abroad  for  gold.  If  we  can  keep  our  own  gold  and  silver 
from  going  abroad,  it  is  more  than  I  want." 

Mr.  Buckner  inquired : 

"  For  this  $50,000,000  additional  I  suppose  you  rely,  to  some  extent,  on 
the  coinage  of  silver?" 

I  said : 

"  To  some  extent ;  silver  and  gold  we  consider  the  same  under  the  law." 

Mr.  Ewing  asked  : 

"  Do  you  expect  to  pay  out  the  silver  dollar  coined  by  you  for  current 
expenses,  or  only  for  coin  liabilities,  or  to  hoard  it  for  resumption?" 


520  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  said : 

"I  expect  to  pay  it  out  now  only  in  exchange  for  gold  coin  or  for 
silver  bullion.  I  am  perfectly  free  to  answer  the  question  fully,  because 
on  that  point,  after  consulting  with  many  Members  of  both  Houses,  I 
have  made  up  my  mind  what  the  law  requires  me  to  do.  I  propose 
to  issue  all  the  silver  dollars  that  are  demanded  in  exchange  for  gold 
coin.  That  has  been  going  on  to  some  extent ;  how  far  I  cannot  tell.  Then 
I  propose  to  use  the  silver  in  payment  for  silver  bullion,  which  I  can  do  at 
par  in  gold.  I  then  propose  to  buy  all  the  rest  of  the  silver  bullion  which  I 
need,  under  the  law,  with  silver  coin.  As  a  matter  of  course,  in  the  current 
course  of  business,  some  of  that  silver  coin  will  go  into  circulation  ;  how 
much,  I  do  not  know.  The  more,  the  better  for  us.  But  most  of  it,  I  take 
it,  will  be  transferred  to  the  treasury  for  silver  certificates  (that  seems  to  be 
the  idea  of  the  bill),  and  those  silver  certificates  will  come  into  the  treasury 
in  payment  of  duties,  and  in  that  way,  practically,  the  silver  will  belong  to 
the  government  again." 

Some  question  arose  as  to  the  reissue  of  treasury  notes 
under  the  resumption  act.  I  expressed  my  opinion  that  all 
notes  not  in  excess  of  $300,000,000  could  be  reissued  under  ex 
isting  laws,  but  as  to  whether  notes  in  excess  of  $300,000,000 
could  be  reissued  was  a  question  which  I  hoped  Congress  would 
settle,  that  I  considered  the  law  as  doubtful.  Congress  did  sub 
sequently  suspend  the  retirement  of  United  States  notes  at 
$346,000,000. 

The  sinking  fund  and  many  other  subjects  were  embraced 
in  this  interview,  the  importance  of  which  would  justify  a  fuller 
statement  than  I  have  given,  but,  as  the  interview  has  been 
published  as  a  public  document,  I  do  not  give  further  details. 
I  stated  frankly  and  explicitly  what  I  intended  to  do  if  not  in 
terrupted  by  Congress.  I  felt  assured,  not  only  from  the  Sen 
ate,  but  from  what  I  could  learn  from  Members  of  the  House, 
that  no  material  change  of  existing  law  would  be  made  to  pre 
vent  the  proposed  operations  of  the  treasury  department. 
From  that  time  forward  I  had  not  the  least  doubt  of  success  in 
preparing  for  and  maintaining  resumption,  and  refunding,  at  a 
lower  rate  of  interest,  all  the  public  debt  then  subject  to 
redemption. 

I  think  I  entirely  satisfied  the  committee  that  the  govern 
ment  was  not  dealing  with  shadows,  but  had  undertaken  a 
task  which  it  could  easily  accomplish,  if  not  prevented  by  our 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  521 

common  masters,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  It  was  said 
of  Mr.  Buckner  that  before  I  appeared  before  the  committee, 
he  regarded  me  as  a  visionary  enthusiast,  who  had  undertaken 
to  do  what  was  impossible  to  be  done,  that  after  the  first  day 
of  the  examination  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  I  was  hon 
est  in  my  belief  that  resumption  was  possible,  but  he  did  not 
believe  in  my  ability  to  do  what  was  proposed ;  at  the  end 
of  the  second  day  he  expressed  some  doubts  of  the  ability  to 
resume,  but  said  that  the  object  aimed  at  was  a  good  one,  and 
he  was  not  disposed  to  interfere  with  the  experiment ;  and  on 
the  third  day  he  said  he  believed  I  had  faith  in  the  success  of 
resumption,  and  would  not  interfere  with  it,  but  if  I  failed  I 
would  be  the  "  deadest  man  politically  "  that  ever  lived. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 
SALE  OF  BONDS  FOR  RESUMPTION  PURPOSES. 

Arrangements  Begun  for  the  Disposal  of  $50,000,000  for  Gold  or  Bullion  — Inter 
views  with  Prominent  Bankers  in  New  York  —  Proposition  in  Behalf  of  the 
National  Banks  — Terms  of  the  Contract  Made  with  the  Syndicate  —  Public 
Comment  at  the  Close  of  the  Negotiations  —  "  Gath's  "  Interview  with  Me 
at  the  Completion  of  the  Sale  —  Eastern  Press  Approves  the  Contract 
While  the  West  Was  Either  Indifferent  or  Opposed  to  it  — Senate 
Still  Discussing  the  Expediency  of  Repealing  the  Resumption 
Act — Letter  to  Senator    Ferry — Violent  and  Bitter 
Animosity  Aroused  Against  Me  —  I  Am  Charged 
with  Corruption— Clarkson  N.  Potter's  Charges. 

THE  general  results  of  these  interviews,  which  had  a  wide 
circulation  at  the  time,  I  believe  were  beneficial,  and 
at  least  assured  the   public  that  a  hopeful  and  de 
termined  effort  was  being  made   to  advance   United 
States  notes  and  national  bank  notes  to  par  with  coin. 

Before  I  had  these  interviews  I  had  determined  to  sell  $50,- 
000,000  bonds  at  the  rate  of  $5,000,000  a  month  for  gold 
coin  or  bullion  for  resumption  purposes,  and  also  to  press 
the  refunding  operations  as  rapidly  as  possible.  I  had  at  my 
disposal  an  unlimited  amount  of  five,  four  and  a  half  and  four 
per  cent,  bonds,  with  authority  to  sell  either  kind  to  accumu 
late  coin  for  the  maintenance  of  resumption,  or  for  the  pay 
ment  of  bonds  that  were  at  the  time  redeemable,  bearing  a 
higher  rate  of  interest.  My  printed  correspondence  with  banks 
and  bankers  shows  the  advancing  value  of  the  four  and  four 
and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds.  The  most  active  agent  for  the  sale 
of  these  bonds  was  the  First  National  Bank  of  New  York, 
which  had  been  the  agent  of  the  syndicate,  and,  though  hav 
ing  no  privilege  or  facility  that  was  not  extended  to  all  banks 
and  bankers  alike,  it  evinced  the  utmost  activity,  intelligence 
and  success,  and  took  the  lead  in  the  sale  of  bonds.  The  ad 
vancing  quotations  furnished  by  it  and  other  banks  and 

(522) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  523 

bankers  satisfied  me  that  the  policy  of  an  open  loan,  such  as 
was  provided  for  by  the  notice  of  January  16,  1878,  would  be 
successful,  if  only  we  could  have  the  certainty  of  coin  pay 
ments  by  the  1st  of  January,  1879.  I  knew  of  the  sensitive 
jealousy  between  the  banks  and  bankers  and  between  the  old 
syndicate  and  prominent  and  wealthy  firms  who  wished  to 
participate  in  any  new  syndicate,  and  were  jealous  and  suspi 
cious  of  each  other. 

Offers  were  made  to  me  by  banks  and  bankers  for  special 
arrangements  for  the  purchase  of  bonds,  but  I  put  them  all 
aside  until  after  I  had  written  to  all  the  parties  a  notice  sub 
stantially  similar  to  the  following,  sent  to  Belmont  &  Co.: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  April  5,  1878. 

GENTLEMEN: — It  is  my  purpose  to  be  in  New  York  at  four  o'clock  on 
Monday  afternoon,  and  I  would  like,  if  practicable,  to  meet  the  members  of 
the  old  syndicate  at  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  that  evening  at  any  hour  con 
venient  to  them,  to  confer  as  to  the  best  mode  of  obtaining  $50,000,000  gold 
coin  or  bullion  prior  to  January  1,  1879,  for  resumption  purposes,  and  to 
receive  from  the  associates,  or  any  of  them,  or  from  new  parties,  offers  for 
any  of  the  description  of  bonds  I  am  authorized  to  sell  for  that  purpose. 

I  propose  to  accumulate  this  coin  in  either  the  treasury,  the  assay  offices, 
or  the  public  depositaries  throughout  the  United  States  that  will  comply 
with  the  conditions  of  section  5153  Revised  Statutes. 

I  will  send  a  similar  letter  to  this  to  the  First  National  Bank,  and  have 
to  request  that  you  will  give  notice  to  the  other  members  of  the  old  syndi 
cate,  and,  with  their  consent,  to  any  others  you  desire  to  participate  in  the 
interview.  Very  respectfully,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

MESSRS.  AUGUST  BELMONT  &  Co.,  New  York. 

I  sent  General  Hillhouse  the  following  notice : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  April  5,  1878. 

SIR: — You  will  please  inform  Messrs.  H.  F.  Vail,  president  National 
Bank  of  Commerce;  J.  D.  Vermilye,  president  Merchants'  National  Bank; 
George  S.  Coe,  president  American  Exchange  National  Bank;  B.  B.  Sher 
man,  Mechanics'  National  Bank,  and  James  Buell,  president  Importers  and 
Traders'  National  Bank,  that  I  desire  an  interview  with  them  at  any  hour  on 
Tuesday  next,  at  your  office,  or  at  such  other  places  as  they  may  prefer,  in 
respect  to  the  purchase  for  the  Treasury  for  resumption  of,  say,  150,000,000 
gold  coin  or  bullion,  to  be  delivered  monthly  and  before  the  1st  of  January 
next,  either  at  your  office  or  at  the  designated  depositaries  of  the  United 
States,  under  section  5153  Revised  Statutes,  and  also,  if  practicable,  to 
secure  from  them  a  bid  for  either  of  the  three  classes  of  bonds  described  in 


524  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  refunding  act  to  an  amount  sufficient  to  purchase  the  coin  stated.  These 
gentlemen  are  respectfully  requested  to  select  such  others  connected  with 
national  banks  as  they  may  agree  upon  to  join  in  the  interview. 

Very  respectfully,         JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 
GENERAL  THOMAS  HILLHOUSE, 

Assistant  Treasurer  United  States,  New  York. 

Kegarding  the  negotiation  as  one  of  great  importance,  I 
was  accompanied  to  New  York  by  Hon.  Charles  Devens,  Attor 
ney  General;  John  Jay  Knox,  Comptroller  of  the  Currency; 
Charles  F.  Conant,  Assistant  Secretary ;  Daniel  Baker,  Chief  of 
the  Loan  Division,  and  E.  J.  Babcock,  my  Secretary. 

On  the  8th  of  April  I,  with  the  gentlemen  named,  had  an 
interview  with  the  members  of  the  old  syndicate,  Messrs.  Bel- 
mont,  Seligman,  Bliss,  Fabri  and  Fahnestock. 

I  stated  that  the  object  of  my  visit  to  New  York,  and  of  my 
request  for  an  interview  with  the  associates,  was  to  obtain  $50,- 
000,000  coin  for  resumption  purposes,  and  I  would  like  to  sell 
four  per  cent,  bonds  to  that  amount. 

Mr.  Belmont  did  not  think  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  could  be 
sold  then,  and  the  associates  all  concurred  in  the  opinion 
that  they  would  prefer  making  a  proposition  for  the  four  and  a 
halfs,  although  they  were  not  prepared  to  make  any  definite 
offer.  I  said  I  would  like  to  get  103  for  the  four  and  a  halfs, 
but  the  associates  said  they  would  not  consider  that  at  all ; 
they  would  communicate  with  the  Rothschilds  and  others,  and 
might  possibly  be  able  to  offer  101 ;  they  would  come  to  some 
conclusion  by  the  next  day. 

On  the  following  day,  at  the  National  Bank  of  Commerce, 
I  met  the  presidents  of  the  national  banks :  Mr.  Vail,  Com 
merce  ;  Mr.  Vermilye,  Merchants' ;  Mr.  Coe,  Merchants'  Ex 
change ;  Mr.  Sherman,  Mechanics';  Mr.  Buell,  Importers  and 
Traders' ;  Mr.  Moses  Taylor,  City ;  Mr.  F.  D.  Tappan,  Gallatin ; 
Mr.  G.  G.  Williams,  Chemical ;  Mr.  F.  A.  Palmer,  Broadway ;  Mr. 
George  I.  Seney,  Metropolitan ;  Mr.  P.C.Calhoun,  Fourth  National. 

Mr.  Vail  said  that  this  meeting  was  called  at  my  request, 
that  the  gentlemen  present  had  no  information  as  to  the  ob 
ject  of  the  meeting,  and  had  had  no  opportunity  for  consulta 
tion  ;  that  I  would  explain  more  fully  what  I  desired. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  525 

I  said  that  I  proposed  to  resume  specie  payments  on  the  1st 
of  January,  in  accordance  with  law,  and  that  for  this  purpose 
I  wished  to  get  $50,000,000  of  gold,  and,  to  accumulate  this 
amount,  would  if  possible,  sell  four  per  cent,  bonds. 

Mr.  Yermilye  and  Mr.  Coe  spoke  at  some  length  to  the  ef 
fect  that  they  were  in  full  accord  with  me  on  the  subject  of 
resuming  specie  payments,  and  they  were  willing  to  cooper 
ate  in  any  way  to  bring  it  about.  They  said  that  although 
they  had  not  consulted  with  the  other  gentlemen  present,  they 
had  no  doubt  they  were  all  agreed  upon  this  subject.  They 
thought,  however,  it  would  be  utterly  useless  to  attempt  to 
sell  four  per  cent,  bonds,  and  that  as  far  as  such  bonds  were 
concerned  there  need  be  no  more  said. 

I  said  this  being  so,  I  would  like  to  have  some  propositions 
for  four  and  a  halfs. 

Mr.  Coe  said  that  no  definite  proposition  could  be  made 
without  further  consultation  among  themselves ;  that  they 
were  willing  to  assist  to  the  extent  of  their  power  to  obtain  re 
sumption  ;  that  they  would  place  themselves  at  my  service  in 
any  way  I  might  wish  without  compensation.  He  said  that  he 
thought  an  arrangement  could  be  made  by  which  the  national 
banks  could  be  made  my  agents  in  the  sale  of  bonds.  He 
thought  the  banks  might  take  the  $50,000,000  of  four  and  a 
half  per  cent,  bonds,  to  be  paid  for  by  the  1st  of  January,  the 
government  to  receive  whatever  the  banks  could  get  for  the 
bonds. 

I  invited  the  gentlemen  to  confer  among  themselves,  and,  if 
practicable,  make  me  some  definite  proposition  in  the  morning. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  we  met  the  members  of 
the  old  syndicate.  Mr.  Belmont  read  a  cable  from  the  Koths- 
childs  offering  101  for  $100,000,000  four  and  a  half  per  cent, 
bonds,  $50,000,000  for  resumption  and  $50,000,000  for  refund 
ing  purposes. 

I  said  I  was  not  prepared  to  accept,  but  would  give  a  defin 
ite  answer  next  day. 

On  the  following  morning  I  met  Mr.  Vail,  of  the  National 
Bank  of  Commerce,  and  Mr.  Vermilye,  of  the  Merchants'  Na 
tional  Bank,  at  the  sub-treasury. 


526  RECOLLECTIONS 

Mr.  Vail  and  Mr.  Vermilye  submitted  a  memorandum  that 
if  I  would  indicate  my  willingness  to  receive  a  proposition  for 
the  negotiation  of  $50,000,000  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  at 
par  in  gold  they  would  recommend  the  national  banks  to  unite 
in  making  it. 

I  then  asked  Mr.  Vail  and  Mr.  Vermilye  whether,  if  a  prop 
osition  was  made  to  me  by  bankers  of  acknowledged  credit 
and  responsibility  of  101  for  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds, 
payable  in  installments  and  with  the  usual  option,  in  their 
opinion,  it  was  my  duty  to  accept  it. 

They  both  said  decidedly,  yes ;  that  such  an  arrangement 
would  be  far  more  advantageous  than  the  acceptance  of  their 
proposition,  and  besides,  if  they  took  the  bonds,  it  might  impair 
to  some  extent  their  power  to  render  the  usual  facilities  to  their 
commercial  customers. 

The  proposition  submitted  by  Messrs.  Vail  and  Vermilye,  in 
behalf  of  the  national  banks,  was  as  follows : 

"  If  the  secretary  will  intimate  his  willingness  to  receive  a  proposition 
from  the  national  banks  in  New  York,  Boston,  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore 
for  the  negotiation  of  fifty  millions  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  at  par  in 
gold,  for  resumption  purposes,  we  will  recommend  our  associates  to  unite  in 
making  it,  with  the  belief  on  our  part  that  it  can  be  accomplished  as  sug 
gested.  This  special  loan  to  be  the  only  bonds  of  this  character  offered, 
unless  the  same  parties  have  the  option  of  any  further  sums  required." 

Afterwards,  on  the  same  day,  I  again  met  the  members  of 
the  syndicate  at  the  sub-treasury,  and  said  that  I  would  sell 
only  $50,000,000  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds ;  that  these 
must  be  paid  for  in  gold  coin,  for  resumption  purposes ;  that  I 
would  sell  them  for  101-J,  allowing  one-half  of  one  per  cent, 
commission,  the  syndicate  to  pay  all  expenses ;  but  before  sign 
ing  the  contract  wished  to  communicate  with  the  President. 

These  terms  were  accepted  by  the  syndicate  upon  condition 
that  their  associates  in  London  would  consent,  they  reserving 
the  right  to  cable  to  London  for  such  consent ;  and  the  meet 
ing  adjourned  until  1:30  o'clock,  when,  I  having  received  a  tel 
egram  from  the  President,  the  details  of  the  contract  were 
then  discussed,  and  signature  was  delayed  for  an  answer  to  the 
cable  of  the  syndicate. 


,  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  527 

On  the  following  day  we  again  met  at  the  sub-treasury,  and 
Mr.  Lucke,  of  Belmont  &  Co.,  informed  me  that  the  English 
parties  had  authorized  them  to  close  the  contract,  and  it  was 
therefore  signed,  its  terms  and  conditions  being  such  as  I  have 
mentioned  in  a  preceding  paragraph. 

The  importance  of  this  contract  and  the  open  publicity  of 
the  negotiation,  created  quite  a  sensation  in  the  newspaper 
press,  which  presented  a  medley  of  praise  and  censure.  All 
varieties  of  opinion  from  extravagant  flattery  to  extreme  de 
nunciation  were  visited  upon  me  by  the  editors  of  papers  ac 
cording  to  their  preconceived  opinions.  I  made  no  effort  at 
secrecy,  and  no  answer  to  either  praise  or  blame,  but  freely  con 
tributed  any  information  in  respect  to  the  matter  to  anyone, 
whether  friendly  or  otherwise,  who  applied  to  me.  Perhaps  as 
accurate  a  statement  as  any,  of  my  opinions,  was  made  by 
George  Alfred  Townsend,  over  his  nom  de  plume  of  "  Gath,"  in 
the  New  York  "Graphic"  of  April  12, 1878.  This  interview  was 
written  in  the  question-and-answer  style,  was  very  full,  and  was 
widely  read. 

As  a  flattering  background  to  his  interview  Mr.  Townsend 
gave  the  following  description  of  myself  which  I  hope  it  will 
not  be  egotism  to  publish.  There  were  so  many  descriptions 
of  me  of  a  different  character  that  I  feel  at  liberty  to  quote  one 
that  was  quite  friendly : 

"  John  Sherman,  as  he  sat  before  me,  young  looking,  his  hair  and  beard 
in  perfect  color,  his  manners  gracious  and  indicating  an  easy  spirit  not  above 
enjoyment,  and  manners  not  abraded  by  application,  seemed  to  be  a  very 
excellent  example  to  young  public  men.  His  nature  had  not  been  worn  out 
in  personal  contests,  nor  his  courage  abated  by  the  exercise  of  discretion  and 
civility.  He  was  the  earliest  and  best  champion  of  the  Republican  party — 
its  first  candidate  for  speaker  of  Congress,  its  last  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
For  twenty  years  he  has  been  in  the  national  center  of  observation.  He 
owes  to  temperance  and  study,  exercise  and  natural  se"nse,  his  present  proud 
position  as  the  principal  exponent  of  the  Republican  party.  Not  in  the 
Senate  is  that  party  seen  at  its  best,  but  in  the  executive,  where  the  Presi 
dent's  original  discrimination  is  approved  by  time  and  events ;  he  chose  John 
Sherman  first  of  the  cabinet,  and  within  thirteen  months  he  has  concluded 
the  last  great  treaty  of  the  war — peace  with  the  public  creditor.  In  our 
arising  commerce  and  huge  balances  of  trade,  we  observe  again  *  Sherman's 
march  to  the  sea.' " 


528  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  eastern  press,  almost  without  exception,  gave  its  hearty 
approval  of  the  contract  made,  and  the  mode  and  manner  of 
the  negotiation.  The  leading  papers  in  New  York,  including 
the  "Herald,"  "Tribune"  and  "Times,"  gave  full  accounts.  In 
the  west,  however,  where  the  greenback  craze  or  "heresy,"  as 
it  was  commonly  called,  prevailed,  the  press  was  either  indif 
ferent  or  opposed  to  the  contract  and  to  the  object  sought.  It 
is  singular  how  strong  the  feeling  in  favor  of  an  irredeemable 
paper  currency  was  in  many  of  the  western  towns  and  among 
the  farming  people.  United  States  notes,  universally  called 
greenbacks,  were  so  much  better  as  money  than  the  bank  notes 
were  before  the  war,  that  the  people  were  entirely  content 
with  them,  even  if  they  were  quoted  at  a  discount  in  coin. 
They  were  good  enough  for  them.  Any  movement  tending  to 
reduce,  their  number  was  eagerly  denounced. 

At  the  very  time  when  the  negotiation  was  being  made,  the 
Senate  finance  committee  was  discussing  the  expediency  of 
agreeing  to  the  bill  repealing  the  resumption  act  which  had 
passed  the  house.  The  indications  were  that  the  committee 
had  agreed  upon  a  time  when  a  final  vote  should  be  taken 
upon  this  bill  and  that  it  would  be  favorably  reported  by  a 
majority  of  one.  It  depended  upon  the  vote  of  Mr.  Ferry,  who 
was  strongly  in  sympathy  with  the  sentiment  in  the  House. 
It  appeared  quite  certain  that  with  a  favorable  report  the  bill 
would  pass.  If  passed  it  would  no  doubt  have  been  vetoed, 
but  the  moral  effect  of  its  passage  would  have  been  to  greatly 
weaken  all  measures  for  resumption.  I  had  frequent  conver 
sations  with  Mr.  Ferry  and  appealed  to  him  as  strongly  as  I 
could  to  stand  by  his  political  friends,  and  for  the  success  of 
the  negotiation.  He  voted  against  reporting  the  bill.  I  wrote 
him,  while  the  matter  was  still  pending,  stating  the  deep  in 
terest  I  felt  in  the  pending  legislation,  and  especially  ap 
pealing  against  the  mandatory  provision  that,  under  all 
circumstances,  the  United  States  notes  should  be  receivable 
in  payment  of  customs  duties.  This  provision  would,  I 
thought,  defeat  the  whole  of  the  policy  for  which  we  had 
been  struggling  so  long,  and  to  which  our  party  was  so  firmly 
committed. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  529 

While  I  was  congratulating  myself  upon  accomplishing  an 
important  work  for  the  people,  I  had  aroused  an  animosity 
more  bitter  and  violent  than  any  I  ever  encountered  before  or 
since.  I  was  charged,  directly,  by  a  correspondent  of  the 
"  National  Kepublican,"  published  in  Washington,  with  cor 
ruption,  and  that  I  was  interested  in  and  would  make  money 
through  the  syndicate.  It  was  said  that  I  "  came  to  the  United 
States  Senate  several  years  ago  a  poor  and  perhaps  an  honest 
man.  To-day  he  pays  taxes  on  a  computed  property  of  over 
half  a  million,  all  made  during  his  senatorial  term,  on  a  salary 
of  $6,000  a  year  and  perquisites."  My  property  at  home  and 
in  Washington  was  discussed  by  this  letter,  and  the  inference 
was  drawn  that  in  some  way,  by  corrupt  methods,  I  had  made 
what  I  possessed.  It  is  true  that  I  found  many  ready  defend 
ers,  but  I  took  no  notice  of  these  imputations,  knowing  that 
they  were  entirely  unfounded,  for  I  never,  directly  or  indi 
rectly,  derived  any  advantage  or  profit  from  my  public  life 
except  the  salary. 

At  one  time  it  was  alleged  that  a  sub-committee,  consisting 
of  Messrs.  Ewing,  Hartzell  and  Crittenden,  had  been  in  corre 
spondence  with  leading  bankers,  financiers  and  capitalists,  and 
that  information  had  been  obtained  which  led  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  I  had  derived  profit  from  the  negotiation.  It  was 
said  that  the  committee  proposed  to  interview  me  upon  the 
subject  of  my  recent  syndicate  operations,  that  the  syndicate 
would  get  about  $750,000  commission,  which  could  have  been 
saved  had  outsiders  been  permitted  to  buy  the  bonds,  that 
the  committee  had  summoned  members  of  the  syndicate 
and  bankers  who  were  not  admitted  into  the  syndicate,  but 
who  wanted  to  be  allowed  to  buy  bonds  without  any  com 
mission,  that  the  allegation  was  so  well  supported  that  a 
resolution  was  prepared  authorizing  the  committee  to  in 
vestigate,  but  that  this  was  unnecessary,  as  the  resolution 
authorizing  the  banking  and  currency  committee  to  make  in 
quiries  concerning  resumption  conferred  authority  to  inquire 
into  this  matter.  The  only  sign  of  the  alleged  investigation 
was  an  inquiry  from  Mr.  Ewing,  wThich  was  answered  by  me 
as  follows: 

S.-34 


530  RECOLLECTIONS 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  April  19,  1878. 

HON.  THOMAS  EWING,  Acting  Chairman  Committee  on  Banking  and  Cur 
rency,  House  of  Representatives. 

SIR: — In  compliance  with  your  request  of  the  18th  instant,  I  inclose 
herewith  a  copy  of  the  contract  recently  made  with  a  syndicate  of  New  York 
bankers  for  the  sale  of  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds.  The  only  previous 
correspondence  on  this  subject  was  a  letter  sent  to  said  bankers  and  one  to 
the  presidents  of  certain  national  banks,  copies  of  which  are  inclosed. 

In  response  to  your  question  as  to  the  amount  of  accrued  interest  that 
will  be  allowed  to  the  syndicate  at  each  payment  on  account  of  such  sales,  I 
have  to  reply  that  no  accrued  interest  is  paid  to  them,  but,  as  you  will  see 
by  the  fourth  paragraph  of  said  contract,  they  are  to  pay  the  United  States 
the  amount  of  interest  accrued  on  the  bond  up  to  the  time  of  payment  for  it, 
in  addition  to  the  premium  of  one  and  a  half  per  cent.  The  interest  on  the 
four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  accrued  on  the  1st  of  March,  and  therefore, 
the  interest  is  added  from  that  date  to  the  date  of  payment  for  the  bonds. 

The  .amount  of  commission  to  be  paid  is  fixed  by  the  law  at  one-half  of 
one  per  cent.,  but  out  of  this  the  associates  are  to  pay  all  expenses  incurred 
by  them  in  the  sale,  and  reimburse  the  United  States  all  expenses  incurred 
by  it  as  stated  by  said  contract  in  paragraph  5.  Very  respectfully, 

JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

No  further  action  was  taken  by  the  committee  on  banking 
and  currency.  Subsequently  I  wrote  Mr.  Ewing  the  following 
letter: 

May  21,  1878. 

DEAR  SIR: — I  notice  the  crazy  barkings  of  Buell  in  the  '  Post'  about  the 
syndicate,  and  favors  granted  to  it  by  me. 

I  wish  to  say  to  you  that  nothing  would  please  me  better  than  to  have  the 
banking  and  currency  committee  examine  into  this  matter,  and  I  am  quite 
sure  you  will  be  gratified  that  the  result  will  be  to  my  credit. 

I  have  no  desire  to  dignify  this  by  asking  an  investigation,  but  only  to 
say  to  you  privately,  as  a  personal  friend,  that  I  court,  rather  than  fear,  such 
an  inquiry.  Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  THOMAS  EWING,  House  of  Representatives. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  it  was  alleged  that  Mr.  Tappan,  a 
New  York  bank  president,  said  that  he  would  pay  $50,000  to 
stand  at  the  head  of  the  line  when  the  government  began  to 
pay  out  gold  ;  that  he  could  put  in  $29,000,000  United  States 
notes  held  by  the  New  York  banks  and  break  the  government 
and  take  out  all  the  gold.  It  was  said  that  Mr.  Coe,  a  promi 
nent  banker  in  New  York,  was  asked  his  opinion  whether  I 


<  0 

!i 


s: 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  531 

could  resume,  and  that  he  said :  "  Well,  yes,  I  would  let  the 
government  resume,  but  it  must  sell  a  certain  number  of  bonds 
to  the  banks  at  such  a  figure."  Sensational  reports  were  sent 
from  Washington  to  discredit  the  contract  lately  made  with 
the  syndicate.  It  was  reported  that  the  terms  were  concealed, 
that  only  ten  millions  were  contracted  for,  part  of  which  it 
might  be  necessary  to  take  back,  and  that  the  banking  and 
currency  committee  had  summoned  me  to  explain  the  con 
tract.  So  far  from  being  true  the  contract  itself  was  printed 
in  all  the  papers  and  the  utmost  publicity  was  given  to  every 
step  taken. 

As  illustrating  a  tendency  of  those  times,  I  will  mention 
that  I  had  a  personal  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Peter  Cooper,  the 
well  known  capitalist,  manufacturer  and  philanthropist,  and 
that  he  wrote  me  a  letter  early  in  1878  asking  me  to  state  more 
clearly  my  views  on  the  policy  of  the  government  in  "enforc 
ing  specie  payments  by  law.';  Mr.  Cooper  had  fallen  into  the 
general  ideas  of  the  "greenbackers."  He  stated  that  there 
was  an  anxiety  that  pervaded  the  hearts  of  the  people  in 
reference  to  their  future  business  and  employment,  and  asked, 
in  connection  with  other  questions:  "Can  you  resume  .  .  . 
without  an  actual  shrinkage  of  the  currency,  either  on  the  part 
of  the  government  or  the  banks?"  I  answered  Mr.  Cooper's 
questions  at  some  length.  They  were  really  answered  by 
events ;  by  the  era  of  unexampled  prosperity  which  followed 
the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  The  incident  is  a  remi 
niscence. 

On  the  13th  of  May,  1878,  the  charges  against  me  assumed 
a  different  form,  by  the  adoption,  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  of  a  preamble  and  resolutions  offered  by  Clarkson  N.  Pot 
ter,  of  New  York.  Among  the  recitals  of  this  resolution  was  a 
charge  that  James  E.  Anderson  and  D.  A.  Weber,  supervisors 
of  registration  of  the  parishes  of  East  and  West  Feliciana, 
falsely  protested  that  the  election  in  such  precincts  had  not 
been  fair  and  free,  and  that  the  returning  board  thereupon 
falsely  and  fraudulently  excluded  the  votes  of  said  precincts, 
and  the  choice  of  the  people  was  annulled  and  reversed,  and 
that  such  action  of  said  Weber  and  Anderson  was  induced  or 


532  RECOLLECTIONS 

encouraged   by  assurances  from   me.     The  charge  was  based 
upon  the  following  letter,  alleged  to  have  been  written  by  me : 

NEW  ORLEANS,  November  20,  1876. 
MESSRS.  D.  A.  WEBER  AND  JAMES  E.  ANDERSON. 

GENTLEMEN  : — Your  note  of  even  date  has  just  been  received.  Neither 
Mr.  Hayes,  myself,  the  gentlemen  who  accompany  me,  or  the  country  at 
large,  can  ever  forget  the  obligations  under  which  you  have  placed  us  should 
you  stand  firm  in  the  position  you  have  taken.  From  a  long  and  intimate 
acquaintance  with  Governor  Hayes,  I  am  justified  in  assuming  the  responsi 
bility  for  promises  made,  and  will  guarantee  that  you  will  be  provided  for 
as  soon  after  the  4th  of  March  as  may  be  practicable,  and  in  such  manner  as 
will  enable  you  both  to  leave  Louisiana,  should  you  deem  it  necessary. 
Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  charge  was  without  any  foundation  whatever,  and  ex 
cited  my  resentment.  On  the  20th  of  May  I  wrote  Mr.  Potter 
the  following  letter : 

May  20,  1878. 
HON.  CLARKSON  N.  POTTER,  House  of  Representatives. 

SIR: — I  observe  that  the  resolution  of  the  House,  under  which  your  com 
mittee  is  organized,  singles  me  out  personally  by  name  from  among  twenty 
or  more  gentlemen  who  were  present,  at  the  request  of  President  Grant,  or 
the  chairman  of  the  Democratic  national  committee,  to  attend  and  witness 
the  action  of  the  returning  board  upon  the  presidential  election  returns  in 
the  State  of  Louisiana  in  1876,  and,  in  substance,  charges  that  at  that  elec 
tion  in  East  Feliciana  parish  the  Republican  vote  was  withheld  and  not  cast, 
in  pursuance  and  execution  of  a  conspiracy  by  such  voters,  that  in  further 
ance  of  such  conspiracy,  James  E.  Anderson,  supervisor  of  registration  in 
that  parish,  and  D.  A.  Weber,  supervisor  of  registration  in  West  Feliciana 
parish,  falsely  protested  that  such  election  in  such  parishes  had  not  been  free 
and  fair,  and  that,  therefore,  the  returning  board  of  said  state  falsely  and 
fraudulently  excluded  votes  of  such  precincts,  and  '  by  means  thereof,  and  of 
other  false  and  fraudulent  action  of  said  returning  board,  the  choice  of  the 
people  of  the  state  was  annulled  and  reversed,  and  that  such  action  by  the 
said  Weber  and  Anderson  was  induced  or  encouraged  by  the  assurances  of 
Hon.  John  Sherman,  now  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.' 

This  resolution  requires  you  to  investigate  these  allegations,  and  upon 
the  result  of  these  depends  the  accusations  against  me. 

First.  That  there  was  a  conspiracy  among  the  voters  to  withhold  and  not 
cast  the  votes,  with  a  view  to  make  a  false  charge  as  to  the  elections. 

Second.  That  in  point  of  fact  there  was  a  free  and  fair  election  in  East 
and  West  Feliciana,  which  was  falsely  protested  and  returned  by  said  Ander 
son  and  Weber,  by  which  the  votes  of  those  parishes  were  falsely  and  fraud 
ulently  excluded  by  the  returning  board. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  533 

Third.  That  the  offense  of  Anderson  and  Weber  was  encouraged  by 
assurances  from  me. 

With  the  view,  therefore,  to  meet  this  accusation,  which,  so  far  as  it 
affects  me,  I  declare  and  know  to  be  absolutely  destitute  of  even  the  shadow 
of  truth,  I  respectfully  ask,  and  now  make  formal  application,  for  leave  to  be 
represented  before  your  committee  in  the  investigations  of  all  charges  affect 
ing  me  personally.  I  tender  and  offer  to  prove  that,  in  point  of  fact,  the 
election  in  East  and  West  Feliciana  parishes  was  governed  and  controlled 
by  force,  violence  and  intimidation  so  revolting  as  to  excite  the  common 
indignation  of  all  who  became  conversant  with  it,  and  proof  was  submitted  to 
that  effect,  not  only  before  the  returning  board  in  evidence  contained  in  ex. 
doc.  No.  2,  second  session  44th  Congress,  but  also  in  the  testimony  taken  by 
the  committee  of  the  Senate  on  privileges  and  elections,  report  No.  701, 
second  session  44th  Congress. 

I  will,  if  allowed,  furnish  the  names  of  witnesses  whom  I  desire  to 
examine  before  you  to  prove  the  truth  of  this  statement  as  to  said  parishes, 
and  that  the  protests  referred  to  were  true,  supported  by  testimony  and 
properly  acted  upon  and  sustained  by  the  returning  board.  To  my  personal 
conduct  during  this  examination  I  invite  your  fair  and  candid  scrutiny,  with 
entire  confidence  that  not  only  myself,  but  my  associates  of  both  political 
parties,  acted  honestly  and  properly,  from  a  sense  of  public  duty.  I  have 
requested  Hon.  Samuel  Shellabarger  to  deliver  this  to  you,  and  I  respect 
fully  designate  him  as  the  gentleman  I  would  desire,  on  my  part,  to  be 
present  to  cross-examine  witnesses  testifying  in  relation  to  charges  against 
me,  and  who  will,  as  my  counsel,  tender  evidence  in  proof  of  this  statement. 
The  favor  of  an  early  answer  is  requested. 

Very  respectfully,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  detail  the  history  of  this  investiga 
tion,  of  which  so  much  was  said  or  printed  at  the  time.  It 
was  a  partisan  committee  organized  to  stir  up  the  controversy 
that  had  been  settled  by  the  decision  of  the  electoral  commis 
sion.  The  committee  conducted  a  long  and  expensive  investi 
gation.  The  result  was  that  the  pretended  letter  was  proven 
to  be  a  forgery,  and  that  my  conduct  during  the  sittings  of  the 
returning  board  was  shown  to  have  been  that  of  a  spectator, 
precisely  like  that  of  a  score  of  other  so-called  visitors,  of  both 
political  parties.  The  investigation  proved  to  be  a  radical  fail 
ure.  The  report  was  not  made  until  March  3, 1879,  the  last  day 
of  the  45th  Congress.  No  action  was  taken  upon  it. 

During  the  investigation  I  specifically  denied,  under  oath, 
that  I  had  ever  written  or  signed  such  a  letter.  There  was  not 
the  slightest  proof,  direct  or  indirect,  that  I  did  so.  The  ma- 


534  RECOLLECTIONS 

jority,  with  great  unfairness,  instead  of  frankly  stating  that 
they  were  deceived  by  a  forgery,  treated  it  as  a  matter  in 
doubt.  In  their  report  they  do  not  allege  or  pretend  that  I 
wrote  or  signed  such  a  letter.  The  evidence  of  their  own  wit 
nesses  was  conclusive  that  it  was  written  by  a  Mrs.  Jenks. 

The  report  of  the  minority  of  the  committee  commented 
with  severity  upon  the  unfairness  of  the  majority  in  the  fol 
lowing  language.  I  do  not  quote  the  report  in  full.  The  open 
ing  paragraph  gives  a  fair  idea  of  its  purport,  and  following  it 
the  details  of  the  charges  originally  made  were  discussed  at 
length. 

"  The  majority  seem  to  us  to  have  come  short  of  what  we  had  a  right  to 
expect  from  their  candor,  when  they  fail  to  report  explicitly  whether  the  tes 
timony  on  this  subject  sustains  the  charge  that  such  a  letter  as  Anderson  and 
Weber  testified  to  was  ever  written  by  the  Hon.  John  Sherman.  For  our 
part,  we  report  distinctly  and  emphatically  that  it  does  not,  and  that  the  pal 
pable  perjuries  of  both  the  witnesses  named  justify  a  feeling  of  deep  disgust 
that  they  should  be  treated  as  capable  of  creating  a  serious  attack  upon  the 
character  of  a  man  who  has  borne  a  high  character  in  the  most  responsible 
service  of  the  country  for  five-and-twenty  years. 

Shortly  afterwards  1  wrote  the  following  letter  to  E.  F. 
Noyes,  then  United  States  minister  at  Paris,  whose  name  was 
mentioned  in  the  resolution  of  investigation : 

WASHINGTON,  1).  C.,  April  1,  1879. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: — Your  letter  of  the  18th  ult.  is  received. 

The  report  of  the  Potter  committee,  which  you  correctly  pronounce  to 
be  infamous,  was  received  in  silence  and  was  scarcely  printed  or  noticed  in 
the  newspapers  of  the  United  States  two  days  after  its  presentation  to  the 
House.  It  was  then  severely  handled  by  the  Republican  press  and  treated 
with  silence  by  the  Democratic  press,  and  now  it  is  not  mentioned.  I  think 
that  neither  of  us  should  complain  of  any  injurious  result  from  the  Potter 
investigation;  although  it  was  annoying,  it  was  fair  and  creditable  both  to  the 
committee  and  many  of  the  witnesses.  But  for  the  expense  and  trouble  of 
the  investigation,  I  am  rather  gratified  that  it  occurred,  for  the  feeling  of  the 
Democratic  party,  over  what  they  supposed  was  a  fraudulent  return,  would 
have  deepened  into  conviction,  while  the  investigation  tended  on  the  whole 
to  repel  this  suspicion. 

**####### 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  E.  F.  NOYES. 

Another  investigation  into  the  conduct  of  the  department 
was  inaugurated  by  J.  M.  Glover,  of  Missouri,  who,  on  Novem- 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  535 

ber  6,  1877,  introduced  in  the  House  of  Representatives  a  reso 
lution  directing  the  several  committees  of  the  House  to  inquire 
into  the  conduct  of  the  different  branches  of  the  public  service 
coming  under  their  charge,  and  the  committees  on  expendi 
tures  in  the  several  departments  to  examine  into  the  state  of 
the  accounts  and  expenditures  of  the  respective  departments 
submitted  to  them.  This  resolution  in  substance  was  adopted 
January  11,  1878,  and  Mr.  Glover  was  chairman  of  the  sub-com 
mittee  to  examine  into  the  conduct  of  the  treasury  department. 
He  came  to  the  department  and  every  facility  was  given  him 
for  examination.  He  was  allowed  experts  to  aid  him  in  the  work, 
and  continued  the  investigation  for  two  years  until  the  close 
of  the  Congress.  His  committee  incurred  much  expense,  but 
was  unable  to  find  that  any  of  the  public  money  had  been 
wasted  or  lost.  His  report,  submitted  in  the  closing  days  of  the 
Congress,  was  not  ordered  to  be  printed.  Subsequently,  on  the 
15th  of  April,  1879,  after  Mr.  Glover  had  ceased  to  be  a  Member 
of  the  House,  a  petition  from  him  was  presented  asking  that 
his  report  be  printed,  which  was  referred  to  a  committee,  but 
they  did  not  seem  to  think  the  report  of  much  consequence, 
as  they  did  not  recommend  it  be  printed. 

The  only  financial  bill  that  became  a  law  during  that  ses 
sion  was  the  following,  approved  May  31,  1878: 

AN  ACT  TO  FORBID  THE  FURTHER  RETIREMENT  OF  UNITED  STATES 
LEGAL  TENDER  NOTES. 

"  12e  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  ^Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  from  and  after  the 
passage  of  this  act  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
or  other  officer  under  him,  to  cancel  or  retire  any  more  of  the  United  States 
legal  tender  notes.  And  when  any  of  said  notes  may  be  redeemed  or  be 
received  into  the  treasury  under  any  law,  from  any  source  whatever,  and 
shall  belong  to  the  United  States,  they  shall  not  be  retired,  canceled,  or 
destroyed,  but  they  shall  be  reissued  and  paid  out  again  and  kept  in  circula 
tion:  Provided,  That  nothing  herein  shall  prohibit  the  cancellation  and 
destruction  of  mutilated  notes  and  the  issue  of  other  notes  of  like  denomina 
tion  in  their  stead,  as  now  provided  by  law. 

"All  acts  and  parts  of  acts  in  conflict  herewith  are  hereby  repealed." 

I  recommended  the  passage. of  this  law,  as  I  believed  that 
the  retirement  of  the  greenbacks  pending  the  preparation  for 
resumption,  by  reducing  the  volume  of  the  currency,  really 
increased  the  difficulties  of  resumption. 


536  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  session  of  Congress  closed  on  the  20th  of  June,  1878. 
During  the  recess  the  business  of  the  department  proceeded  in 
the  ordinary  way,  without  any  event  to  attract  attention,  but 
all  that  happened  tended  in  the  right  direction.  The  crops 
were  good,  confidence  became  assurance,  and  all  business  was 
substantially  based  upon  coin. 

In  consequence  of  the  sale  of  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds 
for  resumption  purposes  the  return  of  Mr.  Conant  to  London 
became  necessary.  His  numerous  letters  advised  the  depart 
ment  of  the  current  of  financial  operations  in  Europe.  There 
was  some  fluctuation  in  the  relative  price  of  United  States 
notes  and  coins,  chiefly  caused  by  our  demand  for  gold  and  the 
appearance  in  the  market  of  bonds  of  other  countries.  At  one 
period  the  sales  of  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  became  more 
rapid  than  the  contract  provided  for,  and  this  rapid  accumula 
tion  of  coin  tended  to  advance  its  price,  which  I  desired  to  avoid, 
and,  therefore,  strictly  limited  the  sale  of  the  four  and  a  half 
per  cent,  bonds  to  $5,000,000  a  month,  thus  preventing  an 
unusual  demand  for  coin.  During  this  period  there  was  a  con 
stant  effort  of  banks  and  bankers,  chiefly  in  New  York,  to  have 
some  exceptional  privilege  in  the  purchase  of  four  per  cent, 
bonds.  This  was  in  every  case  denied.  The  published  offer  of 
the  sale  of  these  bonds  was  repeated  during  each  month,  and 
the  terms  prescribed  were  enforced  in  every  instance  without 
favor  or  partiality. 

On  the  12th  of  July  W.  S.  Groesbeck,  one  of  the  members  of 
the  monetary  commission  about  to  assemble  in  Europe,  applied 
to  the  department  for  information  that  would  enable  the 
American  conferees  to  assure  the  conference  that  the  United 
States  would  resume  by  the  time  fixed,  and  should  therefore  be 
regarded  by  the  conference  as  not  in  a  state  of  suspicion.  I 
responded  to  his  letter,  furnishing  him  with  precise  and  sched 
uled  evidence  of  the  entire  ability  of  the  government  to  com 
ply  with  the  terms  of  the  law  at  the  date  fixed. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 
A  SHORT  RESPITE  FROM  OFFICIAL  DUTIES. 

Visit  to  Mansfield  and  Other  Points  of  Ohio  — Difficulty  of   Making  a  Speech  at 

Toledo  — An  Attempt  to  Break  Up  a  Meeting  That  Did  Not  Succeed  — Various 

Reports  of  the  Gathering  — Good  Work  of   the  Cincinnati   "Enquirer"  — 

Toledo  People  Wanted  "More  Money"  —  My  Return  to  Washington  — 

I  Begin  to  Exchange  Silver  Dollars  for  United  States  Notes  —  My 

Authority  to  Do  So  Before  January  1  Questioned  — The  Order 

Is  Withdrawn  and  Some  Criticism  Follows  —  Instructions 

to     the     United     States     Treasurer     and     Others  — 

Arrangements    with    New    York    Clearing   House. 

IN  the  latter  part  of  August,  1878, 1  made  a  visit  to  Ohio,  first 
going  to  Mansfield  where  I  was  cordially  received.     In  the 
evening  I  was  serenaded,  and  after  the  band  had  played 
several  times  I  went  to  the  steps  of  the  hotel  and  made 
a  few  impromptu  remarks,  reported  as   follows  by  the  local 
paper : 

"FELLOW  CITIZENS  : — I  thank  you  heartily  for  the  courtesy  of  this  sere 
nade,  and  especially  the  members  of  the  band  who  have  favored  us  with  their 
excellent  music.  I  will  be  here  with  you  but  for  a  few  days,  and  welcome 
with  joy  the  sight  of  home,  and  the  familiar  faces  and  scenes  around  me.  I 
do  not  desire  to  say  anything  of  politics,  or  of  matters  upon  which  we  do  not 
agree,  but  prefer  to  meet  you  all  as  old  acquaintances  and  townsmen,  having 
common  interests  and  sympathies  as  to  many  things  as  to  which  we  do  agree. 
And  I  especially  congratulate  you  upon  the  bountiful  harvests,  fruitful 
orchards  and  reviving  prosperity  with  which  you  are  blessed.  I  will  be  glad 
to  shake  hands  with  any  of  you  and  to  talk  with  you  free  from  all  artificial 
restraints." 

I  went  from  Mansfield  to  Toledo,  where  I  had  agreed  with 
the  state  central  committee  to  make  a  speech,  and  where  the 
opposition  to  resumption  was  stronger  than  in  any  other  city 
in  the  state.  Here  the  so-called  National  party  had  its  origin. 
I  knewr  a  great  many  of  the  citizens  of  Toledo  and  the  prevail 
ing  feeling  on  financial  topics.  I,  therefore,  carefully  prepared 

(537) 


538 


RECOLLECTIONS 


a  speech,  covering  all  the  leading  questions  involved  in  the 
campaign,  especially  all  that  related  to  our  currency.  The 
meeting  was  held  August  26,  in  a  large  opera  house,  which 
would  seat  2,500  people.  I  found  it  full  to  overflowing.  Every 
particle  of  space  in  the  aisles  was  occupied  and  it  was  estimated 
that  3,000  people  were  gathered  within  its  walls.  I  will  give 
the  narrative  of  a  correspondent  of  the  St.  Paul  "Pioneer 
Press,"  who  was  an  eyewitness  of  the  scenes  that  followed: 

"  Secretary  Sherman  was  not  received  with  that  hearty  greeting  common 
to  a  man  of  such  prominence  at  first,  while  the  organization  that  had  been 
picketed  in  different  parts  of  the  hall  at  once  commenced  hissing  at  the  first 
sight  of  the  tall,  slender  form  of  the  speaker.  Until  his  introduction  the 
emotion  was  the  same,  and  as  soon  as  he  commenced  to  speak  he  was  inter 
rupted  with  jeers  and  insults  from  what  Nasby,  in  his  paper,  called  the  'hood 
lums  of  the  city,'  who  came  organized  and  determined  to  break  up  the  meet 
ing  without  giving  the  speaker  a  chance  to  be  heard,  by  shouting  at  the  top 
of  their  voices  such  insults  as  'You  are  responsible  for  all  the  failures  in  the 
country ;'  *  You  work  to  the  interest  of  the  capitalist ;'  '  Capitalists  own  you, 
John  Sherman,  and  you  rob  the  poor  widows  and  orphans  to  make  them 
rich  ;' '  How  about  stealing  a  President ;'  '  Why  don't  you  redeem  the  trade 
dollar?' 

"These,  with  many  other  like  flaunting  sneers,  were  constantly  in 
dulged  in  by  the  disorderly  element,  which  had  been  distributed  with  care 
throughout  the  hall.  So  boisterous  and  moblike  was  their  behavior  that  it 
was  apparent  several  times  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  maintain  order, 
and  notwithstanding  the  speaker  stated  that  if  any  gentlemen  wished  to 
ask  any  question,  upon  any  point  that  he  might  discuss,  in  their  order,  he 
would  be  glad  to  answer  them,  and  invited  criticisms,  but  one  such  question 
was  asked  by  Mr.  F.  J.  Scott,  one  of  the  leading  lights  of  the  Nationals, 
who  wished  to  know  the  difference  between  '  fiat '  money  and  greenbacks ; 
the  speaker  replied  :  'Fiat  money  is  redeemable  nowhere,  payable  nowhere, 
for  no  amount  without  security,  at  no  time,  and  without  a  fixed  value  ;  while 
greenbacks  are  redeemable  in  specie  at  par,  at  a  fixed  time,  and  secured  by 
the  pledge  of  the  government.' 

"  By  this  ready,  pointed,  and  satisfactory  answer  the  speaker  turned 
the  tide,  and  the  applause  was  hearty  in  his  favor.  When  answering 
Judge  Thurman  the  speaker  alluded  to  the  charge  made  by  him  that  the 
'  Republican  party  was  the  enemy  of  the  country.'  Then,  after  calling  at 
tention  to  the  war  record  of  the  Democratic  party,  the  speaker  said : 
'Who  is  the  enemy  of  the  country?'  [A  voice  from  a  'hoodlum,'  'John 
Sherman.']  'Why,'  says  the-  speaker;  'because  he  has  brought  green 
backs  up  to  par  value,  and  is  in  favor  of  honest  money?'  This  was  an 
other  cause  for  an  outburst  of  applause  and  of  approval  to  the  speaker, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  539 

although  it  was  very  doubtful,  in  the  beginning  of  his  speech,  whether  he 
could  carry  enough  of  the  vast  audience,  with  the  large  disturbing  element 
opposing  intermingled  among  them,  with  him.  But  long  before  the  closing 
of  his  discourse  it  became  apparent  that  John  Sherman  is  able  to  defend  his 
position,  even  in  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  while  the  ungentlemanly  acts  of  the 
disorganizing  element  were  disgusting  to  the  better  element  of  their  party. 
It  also  effectually  revived  the  lukewarm  Republicans  in  this  community, 
and  it  may  be  well  said  that  John  Sherman  did  what  no  other  man  could 
have  done,  that  is,  to  go  to  a  place  like  Toledo,  stand  before  an  organized 
party  which  was  determined  to  prevent  his  speaking,  while  his  own  party 
was  lukewarm  toward  him — at  was  frequently  asserted  here  'John  Sherman 
had  not  a  single  friend  in  the  city' — and  during  his  speech  of  two  hours 
turn  the  popular  tide  in  his  favor,  as  was  evident  he  did  from  the  hearty 
applause  he  received  as  he  proceeded  in  his  remarks ;  and  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  no  man  in  these  United  States  could  have  done  the  Republican  cause, 
in  this  place,  the  good  that  Secretary  Sherman  did  by  his  speech,  and  the 
*  Toledo  National  hoodlums,'  in  their  efforts  to  break  up  the  meeting,  '  gave 
the  old  man  a  reception,'  as  was  remarked  on  the  streets ;  but  throughout 
his  speech  he  kept  his  temper,  kept  cool  and  considerate,  made  remarks  of 
cheer  by  saying,  *  This  is  only  a  love  feast,'  and  *  We  will  feel  better  natured 
after  a  while,  as  we  become  better  acquainted,'  etc.,  etc." 

The  narrative  given  by  the  correspondent  is  perhaps  a  little 
exaggerated,  but  the  general  outlines  are  correct,  as  I  very  dis 
tinctly  remember.  The  result  was  that  my  carefully  prepared 
speech  was  knocked  into  "  pi,"  and  I  had  to  depend  upon  the  re 
sources  of  the  moment  to  make  a  speech  suitable  to  the  occa 
sion  and  the  crowd.  The  Cincinnati  "Enquirer,"  to  which,  as 
to  other  papers,  a  copy  of  the  prepared  address  had  been  sent, 
had  two  stenographers  in  Toledo  to  report  the  speech  as  made 
and  telegraph  it  to  the  paper.  They  did  so  and  the  speech  as 
reported  and  published  in  the  " Enquirer"  was  so  much  more 
sensational  and  better  than  the  prepared  speech  that  it  was  se 
lected  by  the  Republican  state  committee  for  publication  as  a 
campaign  document.  This  enterprise  of  an  unfriendly  news 
paper  resulted  to  my  advantage  rather  than  my  detriment,  for 
on  account  of  the  interruptions  the  speech  reported  was  much 
more  readable  than  the  other. 

No  doubt  the  feeling  in  Toledo  grew  out  of  the  long  depres 
sion  that  followed  the  panic  of  1873,  that  for  a  time  arrested 
the  growth  and  progress  of  that  thriving  and  prosperous  city. 
The  people  wanted  more  money,  and  I  was  doing  all  I  could, 


540  RECOLLECTIONS 

not  only  to  increase  the  volume  of  money  by  adding  coin  to  our 
circulation,  but  to  give  it  value  and  stability.  I  have  spoken 
in  Toledo  nearly  every  year  since,  and  have  always  been  treated 
with  courtesy  and  kindness,  and  many  of  my  best  friends  now 
in  Toledo  are  among  those  who  joined  in  interrupting  me,  and 
especially  their  leader,  Mr.  Scott. 

From  Toledo  I  went  to  Cincinnati.  I  have  been  for  many 
years  an  honorary  member  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of 
Cincinnati,  a  body  of  business  men  as  intelligent  and  enter 
prising  as  can  be  found  anywhere.  It  has  been  my  habit  to 
meet  them  once  a  year  and  to  make  a  short  speech.  This  I  did 
on  August  28. 

From  Cincinnati  I  went  to  Lancaster,  the  place  of  my  birth, 
and  to  visit  a  sister,  Mrs.  Reese.  The  visit  was  necessarily  a  most 
pleasant  one,  for  many  of  those  whom  I  met  had  been  my  associ 
ates  in  boyhood,  and  the  time  was  passed  in  recalling  old  times. 

I  returned  to  Washington,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  arrange 
with  the  treasurer  and  assistant  treasurers  of  the  United  States 
to  make  the  change  from  currency  to  coin  easy.  I  conferred 
with  General  Hillhouse,  assistant  treasurer  at  New  York,  upon 
the  subject  and  had  his  opinions  verbally  and  in  writing.  I 
conferred  freely  with  James  Gilfillan,  treasurer  of  the  United 
States,  and,  as  a  result  of  these  conferences,  on  the  3rd  of  Sep 
tember,  I  directed  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States,  upon  the 
receipt  by  him,  from  any  person,  of  a  certificate,  issued  by  any 
assistant  treasurer,  designated  depositary,  or  national  bank 
designated  as  a  public  depositary  of  the  United  States,  stating 
that  a  deposit  of  currency  had  been  made  to  his  credit  in  gen 
eral  account  of  the  sum  of  one  thousand  dollars,  or  any  multiple 
thereof,  not  exceeding  ten  thousand  dollars,  to  cause  a  ship 
ment  to  be  made,  from  some  mint  of  the  United  States  to  the 
person  in  whose  name  the  certificate  was  issued,  of  a  like 
amount  of  standard  silver  dollars,  the  expense  of  transportation 
to  be  paid  by  the  mint. 

The  sole  purpose  of  this  order  was  to  facilitate  the  circula 
tion  of  standard  silver  dollars  for  all  purposes  as  currency,  but 
not  to  issue  them  so  as  to  be  used  directly  in  making  those 
payments  to  the  government  which  were  required  to  be  made  in 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  541 

coin.  I  wished  to  avoid  their  deposit  for  silver  certificates. 
Officers  receiving  deposits  of  currency  were  expected,  as 
far  as  practicable,  to  see  that  the  silver  dollars  were  put 
in  circulation.  Shipments,  however,  were  to  be  made  only 
to  points  in  the  United  States  reached  through  established 
express  lines  by  continuous  railway  or  steamboat  communi 
cation. 

I  regarded  this  as  practically  the  resumption  of  specie  pay 
ments  in  silver  dollars,  but  the  chief  object  aimed  at  was  to 
secure  a  general  distribution  of  these  dollars  throughout  the 
United  States,  to  the  extent  of  the  demand  for  them,  without 
forcing  them  into  circulation. 

General  Hillhouse  recommended  the  payment  of  silver  for 
all  purposes,  not  only  for  circulation,  but  for  the  payment  of 
bonds  and  customs  duties.  This  I  fully  considered,  but  thought 
it  best  for  the  present  to  get  into  ordinary  circulation  among 
the  people,  in  points  remote  from  ports  of  entry,  as  much  silver 
coin  as  practicable,  before  offering  it  freely  in  cities  where  it 
would  be  immediately  used  for  customs  duties.  I  said:  "If, 
within  a  month  or  so,  we  are  able  to  reduce  our  stock  of  silver 
to  five  or  six  millions,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  offer 
it  then  freely  in  New  York  and  elsewhere,  and  run  the  risk  of 
doing  without  gold  revenue  for  awhile." 

On  September  7  I  issued  the  following  order: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  September  7,  1878. 
HON.  JAMES  GILFILLAN,  Treasurer  of  the  United  States. 

SIR  : — On  and  after  the  16th  day  of  this  month  you  are  authorized,  at 
the  treasury  in  Washington,  and  at  the  several  sub-treasuries  in  the  United 
States,  to  exchange  standard  silver  dollars  for  United  States  notes. 

Very  respectfully, 

JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

The  question  was  raised  in  the  public  prints,  and  in  the  de 
partment,  whether  I  had  legal  authority,  under  the  existing  laws, 
to  pay  silver  dollars  in  exchange  for  United  States  notes  before 
the  1st  of  January.  It  was  plausibly  urged  that  the  payment 
of  this  coin  in  advance  of  the  time  fixed  for  resumption  was 
the  exercise  of  authority  not  authorized  by  law.  I,  therefore, 
on  the  13th  of  September,  three  days  before  the  previous  order 


542  RECOLLECTIONS 

would  take  effect,  directed  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States 
as  follows: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  September  13,  1878. 
HON.  JAMES  GILFILLAN,  Treasurer  United  States. 

SIR  : — Some  question  has  been  made  whether  the  issue  of  silver  dollars, 
in  exchange  for  United  States  notes,  before  January  1,  next,  is  in  entire 
accordance  with  the  legislation  of  Congress  bearing  on  the  subject,  and, 
therefore,  you  will  please  postpone  the  execution  of  department  order  of  the 
3rd  instant  until  further  instructions,  and  withhold  from  transmission  to 
assistant  treasurers  the  order  of  the  7th. 

Silver  dollars  will  be  issued  as  heretofore,  in  the  purchase  of  silver  bul 
lion,  in  payment  of  coin  liabilities,  and  in  the  mode  pointed  out  in  your  order 
of  July  19,  as  modified. 

With  a  view  to  their  payment  on  current  liabilities,  you  will  request 
that  each  disbursing  officer  estimate  the  amount  he  can  conveniently  disburse. 

Very  respectfully, 

JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

This  change  of  my  opinion  was  the  subject  of  much  criti 
cism  in  the  public  prints.  Some  complained  that  I  was  un 
friendly  to  the  silver  dollar  and  sought  to  prevent  its  use,  and 
others  complained  that  its  use  before  the  1st  of  January  as  a 
substitute  for  gold  coin  was  a  violation  of  law.  My  only 
purpose  was  to  accustom  the  people  to  the  use  of  the  silver 
dollar  in  the  interior  of  the  country  at  places  where  it  could 
not  be  used  in  the  payment  of  customs  duties.  These  could 
only  be  paid  in  coin,  and,  in  view  of  resumption,  I  desired  to 
strengthen  the  treasury  as  much  as  possible  by  the  receipt  of 
gold  coin.  The  charge  that  I  was  guilty  of  changing  my  mind 
did  not  disturb  me  when  I  was  convinced  that  I  had  exceeded 
my  authority  in  the  issue  of  the  first  order. 

At  that  time  there  was  an  evident  reluctance  to  pay  coin 
into  the  treasury  for  four  per  cent,  bonds  sold,  when,  within  a 
brief  period,  United  States  notes  could  be  paid  for  such  bonds. 
I  therefore  directed  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States:  "  Where 
deposits  with  national  banks  on  account  of  subscriptions  to 
the  four  per  cent,  loan  have  not  been  paid  into  the  treasury 
within  ninety  days  after  the  deposit  was  made,  you  will  at  once 
draw  for  the  amount  of  such  deposits,  to  be  forthwith  paid  into 
the  treasury,  and  as  such  deposits  accrue  under  this  rule,  you 
will  make  such  withdrawals  until  the  whole  is  paid." 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  543 

I  also  directed  the  chief  of  the  loan  division  as  follows: 

"No  doubt  most  of  the  depositaries  will  place  coin  to  tlieir  credit  within 
the  period  of  the  call  outstanding  after  subscriptions  are  made,  according  to 
the  circular  of  the  1st  ultimo,  but  if  this  is  not  done,  the  deposit  must  be 
withdrawn  at  the  expiration  of  ninety  days  from  the  date  of  subscription." 

I  also  advised  August  Belmont  &  Co.,  that  the  department 
expected  that  by  the  1st  of  October  the  remainder  of  the  coin 
then  due  upon  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds,  both  from 
the  American  sales  and  those  made  in  London,  would  be  paid 
into  the  treasury;  that  it  was  deemed  best  that  this  should  be 
done,  so  that  the  account  of  this  loan  might  be  closed  as  soon 
thereafter  as  the  books  could  be  made  up.  This  request  was 
promptly  complied  with. 

Early  in  October  there  were  many  rumors  in  circulation 
charging  that  prominent  capitalists  and  speculators  were  com 
bining  to  defeat  resumption.  Among  them  Jay  Gould  was 
mentioned  as  being  actively  engaged  in  "bearing"  the  market. 
About  this  period  I  received  from  him  the  following  letter : 

578  Fifth  Avenue,  Oct.  17,  1878. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAR  SIR  : — Referring  to  recent  newspaper  statements  that  I  have  been 
interested  in  movements  either  to  tighten  money  or  create  a  scarcity  of  gold 
and  thus  interfere  with  natural  and  early  resumption,  I  beg  to  say  that  they 
are  without  the  slightest  foundation.  On  the  contrary  I  feel  a  very  deep 
interest  in  your  efforts,  so  far  eminently  successful  in  carrying  the  country 
to  a  successful  resumption. 

If  resumption  is  made  a  real  success  it  will  be  accompanied  with  sub 
stantial  business  prosperity  and  do  more  to  strengthen  and  retain  the 
ascendency  of  the  Republican  party  than  any  and  all  other  reasons. 

The  real  causes  of  the  recent  disturbances  in  the  money  market  are  the 
following  : 

First.  Government  bonds  have  come  back  from  Europe  faster  than  in 
vestment  orders  would  absorb  them- — the  surplus  are  carried  on  call  loans 
and  have  absorbed  several  millions  of  dollars. 

Second.  The  financial  troubles  in  England  are  retarding  the  rapid  move 
ment  of  western  produce.  The  elevators  at  Chicago  and  Milwaukee  are  full 
of  grain  ;  at  Chicago  alone  about  7,000,000  bushels.  The  currency  sent 
west  to  pay  for  this  grain  will  not  be  released  until  the  grain  is  marketed. 

Third.  A  large  amount  of  foreign  capital  usually  lent  on  call  in  Wall 
street  has  been  transferred  to  London  and  Liverpool  as  money  commands 
(or  has  until  recently)  better  rates  there  than  in  New  York. 

I  remain,  yours  very  truly,  JAY  GOULD. 


544  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  purchase  of  four  per  cent,  bonds  sensibly  increased  in 
October.  As  the  six  per  cent,  bonds  could  not  be  paid  within 
ninety  days  after  the  call,  the  purchasers  of  the  four  per  cent, 
bonds  claimed  the  right  to  pay  for  such  bonds  in  United  States 
notes,  which  on  the  1st  of  January  would  be  redeemable  in 
coin.  To  this  I  replied  that  as  the  sale  of  four  per  cent,  bonds 
was  solely  for  the  purpose  of  refunding  the  six  per  cent,  bonds, 
the  proceeds  of  the  sale  must  be  such  as  could  be  lawfully  paid 
for  called  bonds.  "Under  existing  law  the  treasury  is  required 
to  and  will  redeem  in  coin,  on  and  after  January  1, 1879,  United 
States  legal  tender  notes,  on  presentation  at  the  sub-treasury  in 
New  York,  and  will  then  receive  such  notes  in  payment  for 
four  per  cent,  bonds.  The  department  does  not  anticipate  any 
change  in  the  law  that  would  operate  to  prevent  this,  but  can 
not  stipulate  against  any  act  which  Congress  in  its  judgment 
may  pass." 

Every  facility  which  the  law  allowed  to  promote  the  easy 
change  in  the  basis  of  our  currency  was  carefully  considered 
and  adopted.  The  chief  measure  adopted  was  to  promote  ex 
changes  in  the  clearing  house  in  New  York,  so  that  only  the 
balance  of  debits  or  credits  would  actually  be  paid.  I  requested 
Assistant  Secretary  French  to  examine  whether,  under  existing 
law,  such  an  arrangement  was  in  the  power  of  the  department, 
and  called  his  attention  to  previous  correspondence  in  1875  in 
the  department  on  this  subject.  He  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  existing  law  would  not  justify  such  an  arrangement. 
John  Jay  Knox,  comptroller  of  the  currency,  however,  favored 
the  admission  of  the  assistant  treasurer  of  the  United  States  at 
New  York  as  a  member  of  the  clearing  house.  He  said: 

"  The  proposition  is  favored  by  the  banks  generally,  and  it  is  believed 
that  the  representation  of  the  treasury  department  in  the  clearing  house  will 
facilitate  the  transaction  of  business  between  the  department  and  the  banks, 
and  I  therefore  respectfully  suggest  that  application  be  made  for  the  admis 
sion  of  the  assistant  treasurer  in  New  York  to  the  Clearing  House  Associa 
tion,  provided  it  shall  be  found  that  there  is  no  legal  objection  thereto." 

General  Hillhouse  also  was  strongly  in  favor  of  the  plan  pro 
posed.  He  said: 

"  The  plan  of  going  into  the  clearing  house  was  proposed  in  correspond 
ence  with  the  department  several  years  ago,  as  a  remedy  for  the  risk  incurred 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  545 

in  the  collection  of  checks,  and  if  there  are  no  legal  impediments  in  the  way, 
it  would  very  much  simplify  the  business  of  the  office  if  it  could  be  adopted. 
The  effect  in  connection  with  resumption  would  also,  I  think,  be  good,  as  it 
would  place  the  banks  and  the  treasury  on  the  same  footing  with  respect  to 
the  use  of  United  States  notes  in  settlements,  and  thus  aid  in  maintain 
ing  them  at  par  with  gold  in  all  the  vast  transactions  connected  with  our 
internal  trade  and  commerce.  I  have  not  given  the  question  sufficient 
thought  to  speak  with  confidence,  but  it  seems  to  me  it  is  a  very  important 
one,  and  well  worthy  of  careful  consideration." 

A  committee  of  the  clearing  house  called  upon  me  and  the 
subject  was  thoroughly  considered.  Mr.  Gilfillan  wrote  to  Gen 
eral  Hillhouse  as  follows: 

TREASURY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  November  9,  1878. 

SIR: — By  direction  of  the  secretary,  I  have  the  honor  to  request  that  you 
will  submit  to  the  Clearing  House  Association  of  the  banks  of  your  city  the 
following  propositions,  and,  upon  obtaining  the  assent  of  the  association  to 
them  and  communicating  that  fact  to  the  department,  you  are  expected  to  act 
in  conformity  with  them. 

First.  Hereafter,  drafts  drawn  upon  any  bank  represented  in  the  Clear 
ing  House  Association  in  the  city  of  New  York,  received  by  the  assistant 
treasurer  in  that  city,  may  be  presented  to  such  bank  at  the  clearing  house 
for  payment. 

Second.  Hereafter,  drafts  drawn  on  the  assistant  treasurer  at  New  York 
may  be  adjusted  by  him  at  the  clearing  house,  and  the  balances  due  from  the 
United  States  may  be  paid  at  his  office  in  United  States  notes  or  clearing 
house  certificates. 

Third.  After  the  1st  of  January  next,  payment  of  checks  presented  to 
the  assistant  treasurer  by  any  bank  connected  with  the  clearing  house  may 
be  made  by  him  in  United  States  notes.  Very  respectfully, 

JAMES  GILFILLAN,  Treasurer  United  States. 
HON.  THOMAS  HILLHOUSE,  Assistant  Treasurer  United  States,  New  York. 

General  Hillhouse,  on  the  12th  of  November,  advised  me  of 
the  receipt  of  this  letter,  and  that  the  propositions  of  the  treas 
urer  were  referred  to  the  Clearing  House  Association,  that  a 
meeting  would  be  held  and  there  was  little  doubt  but  that 
they  would  be  accepted. 

On  the  same  day  the  Clearing  House  Association,  fifty  out 
of  fifty-eight  banks,  members  of  the  association,  being  present, 
unanimously  adopted  the  following  resolutions : 

"JResolved,  That  in  order  to  facilitate  the  payment  of  drafts  and  checks, 
between  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States  and  the  associated  banks,  the 
manager  of  the  New  York  clearing  house  is  authorized  to  make  such  an 


•&' 

S.-35 


546  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

arrangement  with  the  assistant  treasurer  as  will  accomplish  that  purpose 
through  the  medium  of  the  clearing  house. 

"Resolved,  That  the  reported  interview  between  the  members  of  the 
clearing  house  committee  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  with  the  views 
expressed  by  them  to  him  in  the  paper  presented  to  this  meeting  upon  the 
subject  of  the  restoration  of  specie  payments,  meets  the  cordial  approbation 
of  this  association,  and  that  the  practical  measures  recommended  for  the 
adoption  of  the  banks  in  respect  to  their  treatment  of  coin  in  their  business 
with  the  public,  and  with  each  other,  be  accepted  and  carried  into  practical 
operation ;  and,  in  pursuance  thereof,  it  is  hereby  further 

"Resolved,  That  the  associated  banks  of  this  city,  after  the  1st  of 
January,  1879,  will,  first,  decline  receiving  gold  coins  as  *  special  deposits,' 
but  accept  and  treat  them  as  lawful  money ;  second,  abolish  special  ex 
changes  of  gold  checks  at  the  clearing  house  ;  third,  pay  and  receive  bal 
ances  between  banks  at  the  clearing  house,  either  in  gold  or  United  States 
legal  tender  notes ;  fourth,  receive  silver  dollars  upon  deposit  only,  under 
special  contract  to  withdraw  the  same  in  kind ;  fifth,  prohibit  payments  of 
balances  at  the  clearing  house  in  silver  certificates,  or  in  silver  dollars,  ex 
cepting  as  subsidiary  coin,  in  small  sums  (say  under  $10) ;  sixth,  discon 
tinue  gold  special  accounts,  by  notice  to  dealers,  on  1st  of  January  next,  to 
terminate  them. 

"Resolved,  That  the  manager  of  the  clearing  house  be  requested  to 
send  copies  of  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  to  clearing  houses  in  other 
cities,  with  an  expression  of  the  hope  that  they  will  unite  in  similar  meas 
ures  for  promoting  the  resumption  of  coin  payments." 

I  accepted  in  the  following  note: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  November  13,  1878.  J 
GEORGE  S.  COE,  President  American  Exchange  National  Bank,  New  York. 

SIR  :— Your  letter  of  yesterday,  advising  me  of  the  adoption  by  the 
Clearing  House  Association  of  the  result  of  our  recent  interview,  is  received 
with  much  pleasure. 

The  end  we  all  aim  at,  a  specie  standard  and  a  redeemable  currency,  is 
greatly  promoted  by  the  judicious  action  of  the  banks,  and  I  will,  with 
greater  confidence,  do  my  part  officially  in  securing  the  maintenance  of 
resumption.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

This  arrangement,  entered  into  with  care,  proved  to  be 
a  measure  of  very  great  advantage  to  the  government  as 
well  as  to  all  business  men  engaged  in  the  great  commercial 
operations  of  New  York.  The  necessary  details  to  carry  this 
agreement  into  effect  were  arranged  between  General  Hillhouse, 
for  the  United  States,  and  W.  A.  Camp,  manager  of  the  New 
York  clearing  house. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

INVESTIGATION  OF  THE  NEW  YORK  CUSTOMHOUSE. 

A  General  Examination  of  Several  Ports  Ordered  — No  Difficulty  Except  at  New 
York —  First  Report  of  the  Commission  —  President  Hayes'  Recommendations 
—Second    Report    of    the  Commission  —  Various    Measures    of    Reform 
Recommended  —  Four  Other  Reports  Made  —  The  President  Decides 
on  the  Removal  of  Arthur,  Cornell  and  Sharpe  — Two  Letters 
to  R.  C.  McCormick  on  the  Subject  —  Arthur  et  al.  Refuse 
to  Resign  —  The    Senate    Twice    Refuses  to  Confirm 
the  Men  Appointed  by  the  President  to  Succeed 
Them  —  Conkling's    Contest    Against    Civil 
Service     Reform  —  My     Letter     to 
Senator     Allison  —  Final    Vic 
tory     of     the    President. 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  administration  of  President 
Hayes,  and  for  months  previous,  there  had  been  com 
plaints  as  to  the  conduct  of  business  in  the  principal 
customhouses  of  the  United  States.  This  was  especially 
called  to  my  attention,  and  at  my  suggestion  the  President 
directed  an  examination  into  the  conduct  of  the  customhouses 
at  New  York,  Philadelphia,  New  Orleans,  San  Francisco  and 
perhaps  other  ports.  Examinations  were  made  by  intelligent 
business  men  selected  in  the  various  ports,  and  full  reports 
were  made  by  them,  and  printed  as  public  documents.  Many 
changes  were  made,  and  reforms  adopted,  founded  upon  these 
reports,  and  there  was  no  difficulty  except  only  at  the  port  of 
New  York,  where  more  than  two-thirds  of  all  the  customs 
revenue  was  collected.  Chester  A.  Arthur  was  then  collector 
of  the  port,  A.  B.  Cornell  was  naval  officer,  and  George  H. 
Sharpe  was  appraiser. 

On  the  23rd  of  April,  1877, 1  designated  John  Jay,  Lawrence 
Turnure,  of  New  York,  and  J.  H.  Eobinson,  Assistant  Solicitor 
of  the  Treasury,  as  a  commission  on  the  New  York  customhouse. 
They  were  requested  to  make  a  thorough  examination  into  the 
conduct  of  business  in  that  customhouse.  Full  instructions 

(547) 


548  RECOLLECTIONS 

were  given  and  many  specifications  were  made  in  detail  of  all 
the  points  embraced  in  their  examination. 

On  the  24th  of  May  they  made  their  first  report,  preferring 
to  treat  the  general  subject-matter  separately.  This  report 
related  chiefly  to  appointments  upon  political  influence  with 
out  due  regard  to  efficiency.  I  promptly  referred  it  to  the 
President,  and  received  the  following  letter  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,        ) 
WASHINGTON,  May  26,  1877.  f 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  read  the  partial  report  of  the  commission  ap 
pointed  to  examine  the  New  York  customhouse.  1  concur  with  the  commis 
sion  in  their  recommendations.  It  is  my  wish  that  the  collection  of  the 
revenues  should  be  free  from  partisan  control,  and  organized  on  a  strictly 
business  basis,  with  the  same  guarantees  for  efficiency  and  fidelity  in  the 
selection  of  the  chief  and  subordinate  officers  that  would  be  required  by  a 
prudent  merchant.  Party  leaders  should  have  no  more  influence  in  appoint 
ments  than  other  equally  respectable  citizens.  No  assessments  for  political 
purposes,  on  officers  or  subordinates,  should  be  allowed.  No  useless  officer 
or  employe  should  be  retained.  No  officer  should  be  required  or  permitted 
to  take  part  in  the  management  of  political  organizations,  caucuses,  conven 
tions,  or  election  campaigns.  Their  right  to  vote,  and  to  express  their  views 
on  public  questions,  either  orally  or  through  the  press,  is  not  denied,  pro 
vided  it  does  not  interfere  with  the  discharge  of  their  official  duties. 

Respectfully  R.  B.  HAYES. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  etc. 

1  inclosed  a  copy  of  the  report  of  the  commission  to  Collector 
Arthur,  with  a  letter  of  instructions  covering  the  finding  of  the 
commission  so  far  as  they  had  reported.  I  requested  the  execu 
tion  by  him  of  the  plans  of  the  committee,  which  had  been  ap 
proved  by  the  President,  and  gave  him,  in  detail,  my  opinions  re 
specting  the  mode  of  procedure  in  a  difficult  and  unpleasant  task. 
Special  stress  was  laid  upon  the  question  of  personal  efficiency. 

The  commission  proceeded  with  their  examination,  and  on 
the  2nd  of  July  made  their  second  report.  This  contained 
specific  charges,  but  of  a  general  character,  against  persons 
employed  in  the  customhouse.  They  found  that  for  many  years 
past  the  view  had  obtained  with  some  political  leaders  that  the 
friends  of  the  administration  in  power  had  a  right  to  control 
the  customs  appointments ;  and  this  view  seemed  to  have  been 
acquiesced  in  by  successive  administrations. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  549 

The  commission  entered  into  a  full  statement  and  details  as 
to  irregularities,  inefficiency  and  neglect  of  duties  in  different 
departments  of  the  customhouse,  and  recommended  various 
measures  of  reform,  both  in  the  laws  regulating  the  customs 
service  and  its  actual  administration.  A  copy  of  this  report 
was  immediately  sent  to  Collector  Arthur  and  Naval  Officer 
Cornell,  with  instructions  to  recommend  to  me  the  number  of 
each  grade  for  each  branch  of  his  office,  with  various  details 
designated  by  me,  and  to  carry  into  execution  the  general  rec 
ommendations  of  the  commission.  I  added : 

"  You  will  please  take  your  own  way,  by  committee  of  your  officers  or 
otherwise,  to  fix  the  number  of  each  grade  requisite  to  conduct  the  business 
of  your  office,  and  make  report  as  early  as  practicable." 

The  third  report  was  made  on  the  21st  of  July,  and  related 
to  the  management  of  the  department  of  weighers  and  gaugers. 

The  fourth  report,  made  on  the  31st  of  August,  related  to 
the  appraiser's  office.  In  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  this 
report  on  the  12th  of  September,  I  stated : 

"  The  recommendations  made  by  you  will  be  fully  examined  in  detail, 
and  be  acted  upon  cotemporaneously  with  the  proposed  change  in  the  lead 
ing  officers  of  that  customhouse." 

Two  other  reports  were  made,  dated  October  31  and  Novem 
ber  1,  1877,  the  latter  containing  suggestions  as  to  recommen 
dations  of  legislative  amendments  to  various  existing  laws  and 
usages. 

After  the  receipt  of  the  report  of  August  31  the  President, 
who  had  carefully  read  the  several  reports,  announced  his  de 
sire  to  make  a  change  in  the  three  leading  offices  of  the  New 
York  customhouse.  He  wished  to  place  it  upon  the  ground 
that  he  thought  the  public  service  would  be  best  promoted  by 
a  general  change,  that  new  officers  would  be  more  likely  to 
make  the  radical  reforms  required  than  those  then  in  the  cus 
tomhouse.  The  matter  was  submitted  to  the  cabinet,  and  I  was 
requested  to  communicate  with  these  officers,  in  the  hope  that 
they  would  resign  and  relieve  the  President  from  the  unpleas 
ant  embarrassment  of  removing  them.  On  the  6th  of  Septem 
ber  I  wrote  to  Richard  C.  McCormick,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 


550  RECOLLECTIONS 

Treasury,  who  was  then  at  his  home  near  New  York  on  ac 
count  of  illness,  the  following  letter.  I  knew  that  Mr.  McCor- 
mick  was  on  friendly  terms  with  Collector  Arthur,  and  that  he 
might  better  than  I  inform  him  of  the  wish  of  the  President  to 
receive  the  resignations  of  himself,  and  Messrs.  Cornell  and 

Sharpe : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  September  6,  1877.  J 

DEAR  GOVERNOR:  —  After  a  very  full  consideration,  and  a  very  kindly 
one,  the  President,  with  the  cordial  assent  of  his  cabinet,  came  to  the  con 
clusion  that  the  public  interests  demanded  a  change  in  the  three  leading 
offices  in  New  York,  and  a  public  announcement  of  that  character  was 
authorized.  I  am  quite  sure  that  this  will,  on  the  whole,  be  considered  to 
be  a  wise  result.  The  manner  of  making  the  changes  and  the  persons  to  be 
appointed  will  be  a  subject  of  careful  and  full  consideration,  but  it  is  better 
to  know  that  it  is  determined  upon  and  ended.  This  made  it  unnecessary 
to  consider  the  telegrams  in  regard  to  Mr.  Cornell.  It  is  probable  that  no 
special  point  would  have  been  made  upon  his  holding  his  position  as  chair 
man  of  the  state  committee  for  a  limited  time,  but  even  that  was  not  the 
thing,  the  real  question  being  that,  whether  he  resigned  or  not,  it  was  better 
that  he  and  Arthur  and  Sharpe  should  all  give  way  to  new  men,  to  try  defi 
nitely  a  new  policy  in  the  conduct  of  the  New  York  customhouse. 

I  have  no  doubt,  unless  these  gentlemen  should  make  it  impossible  by 
their  conduct  hereafter,  that  they  will  be  treated  with  the  utmost  considera 
tion,  and,  for  one,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  I  hope  General  Arthur 
will  be  recognized  in  a  most  complimentary  way. 

Things  are  going  on  quietly  here,  but  we  miss  you  very  much.  Hope 
you  will  have  a  pleasant  time  and  return  to  us  in  fresh  health  and  vigor. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  R.  C.  McCoRMicK. 

On  the  next  day  I  wrote  him  a  supplementary  letter: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  September  7,  1877.  \ 

DEAR  GOVERNOR  : — Your  note  of  yesterday  is  received. 

The  action  of  the  President  on  the  New  York  customhouse  cases  turned 
upon  the  general  question  of  change  there,  and  not  upon  Cornell's  case.  It 
happened  in  this  way  :  General  Sharpe,  in  a  very  manly  letter,  withdrew 
his  application  for  reappointment  as  surveyor  of  the  port.  In  considering 
the  question  of  successor  the  main  point,  as  to  whether  the  changes  in  the 
New  York  customhouse  rendered  necessary  a  general  change  of  the  heads 
of  the  departments,  was  very  fully  and  very  kindly  considered,  and,  without 
any  reference  to  Cornell's  matter,  until  it  was  thought,  as  a  matter  of  public 
policy,  it  was  best  to  make  change  in  these  heads,  with  some  details  about 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  551 

it  which  I  will  communicate  to  you  when  you  return.  When  that  was  seen 
to  be  the  unanimous  opinion,  it  was  thought  hardly  worth  while  to  single 
out  Mr.  Cornell's  case,  and  act  upon  it  on  the  question  that  affected  him 
alone.  If  he  was  allowed  to  resign  from  the  committee,  it  would  undoubt 
edly  be  upon  an  implied  supposition  that  he  would  be  continued  as  naval 
officer.  I  think  even  yet  he  ought  to  do  as  he  proposed  to  Orton,  but  we 
could  not  afford  to  have  him  do  it  with  any  such  implied  assent,  and,  there 
fore,  it  was  deemed  better  to  make  the  formal  announcement  agreed  upon. 
You  know  how  carefully  such  things  are  considered,  and,  after  a  night's 
reflection,  I  am  satisfied  of  the  wisdom  of  the  conclusion. 

I  want  to  see  Arthur,  and  have  requested  him  to  come  here.  You  can 
say  to  him  that,  with  the  kindest  feelings,  and,  as  he  will  understand  when 
he  sees  me,  with  a  proper  appreciation  of  his  conduct  during  the  examina 
tion  by  the  commission,  there  should  be  no  feeling  about  this  in  New  York. 
At  all  events,  what  has  been  done  is  beyond  recall. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  R.  C.  McCoRMicK. 

Mr.  McCormick  complied  with  my  request,  and  orally  re 
ported  his  interview  on  his  return  to  Washington.  We  were 
given  to  understand  that  these  officers  did  not  wish  to  be  re 
moved  pending  the  investigation,  as  it  would  seem  that  they 
were  charged  with  the  acknowledged  defects  and  irregularities 
which  they  themselves  had  pointed  out.  The  President  was 
quite  willing  to  base  his  request  for  their  resignation,  not  upon 
the  ground  that  they  were  guilty  of  the  offenses  charged,  but 
that  new  officers  could  probably  deal  with  the  reorganization 
of  the  customhouse  with  more  freedom  and  success  than  the 
incumbents.  I  also  saw  General  Arthur,  and  explained  to  him 
the  view  taken  by  the  President  and  his  desire  not  in  any  way 
to  reflect  upon  the  collector  and  his  associates,  Cornell  and 
Sharpe.  I  believed  that  at  the  close  of  the  investigation  by 
the  commission  these  gentlemen  would  resign,  and  that  their 
character  and  merits  would  be  recognized  possibly  by  appoint 
ments  to  other  offices. 

Acting  on  this  idea,  on  the  15th  of  October,  I  wrote  the  fol 
lowing  letter  to  Arthur : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  October  15,  1877. 

DEAR  SIR:  —  I  regret  to  hear  from  Mr.  Evarts  that  you  decline  the 
consulship  at  Paris  which  I  supposed  would  be  very  agreeable  to  you. 

As  the  time  has  arrived  when  your  successor  must  be  appointed,  I  sub 
mit  to  you  whether,  though  your  resignation  might  be  inferred  from  your 


552  RECOLLECTIONS 

letters  on  file,  it  would  not  be  better  for  you  to  tender  it  formally  before 
your  successor  is  appointed. 

The  President  desires  to  make  this  change  in  a  way  most  agreeable  to 
you,  and  it  would  be  most  convenient  to  have  it  announced  to-morrow. 
An  early  answer  is  requested.  Very  truly,  etc., 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 
GENERAL  C.  A.  ARTHUR,  Collector  Customs,  New  York. 

It  soon  became  manifest  that  these  gentlemen  had  no  pur 
pose  to  resign,  and  that  Senator  Conkling  intended  to  make  a 
political  contest  against  the  policy  of  civil  service  reform  inau 
gurated  by  President  Hayes.  On  the  24th  of  October,  1877,  the 
President  sent  to  the  Senate  the  nominations  of  Theodore  Roose 
velt  to  succeed  Arthur  as  collector,  Edwin  A.  Merritt  to  succeed 
George  H.  Sharpe  as  surveyor,  and  L.  B.  Prince  to  succeed  A. 
B.  Cornell  as  naval  officer.  All  of  them  were  rejected  by  the 
Senate  on  the  29th  of  October.  On  the  6th  of  December,  dur 
ing  the  following  session,  Roosevelt,  Prince  and  Merritt  were 
again  nominated,  and  the  two  former  were  again  rejected. 
Merritt  was  confirmed  as  surveyor  on  the  16th  of  December. 

This  action  of  the  Senate  was  indefensible.  There  was  not 
the  slightest  objection  to  Roosevelt  or  Prince,  and  none  was 
made.  The  reasons  for  a  change  were  given  in  the  report  of 
the  Jay  commission.  Even  without  this  report  the  right  of 
the  President  to  appoint  these  officers  was  given  by  the  consti 
tution.  To  compel  the  President  to  retain  anyone  in  such  an 
office,  charged  with  the  collection  of  the  great  body  of  the  rev 
enue  from  customs,  in  the  face  of  such  reasons  as  were  given  for 
removal,  was  a  gross  breach  of  public  duty.  No  doubt  the 
Democratic  majority  in  the  Senate  might  defend  themselves 
with  political  reasons,  but  the  motive  of  Mr.  Conkling  was  hos 
tility  to  President  Hayes  and  his  inborn  desire  to  domineer. 
The  chief  embarrassment  fell  upon  me.  I  wished  to  execute 
the  reforms  needed  in  the  collector's  office,  but  could  only  doit 
with  his  consent.  The  cooperation  required  was  not  given,  and 
the  office  was  held  in  pronounced  contempt  of  the  President. 
If  the  rejection  of  these  nominations  had  been  placed  upon 
the  ground  of  unfitness,  other  names  could  have  been  sent  to 
the  Senate,  but  there  was  no  charge  of  that  kind,  while  specific 


U 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  553 

and  definite  charges  were  made  against  the  incumbents.  Other 
names  were  mentioned  to  the  President,  and  suggestions  were 
made,  among  others  by  Whitelaw  Keid,  whose  letter  I  insert : 

NEW  YORK,  March  29,  1878. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SHERMAN  :  —  Leaving  Washington  unexpectedly  this 
morning,  I  was  unable  to  call  again  at  the  treasury  department  in  accord 
ance  with  your  polite  invitation  of  last  night.  I  have,  however,  been  think 
ing  over  the  customhouse  problem  of  which  you  asked  my  opinion.  It 
seems  to  me,  more  and  more  clear,  that,  if  a  new  appointment  is  to  be  made, 
it  should  be  controlled  by  two  considerations:  First,  the  appointee  should 
be  a  man  who  can  be  confirmed ;  and,  second,  he  should  be  a  man  equal  to 
all  the  practical  duties  of  the  place,  which  are  necessarily  and  essentially 
political  as  well  as  mercantile. 

To  nominate  another  man  only  to  have  him  rejected  would  do  great 
harm,  and  the  confirmation  cannot,  by  any  means,  be  taken  for  granted.  I 
believe  it  is  possible  to  select  some  well-known  man,  who  has  carefully 
studied  the  subject  of  revenue  collection,  and  could  bring  to  the  task  exec 
utive  skill,  experience,  and  sound  business  and  political  sagacity,  and  that 
such  a  nomination  could  be  confirmed.  I  assume,  of  course,  that  any  move 
ment  of  this  sort  would  be  based  upon  the  previous  removal  of  the  present 
incumbent,  for  good  cause — of  which  I  have  been  hearing  rumors  for  some 
time. 

Pray  let  me  renew  more  formally  the  invitation  to  dine  with  me,  on  the 
evening  of  the  10th  of  April,  at  seven  o'clock,  at  the  Union  League  Club, 
to  meet  Mr.  Bayard  Taylor  just  before  his  departure  for  Berlin.  I  sincerely 
hope  you  can  arrange  your  movements  after  the  Chester  visit  so  as  to  make 
it  possible.  Very  truly  yours,  WHITELAW  REID. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  President  would  not  make  other  appointments  during 
the  session  of  the  Senate,  as  the  implication  would  arise  that 
the  rejections  were  based  upon  opposition  to  the  persons  named, 
and  he,  therefore,  postponed  any  action  until  the  close  of  the 
session. 

After  the  close  of  the  session,  on  the  llth  of  July,  1878,  the 
President  gave  temporary  commissions  to  Edwin  A.  Merritt  as 
collector  to  succeed  C.  A.  Arthur,  and  Silas  W.  Burt  to  succeed 
Cornell  as  naval  officer,  and  these  gentlemen  entered  upon  the 
duties  of  their  respective  offices. 

On  the  following  December  it  became  necessary  to  send 
their  nominations  to  the  Senate.  I  had  definitely  made  up  my 
mind  that  if  the  Senate  again  rejected  them  I  would  resign.  I 


554  RECOLLECTIONS 

would  not  hold  an  office  when  my  political  friends  forced  me 
to  act  through  unfriendly  subordinates.  I  wrote  a  letter  to 
Senator  Allison  as  follows : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  31,  1879. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  would  not  bother  you  with  this  personal  matter,  but 
that  1  feel  the  deepest  interest  in  the  confirmation  of  General  Merritt,  which 
I  know  will  be  beneficial  to  us  as  a  party,  and  still  more  so  to  the  public 
service.  Personally  I  have  the  deepest  interest  in  it  because  I  have  been 
unjustly  assailed  in  regard  to  it  in  the  most  offensive  manner.  I  feel  free  to 
appeal  to  you  and  Windom,  representing  as  you  do  western  states,  and  be 
ing  old  friends  and  acquaintances,  to  take  into  consideration  this  personal 
aspect  of  the  case.  If  the  restoration  of  Arthur  is  insisted  upon,  the  whole 
liberal  element  will  be  against  us  and  it  will  lose  us  tens  of  thousands  of 
votes  without  doing  a  particle  of  good.  No  man  could  be  a  more  earnest 
Republican  than  I,  and  I  feel  this  political  loss  as  much  as  anyone  can.  It 
will  be  a  personal  reproach  to  me,  and  merely  to  gratify  the  insane  hate  of 
Conkling,  who  in  this  respect  disregards  the  express  wishes  of  the  Repub 
lican  Members  from  New  York,  of  the  great  body  of  Republicans,  and,  as  I 
personally  know,  runs  in  antagonism  to  his  nearest  and  best  friends  in  the 
Senate. 

Surely  men  like  you  and  Windom,  who  have  the  courage  of  your  con 
victions,  should  put  a  stop  to  this  foolish  and  unnecessary  warfare.  Three 
or  four  men  who  will  tell  Conkling  squarely  that,  while  you  are  his  friends, 
you  will  not  injure  our  party  and  our  cause,  would  put  a  stop  to  this  busi 
ness.  Arthur  will  not  go  back  into  the  office.  This  contest  will  be  con 
tinued,  and  the  only  result  of  all  this  foolish  madness  will  be  to  compel  a 
Republican  administration  to  appeal  to  a  Democratic  Senate  for  confirma 
tion  of  a  collector  at  New  York.  It  is  a  most  fatal  mistake. 

I  intended  to  call  upon  some  of  the  Senators  this  morning,  but  I  am 
very  much  pressed,  and  will  ask  you  to  show  this  in  confidence  to  Senator 
Windom,  as  I  have  not  time  to  write  him. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  W.  B.  ALLISON,  U.  S.  Senate. 

I  wrote  to  Senator  Justin  S.  Morrill  a  much  longer  letter, 
giving  reasons  in  detail  in  favor  of  confirmation  and  contain 
ing  specific  charges  of  neglect  of  duty  on  the  part  of  Arthur 
and  Cornell,  but  I  do  not  care  to  revive  them. 

Conkling  was  confident  of  defeating  the  confirmations,  and 
thus  restoring  Arthur  and  Cornell.  The  matter  was  decided, 
after  a  struggle  of  seven  hours  in  the  Senate,  by  the  decisive 
vote  in  favor  of  confirmation  of  Merritt  33,  and  against  him  24, 
in  favor  of  Burt  31,  against  19.  From  this  time  forward  there 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  555 

was  but  slight  opposition  to  the  confirmation  of  Hayes'  ap 
pointments.  The  reforms  proposed  in  the  customhouse  at 
New  York  were  carried  out. 

This  termination  of  the  controversy  with  Arthur  and  Cor 
nell  was  supported  by  public  opinion  generally  throughout  the 
United  States.  I  insert  a  letter  from  John  Jay  upon  the 
subject. 

N.  Y.  C.  H.,  24  WASHINGTON  SQUARE,  ) 
NEW  YORK,  February  3,  1879.        \ 
THE  HONORABLE  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Allow  me  to  thank  you  for  the  two  papers  you  have 
kindly  sent  me,  in  reference  to  the  customhouse,  the  last  of  which,  the  firm 
message  of  the  President  with  your  second  conclusive  letter,  reached  me 
to-day. 

Whatever  may  be  the  result  in  the  Senate,  and  I  can  scarcely  believe 
that,  after  so  full  an  exposure,  the  nomination  will  be  rejected,  the  plain- 
thinking  people  of  this  country  will  appreciate  the  attitude  taken  by  the 
government  as  the  only  one  consistent  with  the  duty  of  the  executive  and 
the  general  welfare. 

Tt  will  give  new  hope  and  confidence  to  the  great  body  of  Republicans, 
and  to  many  who  can  hardly  be  called  Republicans,  who  look  to  the  admin 
istration  for  an  unflinching  adherence  —  no  matter  what  the  opposition- — to 
the  pledge  of  reform  on  which  the  party  was  successful  in  the  last  election, 
and  on  fidelity  to  which  depends  its  safety  in  the  next. 

The  country  is  infinitely  indebted  to  you  for  redeeming  its  faith  by  a  re 
turn  to  honest  money.  A  new  debt  will  be  incurred  of  yet  wider  scope  if 
you  succeed  in  liberating  the  custom  service  from  the  vicious  grip  of  the  im 
moral  factions  of  office  holders  and  their  retainers,  who  have  made  it  a 
scandal  to  the  nation  with  such  gigantic  loss  to  the  treasury  and  immeasur 
able  damage  to  our  commerce,  industry  and  morals. 

I  hope  that  the  President  will  feel  that  all  good  citizens  who  are  not 
blinded  by  prejudice  or  interest  are  thoroughly  with  him  in  the  policy  and 
resolve  of  his  message  that  the  customhouse  shall  no  longer  be  '  a  center  of 
partisan  political  management.' 

With  great  regard  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  dear  Mr.  Sherman, 

Faithfully  yours,  JOHN  JAY. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

PREPARATIONS  FOR  RESUMPTION  OF  SPECIE  PAYMENTS. 

Annual  Report  Made  to  Congress  on  December  2,  1878  —  Preparations  for  Resump 
tion  Accompanied  with  Increased  Business  and  Confidence  —  How  Resumption 
Was  to  Be  Accomplished  —  Laws  Effecting  the  Coinage  of  Gold  and  Silver  — 
Recommendation  to  Congress  that  the  Coinage  of  the  Silver  Dollar 
Be     Discontinued     When     the     Amount     Outstanding    Should 
Exceed  $50,000,000  —  Funding  the  Public  Debt  —  United 
States    Notes    at    Par    with    Gold  —  Instructions 
to  the  Assistant   Treasurer   at   New  York. 

THE  annual  report  made  by  me  to  Congress  on  the  2nd  of 
December,  1878,  contained  the  usual  formal  informa 
tion  as  to  the  condition  of  the  treasury,  and  the  vari 
ous  bureaus  and  divisions  of  that  department.     It  was 
regarded  as  a  fair  statement  of  public  affairs  at  a  time  of  un 
usual  prosperity.    The  revenue  in  excess  of  expenditures  during 
the  year  amounted  to  $20,799,551.90. 

The  statement  made  by  me  in  this  report,  in  respect  to  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments  on  the  1st  day  of  January,  1879, 
is  so  closely  a  narrative  of  what  did  happen  before  and  after 
that  date  that  I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  quote  the  entire 
document.  Some  portions  of  it  follow. 

"  The  important  duty  imposed  on  this  department  by  the  resumption  act, 
approved  January  14,  1875,  has  been  steadily  pursued  during  the  past  year. 
The  plain  purpose  of  the  act  is  to  secure  to  all  interests  and  all  classes  the 
benefits  of  a  sound  currency,  redeemable  in  coin,  with  the  least  possible  dis 
turbance  of  existing  rights  and  contracts.  Three  of  its  provisions  have  been 
substantially  carried  into  execution  by  the  gradual  substitution  of  fractional 
coin  for  fractional  currency,  by  the  free  coinage  of  gold,  and  by  free  bank 
ing.  There  remains  only  the  completion  of  preparations  for  resumption  in 
coin  on  the  1st  day  of  January,  1879,  and  its  maintenance  thereafter  upon 
the  basis  of  existing  law.  .  .  . 
(556) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  557 

"  Every  step  in  these  preparations  for  resumption  has  been  accompanied 
with  increased  business  and  confidence.  The  accumulation  of  coin,  instead 
of  increasing  its  price,  as  was  feared  by  many,  has  steadily  reduced  its  premium 
in  the  market.  The  depressing  and  ruinous  losses  that  followed  the  panic  of 
1873  had  not  diminished  in  1875,  when  the  resumption  act  passed  ;  but  every 
measure  taken  in  the  execution  or  enforcement  of  this  act  has  tended  to 
lighten  these  losses  and  to  reduce  the  premium  on  coin,  so  that  now  it  is 
merely  nominal.  The  present  condition  of  our  trade,  industry,  and  com 
merce,  hereafter  more  fully  stated,  our  ample  reserves,  and  the  general 
confidence  inspired  in  our  financial  condition,  seem  to  justify  the  opinion 
that  we  are  prepared  to  commence  and  maintain  resumption  from  and  after 
the  1st  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1879.  .  .  . 

"  The  means  and  manner  of  doing  this  are  left  largely  to  the  discretion 
of  the  secretary,  but,  from  the  nature  of  the  duty  imposed,  he  must  restore 
coin  and  bullion,  when  withdrawn  in  the  process  of  redemption,  either  by  the 
sale  of  bonds,  or  the  use  of  the  surplus  revenue,  or  of  the  notes  redeemed 
from  time  to  time.  .  .  . 

"  Notes  redeemed  are  like  other  notes  received  into  the  treasury.  Pay 
ments  of  them  can  be  made  only  in  consequence  of  appropriations  made  by 
law,  or  for  the  purchase  of  bullion,  or  for  the  refunding  of  the  public  debt. 

"  The  current  receipts  from  revenue  are  sufficient  to  meet  the  current 
expenditures  as  well  as  the  accruing  interest  on  the  public  debt.  Authority 
is  conferred  by  the  refunding  act  to  redeem  six  per  cent,  bonds  as  they 
become  redeemable,  by  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  bonds  bearing  a  lower 
rate  of  interest.  The  United  States  notes  redeemed  under  the  resumption 
act  are,  therefore,  the  principal  means  provided  for  the  purchase  of  bullion 
or  coin  with  which  to  maintain  resumption,  but  should  only  be  paid  out  when 
they  can  be  used  to  replace  an  equal  amount  of  coin  withdrawn  from  the 
resumption  fund.  They  may,  it  is  true,  be  used  for  current  purposes  like 
other  money,  but  when  so  used  their  place  is  filled  by  money  received  from 
taxes  or  other  sources  of  revenue.  .  .  . 

"  Deposits  of  coin  in  the  treasury  will,  no  doubt,  continue  to  be  made 
after  the  1st  of  January,  as  heretofore.  Both  gold  and  silver  coin,  from  its 
weight  and  bulk,  will  naturally  seek  such  a  safe  deposit,  while  notes  redeem 
able  in  coin,  from  their  superior  convenience,  will  be  circulated  instead. 
After  resumption  the  distinction  between  coin  and  United  states  notes  should 
be,  as  far  as  practicable,  abandoned.  .  .  . 

"  By  existing  law,  customs  duties  and  the  interest  of  the  public  debt  are 
payable  in  coin,  and  a  portion  of  the  duties  was  specifically  pledged  as  a 
special  fund  for  the  payment  of  the  interest,  thus  making  one  provision 
dependent  upon  the  other.  As  we  cannot,  with  due  regard  to  the  public 
honor,  repeal  the  obligation  to  pay  coin,  we  ought  not  to  impair  or  repeal 
the  means  provided  to  procure  coin.  When,  happily,  our  notes  are  equal  to 
coin,  they  will  be  accepted  as  coin,  both  by  the  public  creditor  and  by  the 
government ;  but  this  acceptance  should  be  left  to  the  option  of  the  respec- 


558  RECOLLECTIONS 

tive  parties,  and  the  legal  right  on  both  sides  to  demand  coin  should  be  pre 
served  inviolate.  .  .  . 

"  When  the  resumption  act  passed,  gold  was  tho  only  coin  which  by  law 
was  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  all  debts.  That  act  contemplated  resump 
tion  in  gold  coin  only.  No  silver  coin  of  full  legal  tender  could  then  be 
lawfully  issued.  The  only  silver  coin  provided  was  fractional  coin,  which 
was  a  legal  tender  for  five  dollars  only.  The  act  approved  February  28, 
1878,  made  a  very  important  change  in  our  coinage  system.  The  silver 
dollar  provided  for  was  made  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private, 
except  where  otherwise  expressly  stipulated  in  the  contract. 

"  The  law  itself  clearly  shows  that  the  silver  dollar  was  not  to  supersede 
the  gold  dollar ;  nor  did  Congress  propose  to  adopt  the  single  standard  of 
silver,  but  only  to  create  a  bimetallic  standard  of  silver  and  gold.  .  .  . 

"  It  was,  no  doubt,  the  intention  of  Congress  to  provide  a  coin  in  silver 
which  would  answer  a  multitude  of  the  purposes  of  business  life,  without 
banishing  from  circulation  the  established  gold  coin  of  the  country.  To 
accomplish  this  it  is  indispensable  either  that  the  silver  coin  be  limited  in 
amount,  or  that  its  bullion  value  be  equal  to  that  of  the  gold  dollar.  If 
not,  its  use  will  be  limited  to  domestic  purposes.  It  cannot  be  exported 
except  at  its  commercial  value  as  bullion.  If  issued  in  excess  of  demands 
for  domestic  purposes,  it  will  necessarily  fall  in  market  value,  and,  by  a  well- 
known  principle  of  finance,  will  become  the  sole  coin  standard  of  value. 
Gold  will  be  either  hoarded  or  exported.  When  two  currencies,  both  legal, 
are  authorized  without  limit,  the  cheaper  alone  will  circulate.  If,  however, 
the  issue  of  the  silver  dollars  is  limited  to  an  amount  demanded  for  circula 
tion,  there  will  be  no  depreciation,  arid  their  convenient  use  will  keep  them 
at  par  with  gold,  as  fractional  silver  coin,  issued  under  the  act  approved 
February  21,  1853,  was  kept  at  par  with  gold. 

"  The  amount  of  such  coin  that  can  thus  be  maintained  at  par  with  gold 
cannot  be  fairly  tested  until  resumption  is  accomplished.  As  yet  paper 
money  has  been  depreciated,  and  silver  dollars,  being  receivable  for  cus 
toms  dues,  have  naturally  not  entered  into  general  circulation,  but  have 
returned  to  the  treasury  in  payment  of  such  dues,  and  thus  the  only  effect 
of  the  attempt  of  the  department  to  circulate  them  has  been  to  diminish  the 
gold  revenue.  After  resumption  these  coins  will  circulate  in  considerable 
sums  for  small  payments.  To  the  extent  that  such  demand  will  give  em 
ployment  to  silver  dollars  their  use  will  be  an  aid  to  resumption  rather  than 
a  hindrance,  but,  if  issued  in  excess  of  such  demand,  they  will  at  once  tend 
to  displace  gold  and  become  the  sole  standard,  and  gradually,  as  they  in 
crease  in  number,  will  fall  to  their  value  as  bullion.  Even  the  fear  or  sus 
picion  of  such  an  excess  tends  to  banish  gold,  and,  if  well  established,  will 
cause  a  continuous  drain  of  gold  until  imperative  necessity  will  compel 
resumption  in  silver  alone.  The  serious  effects  of  such  a  radical  change  in 
our  standards  of  value  cannot  be  exaggerated ;  and  its  possibility  will 
greatly  disturb  confidence  in  resumption,  and  may  make  necessary  larger 
reserves  and  further  sales  of  bonds.  . 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  559 

"  Gold  and  silver  have  varied  in  value  from  tini3  to  time  in  the  history 
of  nations,  and  laws  have  been  passed  to  meet  this  changing  value.  In  our 
country,  by  the  Act  of  April  2,  1792,  the  ratio  between  them  was  fixed  at 
one  of  gold  to  fifteen  of  silver.  By  the  act  of  June  28,  1834,  the  ratio  was 
changed  to  one  of  gold  to  sixteen  of  silver.  For  more  than  a  century  the 
market  value  of  the  two  metals  had  varied  between  these  two  ratios,  mainly 
resting  at  that  fixed  by  the  Latin  nations,  of  one  to  fifteen  and  a  half. 

"  But  we  cannot  overlook  the  fact  that  within  a  few  years  from  causes 
frequently  discussed  in  Congress,  a  great  change  has  occurred  in  the  relative 
value  of  the  two  metals.  It  would  seem  to  be  expedient  to  recognize  this 
controlling  fact — one  that  no  nation  alone  can  change — toy  a  careful  read 
justment  of  the  legal  ratio  for  coinage  of  one  to  sixteen,  so  as  to  conform 
to  the  relative  market  values  of  the  two  metals.  The  ratios  heretofore  fixed 
were  always  made  with  that  view,  and,  when  made,  did  conform  as  near  as 
might  be.  Now,  that  the  production  and  use  of  the  two  metals  have  greatly 
changed  in  relative  value,  a  corresponding  change  must  be  made  in  the 
coinage  ratio.  There  is  no  peculiar  force  or  sanction  in  the  present  ratio 
that  should  make  us  hesitate  to  adopt  another,  when,  in  the  markets  of  the 
world,  it  is  proven  that  such  ratio  is  not  now  the  true  one. 

"  It  appears,  from  the  recent  conference  at  Paris,  invited  by  us,  that  other 
nations  will  not  join  with  us  in  fixing  an  international  ratio,  and  that  each 
country  must  adapt  its  laws  to  its  own  policy.  The  tendency  of  late  among 
commercial  nations  is  to  the  adoption  of  a  single  standard  of  gold  and  the 
issue  of  silver  for  fractional  coin.  We  may,  by  ignoring  this  tendency,  give 
temporarily  increased  value  to  the  stores  of  silver  held  in  Germany  and 
France,  until  our  market  absorbs  them,  but,  by  adopting  a  silver  standard  as 
nearly  equal  to  gold  as  practicable,  wre  make  a  market  for  our  large  produc 
tion  of  silver,  and  furnish  a  full,  honest  dollar  that  will  be  hoarded,  trans 
ported,  or  circulated,  without  disparagement  or  reproach. 

"  It  is  respectfully  submitted  that  the  United  States,  already  so  largely 
interested  in  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  wrorld,  and  becoming,  by  its  popu 
lation,  wealth,  commerce,  and  productions,  a  leading  member  of  the  family 
of  nations,  should  not  adopt  a  standard  of  less  intrinsic  value  than  other  com 
mercial  nations.  .  .  .  Gold  must  necessarily  be  the  standard  of  value  in 
great  transactions,  from  its  greater  relative  value,  but  it  is  not  capable  of 
the  division  required  for  small  transactions  ;  while  silver  is  indispensable 
for  a  multitude  of  daily  wants,  and  is  too  bulky  for  use  in  the  larger  trans 
actions  of  business,  and  the  cost  of  its  transportation  for  long  distances  would 
greatly  increase  the  present  rates  of  exchange.  It  would,  therefore,  seem  to 
be  the  best  policy  for  the  present  to  limit  the  aggregate  issue  of  our  silver 
dollars,  based  on  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,  to  such  sums  as  can  clearly  be 
maintained  at  par  with  gold,  until  the  price  of  silver  in  the  market  shall 
assaino  a  definite  ratio  to  gold,  when  that  ratio  should  be  adopted,  and  our 
coins  made  to  conform  to  it ;  and  the  secretary  respectfully  recommends 
that  he  be  authorized  to  discontinue  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  when 
the  amount  outstanding  shall  exceed  fifty  million  dollars.  .  .  . 


RECOLLECTIONS 

Soon  after  the  passage  of  the  act  authorizing  the  coinage  of 
the  standard  silver  dollar,  and  an  attempt  being  made  to  pro 
cure  the  requisite  bullion  for  its  coinage  to  some  extent  at  the 
mints  on  the  Pacific  coast,  it  was  found  that  the  producers  and 
dealers  there  would  not  sell  silver  to  the  government  at  the 
equivalent  of  the  London  rate,  but  demanded  in  addition  thereto 
an  amount  equal  to  the  cost  of  bringing  it  from  London  and 
laying  it  down  in  San  Francisco.  These  terms,  being  deemed 
exorbitant,  were  rejected,  and  arrangements  were  immediately 
made  to  bring  the  capacity  of  the  mint  at  Philadelphia  to  its 
maximum,  with  a  view  to  meet  the  provisions  of  law,  which 
required  two  millions  of  silver  dollars  to  be  coined  in  each 
month,  and  the  available  supplies  of  silver  from  domestic 
sources  being  entirely  insufficient  for  the  coinage  of  this 
amount,  the  foreign  market  was  indirectly  resorted  to  and  an 
amount  sufficient  to  meet  the  requirements  of  law  secured. 

In  July,  1878,  the  principal  holders  of  bullion  on  the  Pacific 
coast  receded  from  their  position  and  accepted  the  equivalent 
of  the  London  rate,  at  which  price  sufficient  bullion  was  pur 
chased  to  employ  the  mints  at  San  Francisco  and  Carson  on  the 
coinage  of  the  dollar. 

At  the  date  of  my  report,  United  States  notes  were  practi 
cally  at  par  with  gold.  The  public  mind  had  settled  into  a 
conviction  that  the  parity  of  coin  and  currency  was  assured, 
and  our  people,  accustomed  to  the  convenience  of  paper  money, 
would  not  willingly  have  received  coin  to  any  considerable 
amount  in  any  business  transactions.  The  minor  coins  of  silver 
were  received  and  paid  out  without  question  at  parity  with 
gold  coin,  because  the  amount  was  limited  and  they  were 
coined  by  the  government  only  as  demanded  for  the  public 
convenience.  The  silver  dollar  was  too  weighty  and  cumber 
some  and  when  offered  in  considerable  sums  wTas  objected  to, 
though  a  legal  tender  for  any  sum,  and  coined  only  in  limited 
amounts  for  government  account.  Every  effort  was  made  by 
the  treasury  department  to  give  it  the  largest  circulation,  but 
the  highest  amount  that  could  be  circulated  was  from  fifty  to 
sixty  millions,  and  much  of  this  was  in  the  southern  states. 
All  sums  in  excess  of  that  were  returned  to  the  treasury  for 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  561 

silver  certificates.  These  were  circulated  as  money,  like  United 
States  notes  and  bank  bills.  This  was  only  possible  by  the 
guarantee  of  the  government  that  all  forms  of  money  would  be 
maintained  at  parity  with  each  other.  If  this  guarantee  had 
been  doubted,  or  if  the  holder  of  silver  bullion  could  have  had 
it  coined  at  his  pleasure  and  for  his  benefit  at  the  ratio  of  six 
teen  to  one,  the  silver  dollar  would,  as  the  cheaper  coin,  have 
excluded  all  other  forms  of  money,  and  the  purchasing  power 
of  silver  coin  would  have  been  reduced  to  the  market  value  of 
silver  bullion. 

On  the  3rd  of  December,  1878,  I  wrote  the  following  letter : 

HON.  THOMAS  HILLHOUSE, 

United  States  Assistant  Treasurer,  New  York. 
SIR  :  —  I  have  this  day  telegraphed  you  as  follows  : 
*  After  receipt  of  this  you  will  please  issue  no  more  gold  certificates.' 
In  compliance  with  above  instructions  you  will  not,  until  further  advised, 

issue  gold  certificates  either  in  payment  of  interest  on  the  public  debt  or  for 

gold  coin  deposited. 

It  is  desired  that  you  issue  currency  in  payment  of  coin  obligations  to 

such  an  amount  as  will  be  accepted  by  public  creditors. 

Very  respectfully,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

After  resumption,  United  States  notes  wrere  in  fact  gold  cer 
tificates,  being  redeemable  in  coin.  On  the  4th,  I  again  wrote 
to  General  Hillhouse  as  follows : 

"Your  letter  of  yesterday  is  received.  The  necessity  of  the  recent  order 
about  coin  certificates  became  apparent  to  the  department,  and  the  only 
doubt  was  as  to  the  date  of  issuing  it.  After  full  consideration,  it  was  deemed 
best  to  make  it  immediate,  so  that  no  more  certificates  could  be  asked  for. 
By  the  21st  of  this  month  the  large  denominations  of  greenbacks  will  be 
ready  for  issue  to  you,  and  after  the  1st  of  January  they  will  be  received  for 
customs  duties  and  paid  out  for  gold  coin  deposited  with  you.  I  am  led  to 
suppose  that  considerable  sums  of  gold  coin  will  be  deposited  with  you  soon 
after  that  date.  It  is  important  that  the  business  men  of  New  York  should 
see  the  propriety  of  such  a  course,  with  a  view  to  aid  in  popular  opinion  the 
process  of  resumption. 

"  I  would  be  pleased  to  hear  from  you  as  to  whether  any  additional  force 
in  your  office  will  be  necessary  in  view  of  resumption.  Every  reasonable 
facility  should  be  given  to  persons  who  apply  for  coin,  and  we  should  be 
prepared  for  a  considerable  demand  during  the  first  month." 

S.— 36 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 
REFUNDING  THE  NATIONAL  DEBT. 

Over  $140,000,000  of  Gold  Coin  and  Bullion  in  the  Treasury  January  1,  1879  — 
Diversity  of  Opinion  as  to  the  Meaning  of  Resumption  —  Effect  of  the  Act  to 
Advance  Public  Credit  —  Funding  Redeemable  Bonds  Into  Four    per 
Cents.  — Six  per  Cent.  Bonds  Aggregating  $120,000,000  Called 
During  January,  1879  —  The  Sale  in  London  —  Charges  of 
Favoritism  —  Further  Enactments  to  Facilitate  the 
Funding  —  Difficulty  of  Making  Sales  of  Four  per 
Cent.    Bonds    to    English     Bankers  —  Large 
Amounts  Taken  in  the  United  States  —  One 
Subscription  of  $190,000,00  —  Roths 
child's  Odd  Claim— Complimentary 
Resolution  of  the  New  York 
Chamber    of    Commerce. 

ON  the  1st  of  January,  1879,  when  the  resumption  act 
went  into  effect,  the  aggregate  amount  of  gold  coin 
and    bullion  in  the  treasury  exceeded  $140,000,000. 
United  States  notes,  when  presented,  were  redeemed 
with  gold  coin,  but  instead  of  the  notes  being  presented  for  re 
demption,  gold  coin  in  exchange  for  them  was  deposited,  thus 
increasing  the  gold  in  the  treasury. 

The  resumption  of  specie  payments  was  generally  accepted 
as  a  fortunate  event  by  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  but  there  was  a  great  diversity  of  opinion  as  to 
what  was  meant  by  resumption.  The' commercial  and  banking 
classes  generally  treated  resumption  as  if  it  involved  the  pay 
ment  and  cancellation  of  United  States  notes  and  all  forms  of 
government  money  except  coin  and  bank  notes.  Another  class 
was  opposed  to  resumption,  and  favored  a  large  issue  of  paper 
money  without  any  promise  or  expectation  of  redemption  in 
coin.  The  body  of  the  people,  I  believe,  agreed  with  me  in 
opinion  that  resumption  meant,  not  the  cancellation  arid  with 
drawal  of  greenbacks,  but  the  bringing  them  up  to  par  and 
maintaining  them  as  the  equivalent  of  coin  by  the  payment  of 
them  in  coin  on  demand  by  the  holder.  This  was  my  definition 
of  resumption.  I  do  not  believe  that  any  commercial  nation 

(562) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  568 

can  conduct  modern  operations  of  business  upon  the  basis  of 
coin  alone.  Prior  to  our  Civil  War  the  United  States  under 
took  to  collect  its  taxes  in  specie  and  to  pay  specie  for  its  obli 
gations  ;  this  was  the  bullion  theory.  This  narrow  view  of 
money  compelled  the  states  to  supply  paper  currency,  and  this 
led  to  a  great  diversity  of  money,  depending  upon  the  credit, 
the  habits  and  the  wants  of  the  people  of  the  different  states. 
The  United  States  notes,  commonly  called  greenbacks,  were 
the  creature  of  necessity,  but  proved  a  great  blessing,  and  only 
needed  one  attribute  to  make  them  the  best  substitute  for  coin 
money  that  has  ever  been  devised.  That  quality  was  supplied 
by  their  redemption  in  coin,  when  demanded  by  the  holder. 

The  feeling  in  the  treasury  department  on  the  day  of 
resumption  is  thus  described  by  J.  K.  Upton,  assistant  secretary, 
in  an  article  written  at  the  close  of  1892  : 

"  The  year,  however,  closed  with  no  unpleasant  excitement,  but  with  un 
pleasant  forebodings.  The  1st  day  of  January  was  Sunday  and  no  business 
was  transacted.  On  Monday  anxiety  reigned  in  the  office  of  the  secretary. 
Hour  after  hour  passed ;  no  news  came  from  New  York.  Inquiry  by  wire 
showed  all  was  quiet.  At  the  close  of  business  came  this  message : 
'$135,000  of  notes  presented  for  coin  —  $400,000  of  gold  for  notes.'  That 
was  all.  Resumption  was  accomplished  with  no  disturbance.  By  five 
o'clock  the  news  was  all  over  the  land,  and  the  New  York  bankers  were 
sipping  their  tea  in  absolute  safety. 

"Thirteen  years  have  since  passed,  and  the  redemption  fund  still  remains 
intact  in  the  sub-treasury  vaults.  The  prediction  of  the  secretary  has  become 
history.  When  gold  could  with  certainty  be  obtained  for  notes,  nobody 
wanted  it.  The  experiment  of  maintaining  a  limited  amount  of  United 
States  notes  in  circulation,  based  upon  a  reasonable  reserve  in  the  treasury 
pledged  for  that  purpose,  and  supported  also  by  the  credit  of  the  govern 
ment,  has  proved  generally  satisfactory,  and  the  exclusive  use  of  these  notes 
for  circulation  may  become,  in  time,  the  fixed  financial  policy  of  the 


government." 


The  immediate  effect  of  resumption  of  specie  payments 
was  to  advance  the  public  credit,  which  made  it  possible  to 
rapidly  fund  all  the  bonds  of  the  United  States  then  redeema 
ble  into  bonds  bearing  four  per  cent,  interest.  Early  in  Jan 
uary,  1879,  I  issued  a  circular  offering  the  four  per  cent, 
funded  loan  of  the  United  States  at  par  and  accrued  interest 
to  date  of  subscription  in  coin.  It  was  substantially  similar  to 


564  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  one  issued  on  the  16th  of  January,  1878,  but  graded  the 
commission,  allowing  from  one-eighth  of  one  per  cent,  to  one- 
fourth  of  one  per  cent.,  according  to  amount  subscribed. 

Several  letters  written  about  this  date  will  show  my  view 
better  than  anything  I  can  say  now.  In  one  of  them,  to  Mr. 
Stone,  is  a  slight  reference  to  the  legal  tender  clause  of  the 
law  in  respect  to  the  paper  money  issue  of  1862,  which  has 
often  been  misunderstood  by  fiatists. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  8,  1879. 
R.  C.  STONE,  ESQ.,  Secretary  Bullion  Club,  New  York. 

DEAR  SIR  :  —  Your  letter  of  the  5th  inst.,  inclosing  a  card  of  invitation 
from  the  Bullion  Club,  to  attend  their  dinner  at  their  club  house  on  Thurs 
day  evening,  the  16th  inst.,  is  received. 

I  regret  that  my  official  duties  will  not  permit  me,  in  person,  to  respond 
to  the  toast  you  send  me,  and  I  cannot  do  so,  by  letter,  in  words  more  ex 
pressive  than  the  toast  itself,  'To  Resumption  —  may  it  be  forever.' 

Irredeemable  money  is  always  the  result  of  war,  pestilence,  or  some  great 
misfortune.  A  nation  would  not,  except  in  dire  necessity,  issue  its  promises 
to  pay  money  when  it  is  unable  to  redeem  those  promises.  I  know  that 
when  the  legal  tenders  were  first  issued,  in  February,  1862,  we  were  under 
a  dire  necessity.  The  doubt  that  prevented  several  influential  Senators,  like 
Fessenden  and  Collamer,  from  voting  for  the  legal  tender  clause,  was  that 
they  were  not  convinced  that  our  necessities  were  so  extreme  as  to  demand 
the  issue  of  irredeemable  paper  money.  Most  of  those  who  voted  for  it 
justified  their  vote  upon  the  ground  that  the  very  existence  of  the  country 
depended  upon  its  ability  to  coin  into  money  its  promises  to  pay.  That  was 
the  position  taken  by  me.  We  were  assured  by  Secretary  Chase  that  nearly 
one  hundred  millions  of  unpaid  requisitions  were  lying  upon  his  table,  for 
money  due  to  soldiers  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  and  for  food  and  cloth 
ing  to  maintain  them  at  the  front.  We  then  provided  for  the  issue  of  legal 
tender  United  States  notes,  as  an  extreme  remedy  in  the  nation's  peril.  It 
has  always  seemed  strange  that  so  large  and  respectable  a  body  of  our  fel 
low-citizens  should  regard  the  continuance  of  irredeemable  money  as  the 
permanent  policy  of  a  nation  so  strong  and  rich  as  ours,  able  to  pay  every 
dollar  of  its  debts  on  demand,  after  the  causes  of  its  issue  had  disappeared. 
To  resume  is  to  recover  from  illness,  to  escape  danger,  to  stand  sound  and 
healthy  in  the  financial  world,  with  our  currency  based  upon  the  intrinsic 
value  of  solid  coin. 

Therefore  I  say,  may  resumption  be  perpetual.  To  wish  otherwise  is  to 
hope  for  war,  danger  and  national  peril,  calamities  to  which  our  nation,  like 
others,  may  be  subject,  but  against  which  the  earnest  aspiration  of  every 
patriot  will  be  uttered.  Very  respectfully  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  565 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  ) 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  14,  1879.  J 
H.  C.  FAHNESTOCK,  ESQ.,  New  York. 

DEAR  SIR  :  —  Your  note  of  the  13th  instant  is  received. 
In  buying  the  fours  thrown  upon  the  market,  you  are  rendering  as  much 
service  to  the  government  as  if  you  bought  directly.  Indeed,  I  am  glad  you 
are  buying  from  the  market  rather  than  from  the  department.  I  do  not  wish 
to  force  this  refunding  operation  too  much,  lest  it  may  embarrass  resump 
tion.  I  only  fear  that  some  eager  parties  may  subscribe  for  more  than  they 
can  sell  and  pay  for  by  called  bonds  or  coin  within  the  running  of  the  call. 
This  is  the  only  contingency  that  disturbs  me. 

Very  respectfully,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

My  published  correspondence  shows  that  with  all  the  efforts 
and  strength  of  the  department  it  was  impossible  to  keep  up 
with  the  subscriptions  for  bonds  pouring  in  from  all  parts  of 
the  United  States  and  from  Europe.  Over  sixty  millions  were 
subscribed  for  in  the  first  two  weeks  of  January.  Offers  made 
by  me  in  December,  though  not  accepted  at  the  time,  were 
made  the  grounds  of  demands  in  January,  when  conditions  had 
greatly  changed.  As  the  money  received  for  four  per  cent, 
bonds  sold  could  not  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  six  per  cent, 
called  bonds  until  interest  on  such  bonds  ceased,  ninety  days 
after  the  call,  I  feared  that  the  enormous  deposits  would  create 
a  serious  stringency  in  the  money  market,  and  perhaps  cause  a 
panic  after  the  first  of  April.  The  banks  and  bankers  in  New 
York,  as  well  as  in  other  large  cities  of  the  United  States,  were 
actively  competing  to  swell  these  subscriptions,  so  as  to  get  the 
larger  commission  offered  for  the  greater  amount  of  bonds  sold. 
Such  a  contest  occurred  between  the  First  National  Bank  of 
New  York,  and  Seligman  &  Co.,  and  their  associates.  It  ended 
in  a  contract  made  on  the  21st  of  January,  between  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  and  the  former  syndicate,  by  which  the 
latter  subscribed  for  $10,000,000  of  four  per  cent  bonds,  on  the 
terms  stated  in  my  circular  of  January  1,  and  $5,000,000  per 
month  thereafter,  the  secretary  reserving  the  power  to  termi 
nate  the  contract. 

On  the  same  day  a  call  was  made  for  $20,000,000  of  six  per 
cent,  bonds.  Another  call  for  a  like  amount  was  made  on  the 
28th.  The  aggregate  call  for  six  per  cent,  bonds  in  January 
was  $120,000,000, 


H0COLUV 


: : :. 


--1-T-:  ::: 
1*^1 

y^Y«k. 


• 


j.*  *:'•  t*  TTniji  IK  r»ssi  fiar  ^ai*  Snmscar  JLBKI^.     5«  aactDaet  or 

-..  ---    _1    LI- 


^  to  the 

-:-^lri 
nntei  to 


-     — 

ess  of  refunding  the  5-29  six  par  «at  hoods,  by 
tear  per  cent.  Kund^  m**t  «m  wi A  SMMBT  flactaa- 
iie  4th  of  ApriL  1S?5L  wfeea  aU  tfe  six  percent 
^nneie  called  forp^wml  Tht  period 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  567 

important  while  I  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  The  strug 
gle  between  banks  and  bankers,  not  only  in  the  United  States 
but  in  London  also,  gave  rise  to  many  questions  which  had  to 
be  promptly  acted  upon,  chiefly  by  cable  or  telegram.  The 
amounts  involved  were  so  large  as  to  induce  caution  and  care. 
The  principal  difficulty  in  refunding  arose  out  of  the  provision 
in  the  act  of  Congress  that  ninety  days7  notice  should  be  given, 
to  the  holder  of  bonds,  by  the  government,  when  it  exercised 
its  option  to  pay,  after  five  years,  any  portion  of  the  bonds 
known  as  the  5-20  bonds,  payable  in  twenty  years  but  redeem 
able  after  five  years.  Prudence  required  the  actual  sale  of  four 
per  cent,  bonds  before  a  call  could  be  made  or  notice  given  to 
the  holders  of  the  5-20  bonds,  designated  by  description  and 
numbers,  of  the  intention  of  the  government  to  pay  them. 
When  sales  were  made  the  money  received  was  deposited  in 
the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  or  with  national  banks  act 
ing  as  public  depositaries,  which  were  required  to  give  security 
for  such  deposits. 

The  necessary  effect  of  the  deposit  of  the  large  amounts 
involved  in  refunding  operations  was  to  create  a  stringency  in 
the  money  market.  I  early  called  the  attention  of  Congress 
to  this  difficulty,  but  had  doubts  whether  the  government 
would  be  justified  in  repealing  the  law  requiring  ninety  days' 
notice.  This  provision  was  a  part  of  the  contract  between  the 
government  and  the  bondholder,  and  could  only  be  changed 
by  the  consent  of  both  parties.  Congress  failed  to  act  upon 
my  suggestion.  The  interest  accruing  for  ninety  days  at  six 
per  cent.,  or  one  and  a  half  per  cent,  on  the  great  sums  in 
volved,  was  a  loss  to  the  government  but  a  gain  to  the  banks 
or  bankers  that  sold  the  bonds.  The  syndicate  of  bankers  en 
gaged  in  the  sale  of  bonds  chose  the  First  National  Bank  of 
New  York  as  their  depositary.  The  department  was  indiffer 
ent  where  the  deposits  were  made  so  that  they  were  amply 
secured.  Other  banks  and  bankers  engaged  in  the  sale  of 
bonds  chose  their  own  depositaries,  and  thus  an  active  com 
petition  was  created  in  which  the  department  took  no  part  or 
interest. 

This  struggle  led  to  charges  of  favoritism  on  the  part  of  the 


568  RECOLLECTIONS 

department,  but  they  were  without  the  slightest  foundation. 
Every  order,  ruling  and  letter  was  fully  discussed  and  consid 
ered  by  the  Secretary  and  other  chief  officers  of  the  treasury, 
and  also  by  General  Hillhouse,  assistant  treasurer  at  New 
York,  and  is  in  the  printed  report  of  the  letters,  contracts, 
circulars  and  accounts  relating  to  resumption  and  refunding 
made  to  Congress  on  the  2nd  of  December,  1879. 

The  charge  was  especially  made  that  favor  was  shown  the 
First  National  Bank  of  New  York,  of  which  George  F.  Baker 
was  president  and  H.  C.  Fahnestock  was  vice  president.  It 
was  said  that  I  was  a  stockholder  in  that  bank,  and  that  I  was 
interested  in  the  syndicate.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  for  me  to 
say,  as  I  do,  that  these  charges  and  imputations  were  abso 
lutely  false.  This  bank  and  the  associated  bankers  sold  larger 
amounts  of  four  per  cent,  bonds  than  any  others  and  received 
a  corresponding  commission,  but,  instead  of  being  favored, 
they  were  constantly  complaining  of  the  severity  of  the  treas 
ury  restrictions.  Rothschild,  the  head  of  the  great  banking 
house  in  London  and  the  chief  of  the  syndicate,  especially 
complained  of  what  he  called  the  "stinginess"  of  the  treasury 
department.  I  can  say  for  all  the  officers  of  the  treasury  that 
not  one  of  them  was  interested  in  transactions  growing  out  of 
resumption  or  refunding,  or  did  or  could  derive  any  benefit 
therefrom. 

The  rapid  payment  of  the  5-20  bonds  had  a  more  serious 
effect  upon  the  English  market  than  upon  our  own.  Here  the 
four  per  cent,  bonds  were  received  in  place  of  the  six  per  cent, 
bonds,  no  doubt  with  regret  by  the  holders  of  the  latter  for  the 
loss  of  one-third  of  their  interest,  but  accompanied  by  a  sense  of 
national  pride  that  our  credit  was  so  good.  In  London  the 
process  of  refunding  was  regarded  with  disfavor  and  in  some 
cases  by  denunciation.  On  the  4th  of  March  Secretary  Evarts 
wrote  me  the  following  letter : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  March  4,  1879.  j 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

SIR  : — I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith,  for  your  information,  a 
copy  of  a  dispatch  No.  928,  dated  February  12,  from  the  consul  general  at 
London,  in  which  the  department  is  advised  that  there  exists  dissatisfaction, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  569 

among  certain  holders  of  5-20  bonds  of  the  issue  of  1867,  with  the  rapidity 
with  which  the  government  is  refunding  its  debt  at  a  lower  rate  of  interest, 
and  that  it  is  the  purpose  of  such  holders  to  demand  payment  of  their 
called  bonds  in  coin.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

WM.  M.  EVABTS. 

This  demand  was  easily  met  by  the  sale  of  four  per  cent, 
bonds  in  London,  and  the  balance  of  trade  in  our  favor  was 
increasing.  The  anticipated  movement  of  gold  did  not  occur. 

Congress,  by  the  act  approved  January  25,  1879,  extended 
the  process  of  refunding  to  the  10-40  bonds  bearing  interest  at 
the  rate  of  five  per  cent.,  amounting  to  $195,000,000  as  follows: 

AN  ACT  TO  FACILITATE  THE  KEFUNDING  THE  NATIONAL  DEBT. 
"JBe  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  is  hereby  authorized,  in  the  process  of  refunding  the  national  debt 
under  existing  laws,  to  exchange  directly  at  par  the  bonds  of  the  United 
States  bearing  interest  at  four  per  centum  per  annum,  authorized  by  law,  for 
the  bonds  of  the  United  States  commonly  known  as  5— 20's  outstanding  and 
uncalled,  and,  whenever  all  such  5-20  bonds  shall  have  been  redeemed,  the 
provisions  of  this  section,  and  all  existing  provisions  of  law  authorizing  the 
refunding  of  the  national  debt,  shall  apply  to  any  bonds  of  the  United  States 
bearing  interest  at  five  per  centum  per  annum  or  a  higher  rate,  which  may 
be  redeemable.  In  any  exchange  made  under  the  provisions  of  this  section 
interest  may  be  allowed,  on  the  bonds  redeemed,  for  a  period  of  three  months." 

On  the  26th  of  February  the  following  act  was  passed : 

AN   ACT   TO   AUTHORIZE    THE   ISSUE    OF    CERTIFICATES   OF    DEPOSIT 
IN    AID    OF   THE   REFUNDING    OF   THE    PUBLIC   DEBT. 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  is  hereby  authorized  and  directed  to  issue,  in  exchange  for  lawful 
money  of  the  United  States  that  may  be  presented  for  such  exchange,  certifi 
cates  of  deposit,  of  the  denominations  of  ten  dollars,  bearing  interest  at  the 
rate  of  four  per  centum  per  annum,  and  convertible  at  any  time,  with  ac 
crued  interest,  into  the  four  per  centum  bonds  described  in  the  refunding 
act ;  and  the  money  so  received  shall  be  applied  only  to  the  payment  of  the 
bonds  bearing  interest  at  a  rate  of  not  less  than  five  per  centum  in  the  mode 
prescribed  by  said  act,  and  he  is  authorized  to  prescribe  suitable  rules  and 
regulations  in  conformity  with  this  act." 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1879,  the  amount  of  uncalled  5-20  six 
per  cent,  bonds  outstanding  was  $88,079,800.  Anticipating 
that  sales  of  four  per  cent,  bonds  would  continue,  I  gave  the 
following  notice : 


570  RECOLLECTIONS 

"  Notice  is  given  that  when  the  5-20  six  per  cent,  bonds  of  the  United 
States  are  covered  by  subscriptions  to  the  four  per  cent,  consols,  the  latter 
will  be  withdrawn  from  sale  upon  the  terms  proposed  by  department  circu 
lar  of  January  1,  1879,  and  upon  the  terms  stated  in  the  contract  with  the 
Messrs.  Rothschild  and  others,  of  the  date  of  January  21,  1879.  The  amount 
of  5-20  six  per  cent,  bonds  outstanding  and  embraced  in  calls  to  this  date 
is  $88,079,800.  When  this  sum  is  covered  by  subscriptions  under  the  exist 
ing  circular  and  contract,  all  further  sales  of  four  per  cent,  consols,  to  provide 
for  the  refunding  of  the  10-40  five  per  cent,  bonds,  will  be  made  upon  terms 
which  will  probably  be  less  favorable  to  the  purchaser,  and  in  accordance 
with  new  proposals  and  contracts.  This  notice  is  given  so  that  all  parties 
wishing  to  subscribe  for  consols  upon  the  terms  stated  in  the  circular  and 
contract  may  have  an  opportunity  to  do  so  until  the  5-20  bonds  are  called." 

Tn  giving  this  notice  I  had  in  view  a  change  in  the  mode  of 
refunding  which  would  save  to  the  government  the  whole  or 
large  part  of  the  three  months'  interest  pending  the  call.  This 
notice  gave  an  additional  spur  to  the  market  for  four  per  cent, 
bonds.  Copies  of  it  were  sent  to  Mr.  Conant  and  to  all  parties 
interested  in  pending  operations,  and  due  notice  was  given 
to  all  persons  and  corporations  engaged  in  the  sale  of  bonds 
that  all  existing  contracts  would  terminate  when  the  5-20 
bonds  were  covered  by  subscriptions. 

At  this  time  there  was  a  good  deal  of  anxiety  as  to  the 
effect  of  the  large  sale  of  four  per  cent,  bonds.  If  these  could 
be  exchanged,  par  for  par,  for  six  per  cent,  bonds,  the  operation 
would  be  easy,  but  many  holders  of  called  bonds  would  not 
accept  the  lower  rate  of  interest  and  invested  the  principal  of 
their  bonds  in  other  securities. 

Soon  after  I  commenced  receiving  prophecies  of  stringency 
and  disaster.  A  long  letter  from  Fisk  &  Hatch,  of  New  York, 
said  that  general  apprehension  had  been  growing  up  in  financial 
circles  and  was  rapidly  gaining  ground,  that  the  settlements 
by  the  national  banks  with  the  treasury  department,  in  April 
and  May,  for  the  large  subscriptions  of  four  per  cent,  bonds 
made  in  January  and  February,  would  occasion  serious  dis 
turbance  and  embarrassment  in  the  money  market.  They 
advised  me  to  pursue  a  course  that,  whether  proper  or  not,  was 
not  in  accordance  with  law.  Mr.  L.  P.  Morton,  on  the  same 
date,  took  a  milder  view  of  it,  but  still  suggested  a  remedy  not 
within  my  power. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  571 

On  the  13th,  General  Hillhouse,  in  referring  to  the  appre 
hensions  of  my  correspondents  in  regard  to  the  settlements 
in  connection  with  refunding,  said  that  they  might  be  caused 
in  some  instances  by  the  suspicion,  if  not  by  the  conviction, 
that  their  subscriptions  had  been  carried  beyond  the  point  of 
absolute  safety,  "  and  now  that  settlement  day  is  approaching, 
they  are  naturally  desirous  of  ascertaining  how  far  they  can 
count  on  the  forbearance  of  the  government." 

This  was  the  same  view  I  had  taken  of  the  matter.  I  did 
not  feel  myself  officially  bound  to  do  anything  but  to  require 
prompt  payment  for  the  bonds  subscribed.  The  treasury,  how 
ever,  was  well  prepared  for  any  probable  stringency,  and  I  was 
convinced  that  the  settlements  would  not  cause  any  serious 
disturbance.  The  advices  from  London  continued  to  be  unfav 
orable.  The  bonds  were  offered  in  the  market  in  some  cases  at 
a  less  price  than  the  syndicate  were  to  pay  for  them. 

In  the  process  of  selling  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  I  had  fre 
quently  been  written  to  by  persons  of  limited  means,  who 
wished  to  invest  their  savings  in  government  bonds  of  small 
denominations  bearing  four  per  cent,  interest. 

By  the  evening  of  April  4  many  large  and  rapid  subscrip 
tions  had  been  made,  covering  all  consols  of  1867  and  of  1868. 

I  then  telegraphed  to  Mr.  Conant  as  follows : 

"Subscriptions  have  been  made  covering  all  5-20  bonds  (consols  of 
1867  and  consols  of  1868)  outstanding,  reserving  for  contracting  parties 
the  one  million  not  subscribed  for. 

"  Inform  the  contracting  parties  and  accept  no  new  subscriptions." 

On  the  4th  of  April,  1879,  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  issuing 
the  95th  and  96th  calls  for  5-20  bonds,  covering  all  the  bonds 
outstanding  issued  under  the  act  of  March  3,  1865,  and  the  last 
of  the  United  States  5-20  bonds.  The  early  twenty  year  bonds, 
issued  during  the  first  two  years  of  the  Civil  War,  were  not  yet 
due  or  redeemable  and,  therefore,  could  not  be  called  for  pay 
ment.  This  was  a  practical  illustration  of  the  importance,  in 
issuing  government  securities,  of  reserving  the  right  to  redeem 
them  before  maturity. 

The  rapid  and  irregular  subscriptions  made  on  the  4th  of 


572  RECOLLECTIONS 

April  involved  the  department  in  serious  difficulty  in  determin 
ing  who  of  the  many  subscribers  were  entitled  to  the  bonds. 
The  aggregate  of  subscriptions  was  more  than  double  the 
amount  of  5-20  bonds  outstanding.  By  adopting  a  rule  of  ac 
cepting  bids  made  before  a  fixed  hour  of  that  day,  and  by  vol 
untary  arrangements  among  the  bidders,  a  distribution  was 
made. 

The  only  serious  controversy  in  respect  to  this  distribution 
was  upon  the  claim  of  the  Eothschilds  that  they  had  options 
extending  to  the  30th  of  June  for  ten  millions  of  bonds,  and 
for  one  million  extended  from  April  1  to  April  8.  The  lat 
ter  was  allowed,  but  the  department  held  that  the  option  for 
ten  millions  June  30  was  dependent  upon  whether  the  bonds 
were  previously  sold,  and  this  occurred  on  the  4th  of  April.  This 
gave  rise  to  a  controversy  which  was  settled  by  the  voluntary 
transfer,  by  the  National  Bank  of  Commerce,  of  ten  millions  of 
the  forty  millions  bonds  subscribed  for  by  it.  Rothschild,  the 
head  of  the  house,  would  not  accept  this  offer,  but,  with  some 
show  of  resentment,  declined  to  receive  his  share  of  the  bonds, 
but  they  were  eagerly  taken  by  his  associates. 

The  5-20  bonds  having  been  paid  off  or  called,  the  depart 
ment  proceeded,  as  soon  as  practicable,  to  execute  the  laws 
of  January  25  "  to  facilitate  the  refunding  the  national  debt," 
and  February  26  "to  authorize  the  issue  of  certificates  of  de 
posit  in  aid  of  the  refunding  of  the  public  debt." 

On  the  16th  of  April  I  published  the  offer  of  $150,000,000 
four  per  cent,  bonds  at  one-half  of  one  per  cent,  above  par  and 
accrued  interest,  and  reserved  $44,566,300  of  these  bonds  for  the 
conversion  of  ten  dollar  refunding  certificates. 

The  following  telegrams,  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  on  the  17th  of  April,  tell  the  result: 

From  the  Bank  of  New  York  National  Banking  Associa 
tion,  New  York : 

"  Send  two  millions  four  per  cent,  bonds  under  terms  of  to-day's  dispatch." 

From  Chase  National  Bank,  New  York : 

"  We  have  subscribed  for  half  million  dollars  four  per  cent,  bonds  on 
terms  just  issued.  Can  we  deposit  our  securities  at  the  treasury  here,  as 
heretofore?" 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  573 

From  First  National  Bank,  New  York: 

"  Please  enter  subscription  this  date  for  ten  million  dollars,  and  reserve 
further  amount  of  fifteen  millions,  awaiting  our  letter.  Please  make  no 
announcement  of  either  to-day,  for  reasons  will  explain." 

From  Bank  of  New  York  National  Banking  Association, 
New  York: 

"  Send  seventy-five  certificates  ten  thousand  each,  fifty  of  five  thousand 
each,  four  per  cents.,  in  name  of  I.  &  S.  Wormser.  Also  four  hundred  bonds 
five  hundred  each,  three  hundred  of  one  thousand  each;  in  all,  one  million 
five  hundred  thousand.  Certificate  deposit  by  mail." 

From  Baltzer  and  Lichtenstein,  New  York: 

"  We  subscribe  to-day  through  the  National  Bank  of  the  state  for  one 
million  fours." 

From  National  Bank  of  the  State  of  New  York: 

"  We  confirm  dispatch  of  Baltzer  and  Lichtenstein  ordering  one  million 
four  per  cent,  consols,  and  order,  in  addition  to  that  and  our  previous  dis 
patch,  one  million  more,  half  each  coupon  and  registered." 

Bank  of  New  York  National  Banking  Association,  New  York: 

"  We  take  two  million  more  fours;  particulars  later." 

From  National  Bank  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

"  Please  forward  immediately  four  million  United  States  four  per  cent, 
consols." 

******** 

"  Please  forward  three  hundred  thousand  registered  and  two  hundred 
thousand  coupon  four  per  cent,  consols.  Particulars  by  mail." 

******** 
"  Please  forward  one  million  four  per  cent,  consols  coupons." 
******** 

"  Please  forward  immediately  fifteen  hundred  thousand  United  States 
four  per  cent,  consols  additional  to  all  former  subscriptions." 

From  Bank  of  New  York  National  Banking  Association: 

"  Send  one  hundred  and  twenty  certificates,  ten  thousand  each,  in  name 
of  I.  &  S.  Wormser,  also  eight  hundred  coupon  bonds,  one  thousand  each,  in 
all,  two  million  fours.  Certificate  by  mail." 

******** 

"We  subscribe  for  four  millions  fours;  this  is  in  addition  to  all  other 
telegrams.  Certificates  by  mail." 


574  RECOLLECTIONS 

From  Continental  National  Bank,  New  York : 

"  We  subscribe  to-day  two  million  four  per  cents.,  name  Hatch  &  Foote. 
Particulars  by  mail." 

From  First  National  Bank,  New  York : 

"Please  enter  our  subscription  under  this  date  for  one  hundred  and  fifty 
million  dollars  four  per  cent,  bonds  and  forty  million  dollars  refunding  cer 
tificates,  in  all,  one  hundred  and  ninety  million  dollars,  under  terms  of  your 
circulars  of  April  16  and  March  7.  These  subscriptions  for  this  bank  and 
its  associates.  Will  see  you  to-morrow  morning.  This  is  repetition  of  dis 
patch  sent  to  the  department." 

From  National  Bank,  State  of  New  York : 

"  Confirming  previous  dispatches  covering  subscriptions  of  seven  millions 
five  hundred  thousand  dollars  to  four  per  cent,  loan,  please  forward  addi 
tional  two  millions  coupon  bonds." 

From  Bank  of  New  York  National  Banking  Association : 

"  We  subscribe  for  one  million  four  per  cents.  Certificates  of  deposit 
by  mail  to-morrow." 

From  National  Bank,  State  of  New  York : 

"  Please  forward  immediately  one  million  more  United  States  four  per 
cent,  consols,  making  a  total,  together  with  former  subscriptions,  of  ten 
million  five  hundred  thousand." 

I  sent  the  following  telegram  to  the  First  National  Bank  of 
New  York : 

"  Your  telegram  covering  one  hundred  and  ninety  million  consols  stag 
gers  me.  Your  telegram  for  twenty-five  million  received,  and  entered  at 
two  o'clock.  About  thirty  million  from  other  parties  were  received  and 
entered  before  your  last  telegram.  Will  wait  till  letters  received.  What  is 
the  matter  ?  Are  you  all  crazy  ?  " 

On  the  18th  the  bids  were  carefully  analyzed  and  accepted 
in  the  order  in  which  they  were  received.  The  bid  of  the  First 
National  Bank  was  made  on  behalf  of  an  association  of  banks 
and  bankers.  I  declined  their  offer  for  refunding  certificates 
and  accepted  their  offer  for  $111,000,000. 

I  wrote  to  Conant,  April  18,  as  follows : 

"Since  I  wrote  you  the  letters  yesterday  respecting  the  recent  cir 
cular  of  April  16,  I  have  sold  the  whole  of  the  $150,000,000  of  bonds  offered 
therein  ;  $39,000,000  were  sold  to  sundry  banks  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
and  the  residue,  $111,000,000,  were  sold  to  an  association  of  banks  and 
bankers  through  the  First  National  Bank.  This  unexpected  and  agreeable 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  575 

denouement  of  our  refunding  operations  will  supersede  much  that  I  have 
written  you.  I  received  and  answered  your  telegram  of  to-day.  Arrange 
ments  will  be  made  with  the  new  associates  for  delivery  of  four  per  cent, 
consols  and  the  receipt  of  called  bonds  in  London. 

"  Although  I  have  given  notice  that  I  will  feel  at  liberty  to  do  so  after 
the  4th  of  May,  I  prefer  that  you  will  postpone  any  new  arrangement  for  de 
livery  to  other  parties  until  the  10th  ;  hoping  that  before  that  time  Messrs. 
J.  S.  Morgan  &  Co.  will  be  able  to  close  out  the  balance  of  their  last 
subscription." 

On  the  same  day  I  made  a  call  for  $160,000,000  10-40  bonds, 
being  all  of  such  bonds  outstanding,  except  an  amount  that 
would  be  covered  by  the  proceeds  of  ten  dollar  refunding  cer 
tificates.  The  sale  of  these  certificates  gave  the  department  a 
great  deal  of  trouble.  The  object  and  purpose  of  the  law  was 
to  secure  to  persons  of  limited  means  an  opportunity  to  pur 
chase,  at  par,  certificates  of  indebtedness  bearing  four  per  cent, 
interest.  As  they  could  be  converted  at  pleasure  into  10-40 
bonds  of  small  denominations,  it  was  thought  they  would  be 
promptly  taken  by  the  persons  for  whom  they  were  designed. 
They  were  sold  in  limited  amounts  to  individuals  at  post  offices, 
but  as  they  were,  when  converted  into  bonds,  worth  a  premium, 
bankers  and  others  hired  men  to  stand  in  line  and  purchase 
certificates.  This  was  a  practical  fraud  on  the  law,  and  was 
mainly  conducted  in  the  cities,  and  where  done  the  sale  was 
discontinued.  The  great  body  of  the  certificates  were  taken 
by  the  class  of  persons  for  whom  they  were  designed.  In  a  brief 
period  they  were  sold,  and  the  proceeds  were  in  the  treasury. 

On  the  21st  of  April  I  made  the  final  call  for  all  outstanding 
10-40  bonds.  With  this  call  the  refunding  operations  were 
practically  at  an  end  for  the  time.  A  good  deal  of  correspond 
ence  was  had  as  to  priority  of  bids  and  sales  of  refunding 
certificates,  but  this  was  closed,  at  the  end  of  ninety  days,  by 
the  full  payment  of  the  called  bonds,  '  nd  the  substitution  of 
bonds  bearing  a  lower  rate  of  interest.  This  was  accomplished 
without  the  loss  of  a  dollar. 

The  aggregate  amount  of  bonds  refunded  from  March  4, 
1877,  to  July  21,  1879,  was  $845,345,950. 

The  annual  interest  saved  by  this  operation  was  $14,290,- 
416.50. 


576  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  general  approval  and  appreciation  of  these  results  was 
manifested  by  the  public  press,  and  especially  in  Europe.  Mr. 
Conant,  in  a  letter  dated  April  19,  said  : 

"  On  yesterday  morning,  at  the  stock  exchange,  just  after  the  opening 
hour,  a  McLean's  cable  dispatch  was  posted  up,  stating  that  you  had  entered 
into  a  contract  with  a  syndicate  for  the  sale  of  $150,000,000  of  four  per  cent, 
bonds,  against  the  outstanding  10-40  five  per  cent,  bonds.  People  were 
astounded  at  the  information,  and  they  were  all  the  more  astonished  because 
the  operation  followed  so  closely  upon  the  transaction  of  the  4th  instant. 
The  effect  of  this  has  been  to  send  the  price  of  the  bonds  up  three -fourths 
per  cent.,  and  to  create  a  demand  for  them." 

From  the  date  of  these  transactions  the  bonds  of  the  United 
States  rapidly  advanced  in  value.  Many  similar  transactions 
of  my  successors  in  office  have  been  made  at  a  still  lower  rate 
of  interest. 

Among  the  agreeable  incidents  connected  with  the  resump 
tion  of  specie  payments  was  the  adoption  of  resolutions  by  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  of  New  York,  on  the  2nd  of  July,  1879, 
The  second  resolution  was  as  follows  : 

"  Resolved,  That  this  Chamber  tenders  its  congratulations  to  the  Honor 
able  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  at  once  the  framer  and  executor  of  tha 
law  of  1875,  upon  the  success  which  has  attended  his  administration  of  the 
national  finances  ;  as  well  in  the  funding  of  the  public  debt,  as  in  the  meas 
ures  he  has  pursued  to  restore  a  sound  currency." 

I  subsequently  received,  by  the  hands  of  William  E.  Dodge, 
late  president  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  New  York,  a 
letter  from  that  body  asking  me  to  sit  for  my  portrait  to  be 
placed  on  the  walls  of  their  Chamber.  On  the  24th  of  February 
I  sent  the  following  reply : 

GENTLEMEN:  —  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt,  by  the 
hands  of  Wm.  E.  Dodge,  late  president  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of 
New  York,  of  your  letter  of  the  17th  instant,  covering  a  resolution  of  your 
body,  asking  me  to  sit  for  my  portrait  to  be  placed  upon  the  walls  of  your 
Chamber. 

The  kind  words  of  Mr.  Dodge  in  delivering  the  resolution  add  greatly 
to  the  compliment  contained  therein.  I  assure  you  that  I  deeply  appreciate 
the  honor  of  being  designated  in  this  manner,  by  a  body  so  distinguished  as 
the  one  you  represent,  composed  of  members  having  so  large  an  influence  in 


JOHN  SHERMAN— (D.  HUNTINGTON,  ARTIST).     PAINTED  FOR  THE  CHAMBER  OF  COMMERCE  OF  THE  STATE  OF  NEW 
YORK,  TO  COMMEMORATE  THE  RESUMPTION  OF  SPECIE  PAYMENTS  ON  THE  FIRST  OF  JANUARY,   1879. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  577 

the  commercial  transactions,  not  only  of  our  country,  but  of  other  nations, 
whose  familiarity  with  financial  and  commercial  subjects  gives  to  its  opinions 
great  respect  and  authority. 

The  resumption  of  specie  payments  has  been  brought  about  by  the  co 
operation,  not  only  of  many  Senators  and  Members  of  Congress,  but  of  the 
leading  merchants,  bankers  and  other  business  men  of  the  country.  It  was 
my  good  fortune  to  be  selected,  by  my  colleagues  in  the  Senate,  to  present 
the  resumption  act,  which  was  framed  with  their  aid  and  in  their  councils, 
and  to  hold  my  present  office  at  the  time  when,  by  its  terms,  the  law  was  to 
be  enforced.  The  only  merit  I  can  claim  is  the  honest  and  earnest  effort, 
with  others,  to  secure  the  adoption  of  the  policy  of  resumption,  and  to  have 
executed  the  law  according  to  its  letter  and  spirit.  I  feel  that  I  cannot  ac 
cept  this  high  compliment,  without  acknowledging  that  I  am  but  one  of 
many  who.  have  contributed  to  the  accomplishment  of  this  beneficent 
object. 

I  will,  with  great  pleasure,  give  every  facility  to  any  artist  whom  you 
may  select  to  carry  your  resolution  into  effect. 

Expressing  to  you,  and  the  gentlemen  you  represent,  my  appreciation 
of  a  compliment  so  highly  prized,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Messrs.  A.  A.  Low,  JAMES  M.  BROWN,  SAM'L  D.  BABCOCK,  WM.  E.  DODGE, 
HENRY  F.  SPAULDING,  Committee  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce-,  New 
York. 

Subsequently,  in  compliance  with  this  request,  I  gave  to  Mr. 
Huntington,  an  eminent  artist  selected  by  that  body,  a  number 
of  sittings,  and  the  result  was  a  portrait  of  great  merit,  which 
was  placed  in  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  with  that  of  Alex 
ander  Hamilton.  I  regarded  this  as  a  high  compliment  from 
so  distinguished  a  body  of  merchants,  but  I  do  not  indulge  in 
the  vanity  of  a  comparison  with  Hamilton. 

S.— 37 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 
GENERAL   DESIRE  TO  NOMINATE   ME   FOR   GOVERNOR   OF  OHIO. 

Death  of  My  Brother  Charles  —  The  46th  Congress  Convened  in  Special  Session  — 

"Mending  Fences  "at  My  Home  in  Mansfield  —  Efforts  to  Put  Me  Forward 

as  a  Candidate  for  the  Governorship  of  Ohio  —  Result  of  My  Letter  to 

John  B.  Haskin  —  Reasons  of  My  Refusal  of  the  Nomination  for 

Governor — Invitation  from  James  G.  Blaine  to  Speak  in 

Maine  —  My  Speech    at    Portland  —  Victory    of    the 

Republican  Party  —  My  Speech  at  Steuben- 

ville,  Ohio  —  Evidences  of  Prosperity  on 

Every  Hand  —  Visit    to  Cincinnati 

and  Return  to  Washington 

—  Results     in     Ohio. 

ON  the  morning  of  January  1,  1879,  I  received  intel 
ligence  of  the  sudden  death  of  my  eldest  brother, 
Charles  T.  Sherman,  at  his  residence  in  Cleveland. 
In  company  with  General  Miles  and  Senator  Cam 
eron,  his  sons-in-law,  and  General  Sherman,  I  went  to  Cleve 
land  to  attend  the  funeral.  My  respect  and  affection  for  him 
has  already  been  stated.  As  the  eldest  member  of  our  family 
he  contributed  more  than  any  other  to  the  happiness  of  his 
mother  and  the  success  of  his  brothers  and  sisters.  He  aided 
and  assisted  me  in  every  period  of  my  life,  and  with  uniform 
kindness  did  all  he  could  to  advance  my  interests  and  add  to 
my  comfort  and  happiness.  As  district  judge  of  the  United 
States,  for  the  northern  district  of  Ohio,  he  was  faithful  and 
just.  When,  after  twelve  years  service,  he  was  reproached 
for  aiding  in  securing  the  reversal  of  an  order  of  the  Com 
missioner  of  Internal  Eevenue  in  collecting  an  unlawful  and 
unjust  tax  in  the  city  of  New  York,  as  he  had  a  perfect 
right  to  do,  he  resigned  his  position  rather  than  engage  in  a 
controversy.  He  was  unduly  sensitive  of  all  accusations  or 
innuendoes  touching  his  honor.  He  was  honest  and  faithful  to 
every  engagement,  and  had  a  larger  personal  following  of  inti 
mate  friends  and  associates  than  either  of  his  brothers. 

(578) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  579 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1879,  President  Hayes  convened  the 
46th  Congress  in  special  session  to  meet  on  the  18th  of  that 
month,  to  provide  necessary  appropriations  for  the  legislative, 
executive  and  judicial  expenses  of  the  government,  and  also  for 
the  support  of  the  army,  the  45th  Congress  having  failed  to 
pass  bills  for  these  objects  on  account  of  a  disagreement  of  the 
two  Houses  as  to  certain  provisions  relating  to  the  election 
laws.  This  session  continued  until  July  1,  and  was  chiefly  oc 
cupied  in  political  topics,  such  as  reconstruction  and  elections. 
The  Democratic  party,  for  the  first  time  in  twenty  years,  had 
control  of  both  Houses,  but  it  neither  adopted  nor  proposed  any 
important  financial  legislation  at  that  session,  the  only  law 
passed  in  respect  to  coin,  currency  or  bonds  which  I  recall  be 
ing  one  to  provide  for  the  exchange  of  subsidiary  coins  for  law 
ful  money,  and  making  such  coins  a  legal  tender  in  all  sums 
not  exceeding  ten  dollars.  Congress  seemed  to  be  content 
with  the  operations  of  the  treasury  department  at  that  time, 
and  certainly  made  no  obstacle  to  their  success. 

About  the  1st  of  May,  Mrs.  Sherman,  accompanied  by  our 
adopted  daughter,  Mary  Sherman,  then  a  young  schoolgirl 
twelve  years  old,  and  Miss  Florence  Hoyt,  of  New  York,  Miss 
Jennie  Dennison,  of  Columbus,  and  Miss  Julia  Parsons,  of 
Cleveland,  three  bright  and  accomplished  young  ladies,  em 
barked  on  the  steamer  Adriatic  for  a  visit  to  Europe.  Mrs. 
Sherman  placed  Mary  in  a  very  good  school  at  Neuchatel, 
Switzerland,  and  then  with  her  companions  visited  the  leading 
cities  of  Europe. 

After  accompanying  the  party  to  New  York  I  went  to 
Mansfield,  and  as  my  family  was  absent  and  the  homestead  oc 
cupied  by  comparative  strangers,  I  stopped  at  the  St.  James 
hotel  where,  as  was  natural,  I  met  a  great  many  of  my  old 
neighbors  and  friends,  both  Democrats  and  Eepublicans,  who 
welcomed  me  home. 

Among  my  visitors  were  several  reporters  from  different 
parts  of  the  country  who  wanted  to  interview  me  and  espe 
cially  to  learn  if  I  was  a  candidate  for  governor,  and  why  I  came 
home.  In  the  afternoon  I  visited  my  farm  near  by  and  my 
homestead  of  about  twenty  acres  adjoining  the  city.  I  found 


580  RECOLLECTIONS 

them  in  the  usual  neglected  condition  of  the  property  of  a  non 
resident  proprietor,  with  many  of  the  fences  down.  In  the 
evening  I  was  serenaded  at  the  hotel  and  made  a  brief  speech 
to  a  large  audience,  commencing  as  follows : 

"  I  am  very  happy  to  be  again  in  your  midst,  to  see  your  faces  and  to 
greet  you  as  friends.  The  shaking  of  your  hands  is  more  grateful  to  me 
than  the  music  of  bands  or  any  parade.  I  never  felt  like  making  an  expla 
nation  in  coming  before  you  until  now.  I  found  when  I  arrived  in  my  old 
home  that  the  papers  said  I  came  west  seeking  the  nomination  for  governor. 
I  came  purely  on  private  business  —  to  repair  my  fences  and  look  after  neg 
lected  property." 

The  reporters  seized  upon  the  reference  to  my  fences,  and 
construed  it  as  having  a  political  significance.  The  phrase 
"  mending  fences "  became  a  byword,  and  every  politician  en 
gaged  in  strengthening  his  position  is  still  said  to  be  "mend 
ing  his  fences." 

Previous  to  that  time  mention  had  been  made  of  me  in  dif 
ferent  parts  of  the  country,  not  only  for  the  nomination  of 
Governor  of  Ohio,  but  for  President  of  the  United  States. 
Charles  Foster  and  Alphonso  Taft  were  then  spoken  of  as  the 
leading  candidates  for  nomination  as  governor.  Both  were  my 
personal  friends  and  eminently  qualified  to  perform  the  duties 
of  the  office.  Although  I  regarded  the  position  of  governor  as 
dignified  and  important,  well  worthy  the  ambition  of  any  citizen, 
still  there  were  reasons  which  would  prevent  my  accepting  the 
nomination  if  it  should  be  tendered  me.  I  felt  that  to  aban 
don  my  duties  in  the  treasury  department  might  be  fairly  con 
strued  as  an  evasion  of  a  grave  responsibility  and  an  important 
public  duty.  I  knew  that  President  Hayes  was  very  anxious 
that  I  should  remain  in  the  office  of  secretary  until  the  close  of 
his  term.  I  did  not  desire  to  compete  with  the  gentlemen 
already  named,  and  did  all  I  could  to  discourage  the  movement 
short  of  absolute  refusal  to  accept  the  nomination.  The  news 
papers  of  the  day,  not  only  in  Ohio  but  in  other  states,  were 
full  of  favorable  comments  upon  my  probable  nomination 
for  governor,  and  my  correspondence  upon  the  subject  was  very 
large.  I  have  no  doubt  that  had  I  consented  to  be  a  candidate 
both  Foster  and  Taft  would  have  acquiesced  in  my  nomination. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  581 

As  for  the  nomination  for  the  presidency  I  made  no  move 
ment  or  effort  to  bring  it  about,  but  then  believed  that  General 
Grant  would,  upon  his  return  from  his  tour  around  the  world, 
be  nominated  and  elected. 

During  1879  and  the  following  year  I  received  a  multitude 
of  letters  and  newspaper  paragraphs  advocating  my  nomina 
tion  for  President.  Among  the  first  of  such  letters  was  one 
from  an  old  friend,  John  B.  Haskin,  formerly  a  Member  of 
Congress  from  New  York.  On  the  10th  of  May,  1879,  I  wrote 
him  in  answer  a  letter,  not  intended  for  publication,  but  ex 
pressing  what  I  would  do  in  the  contingency  mentioned  by  him, 
as  follows : 

"  What  I  would  aspire  to,  in  case  public  opinion  should  decide  to  make 
me  a  candidate  for  President,  would  be  to  unite  in  cooperation  with  the 
Republican  party  all  the  national  elements  of  the  country  that  contributed 
to  or  aided  in  any  way  in  the  successful  vindication  of  national  authority 
during  the  war.  I  would  do  this,  not  for  the  purpose  of  irritating  the  south 
or  oppressing  them  in  any  way,  but  to  assert  and  maintain  the  supremacy 
of  national  authority  to  the  full  extent  of  all  the  powers  conferred  by  the 
constitution.  This,  as  I  understand  it,  is  the  Jacksonian  as  well  as  the  Re 
publican  view  of  national  powers. 

•X--X-******* 

"You  see  my  general  ideas  would  lead  me  to  lean  greatly  upon  the  war 
Democrats  and  soldiers  in  the  service,  who  have  been  influenced  by  political 
events  since  the  war  to  withhold  support  from  the  Republican  party. 

"  The  true  issue  for  1880  is  national  supremacy  in  national  matters,  hon 
est  money  and  an  honest  dollar." 

Mr.  Haskin  gave,  or  showed,  this  letter  to  a  New  York  pa 
per,  and  it  was  published.  I  expressed  my  opinion,  but  it 
was  not  one  that  should  have  been  made  public  without  au 
thority.  The  letter  was  the  subject  of  comment  and  criticism, 
and  was  treated  as  an  open  declaration  of  my  candidacy  for 
the  office  of  President.  It  was  not  written  with  this  purpose, 
as  the  context  clearly  shows.  This  incident  was  a  caution  to 
me  not  to  answer  such  letters,  unless  I  was  assured  that  my 
replies  would  be  treated  as  confidential.  Yet  I  do  not  see  how  a 
man  in  public  life  can  refuse  to  answer  a  friendly  letter,  even  if 
his  meaning  can  be  perverted.  As  a  matter  of  fact  he  usually  ex 
ercises  the  utmost  care  in  his  correspondence,  but  accepts  forced 
constructions  and  unintended  meanings  as  a  matter  of  course. 


582  RECOLLECTIONS 

After  a  brief  visit  to  Mansfield  I  went  to  Columbus,  where 
I  met  with  a  hearty  reception  from  men  of  both  political 
parties.  The  legislature  was  in  session,  and  the  senators  and 
members,  judges  of  the  courts,  and  executive  officers  of  the 
state,  called  upon  me  and  gave  me  cordial  greetings.  I 
attended  a  reception  at  the  house  of  Governor  Dennison,  where 
I  met  the  leading  citizens  of  Columbus.  On  my  return  to  the 
hotel  I  was  serenaded  by  a  band,  and  being  introduced  by 
Governor  Dennison  made  a  brief  speech  of  a  non-partisan  char 
acter,  and  in  closing  said : 

"  I  want  to  make  one  personal  remark  about  myself.  Some  of  my  news 
paper  friends  have  tried  to  make  me  a  candidate  for  Governor  of  Ohio,  but 
I  hope  none  of  you  will  vote  for  me  in  convention  or  before  the  people.  I 
propose  to  stick  to  my  present  place  until  the  question  of  resumption  is 
settled  beyond  a  doubt.  I  want  to  convince  everybody  that  the  experiment 
of  resumption  is  a  success  ;  that  we  can  resume  ;  that  the  United  States  is  not 
bound  to  have  its  notes  hawked  about  at  a  discount,  but  that  a  note  of  the 
United  States  may  travel  about  the  world,  everywhere  received  as  equal  to 
gold  coin,  and  as  good  as  any  note  ever  issued  by  any  nation,  either  in 
ancient  or  modern  times.  I  want  to  see  that  our  debt  shall  be  reduced, 
which  will  be  done  through  four  per  cent,  bonds.  If  the  present  policy  pre 
vails,  we  shall  be  able  to  borrow  all  the  money  needed  for  national  uses  for 
less  than  four  per  cent.,  perhaps  as  low  as  three." 

I  returned  directly  to  Washington.  Finding  that  a  deter 
mined  effort  would  be  made  to  force  my  nomination  as  gov 
ernor,  I  wrote  the  following  letter  to  prevent  it : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,     ) 
WASHINGTON,  May  15,  1879.  ) 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  In  view  of  the  kindly  interest  manifested  by  political 
friends  during  my  recent  visit  home,  that  I  should  be  nominated  as  the  Re 
publican  candidate  for  Governor  of  Ohio,  I  have  given  the  subject  the  most 
careful  consideration,  and  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  I  cannot,  in  my 
present  situation,  accept  such  a  nomination  if  tendered. 

I  am  now  engaged  in  a  public  duty  which  demands  my  constant  atten 
tion  and  which  can  clearly  better  be  completed  by  me  than  by  anyone  coming 
freshly  into  the  office.  To  now  accept  the  nomination  for  governor,  though 
it  is  an  honor  I  would  otherwise  highly  prize  and  feel  deeply  grateful  for, 
would  be  justly  regarded  as  an  abandonment  of  a  trust  important  to  the 
whole  country,  to  promote  my  personal  advancement.  .  .  . 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

GENERAL  J.  S.  ROBINSON, 

Chairman  Republican  State  Committee,  Columbus,  Ohio. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  583 

After  the  close  of  the  funding  operations,  I  received  from 
Mr.  Elaine,  as  chairman  of  the  Republican  committee  of  Maine, 
the  following  invitation,  which  I  accepted : 

AUGUSTA,  ME.,  July  3,  1879. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secy,  of  Treas. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Could  you  speak  at  Portland,  Tuesday,  July  23,  and 
then  during  the  same  week  at  Augusta  and  Bangor — say  25th — 27th?  Your 
Portland  speech  we  should  expect  to  have  printed  the  next  day,  accurately 
from  your  own  slips. 

Your  two  other  speeches,  hardly  less  important  to  us,  might  be  made  with 
less  care  and  accuracy,  that  is,  more  on  the  order  of  the  general  stump  speech. 

In  your  Portland  speech  I  hope,  however,  you  will  talk  on  something 
more  than  the  finance,  making  it,  however,  the  leading  and  prominent  topic 
— but  giving  a  heavy  hit  at  the  conduct  of  the  Democrats  during  the  extra 
session.  Sincerely,  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

The  election  in  the  State  of  Maine  preceding  those  of  other 
states,  great  interest  was  taken  in  it,  as  the  result  there  would 
have  much  influence  in  other  parts  of  the  country.  That  state 
in  the  previous  year  had  faltered  in  support  of  the  Republican 
party.  In  that  year  there  were  three  candidates  in  the  field 
for  governor,  the  Republican,  whose  name  I  do  not  recall,  the 
Democratic,  Garcelon,  for  hard  money,  and  the  Greenback, 
Smith,  under  the  lead  of  Solon  Chase,  an  alleged  lunatic  in 
favor  of  fiat  money,  the  repeal  of  the  resumption  law,  and  the 
enactment  of  an  eight-hour  law.  Smith  received  about  40,000 
votes,  Garcelon  about  28,000,  and  the  Republican  candidate 
about  54,000.  Many  Republicans  either  did  not  vote  or  voted 
the  Democratic  or  Greenback  ticket.  By  the  constitution  of 
that  state  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast  is  required  to  elect  a 
governor,  and  in  case  of  failure  the  house  of  representa 
tives  of  the  state  proceeds  to  ballot  for  choice.  The  names  are 
then  sent  to  the  senate  for  the  action  of  that  body.  The  result 
was  the  election  of  Garcelon,  the  Democratic  candidate. 

This  was  due  to  a  strong  feeling  then  prevailing  in  favor  of 
irredeemable  or  fiat  money,  and  to  some  discontent  among 
Republicans  with  the  liberal  measures  adopted  by  President 
Hayes  to  secure  peace  and  quiet  in  the  south,  especially  the 
recognition  of  Hampton  as  Governor  of  South  Carolina  and 
of  Nichols  as  Governor  of  Louisiana. 


584  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  thought  it  important  to  turn  the  issues  of  the  cam 
paign  to  the  financial  measures  accomplished  by  the  Repub 
lican  party,  and  therefore  prepared  with  some  care  a  speech  to 
be  delivered  at  Portland,  and  confined  mainly  to  this  sub 
ject.  This  speech  was  made  on  the  23rd  of  July,  1879.  I 
regard  it  as  the  best  statement  of  the  financial  question  made 
by  me  in  that  canvass.  In  it  I  stated  fully  the  action  of  the 
administration  in  respect  to  the  resumption  of  specie  pay 
ments,  and  the  refunding  of  the  public  debt.  The  people  of 
Maine  had  been  greatly  divided  upon  these  measures.  The 
Greenback  party  was  opposed  to  the  effort  to  advance  the 
United  States  note  to  the  value  of  coin  which  it  represented, 
but  wished  to  make  it  depend  upon  some  imaginary  value 
given  to  it  by  law.  I  said  the  people  of  Maine  would  have  to 
choose  between  those  who  strictly  sought  to  preserve  the 
national  faith,  and  to  maintain  the  greenback  at  par  with  coin, 
and  those  who,  with  utter  disregard  of  the  public  faith,  wished 
to  restore  the  old  state  of  affairs,  when  the  greenback  could 
only  be  passed  at  a  discount,  and  could  neither  be  received  for 
customs  duties,  nor  be  paid  upon  the  public  debt. 

The  Greenback  party  had  embodied  in  their  platform  the 
following  dogmas : 

"The  general  government  should  issue  an  ample  volume  of  full  legal 
tender  currency  to  meet  the  business  needs  of  the  country,  and  to  promptly 
pay  all  of  its  debts." 

uThe  national  banking  system  should  be  immediately  abolished." 
"  We  demand  the  immediate  calling  in  and  payment  of  all  United  States 
bonds  in  full  legal  tender  money-" 

One  of  the  Members  of  Congress  from  the  State  of  Maine, 
Hon.  G.  W.  Ladd,  was  reported  to  have  paid  his  attention  to 
me,  in  a  speech  in  Portland,  in  the  following  language : 

44  Mr.  Sherman  has  sold  one  hundred  and  ninety  millions  of  four  per  cent, 
bonds  in  one  day  to  bloodsuckers  who  were  choking  the  country,  and  he 
should  be  impeached." 

In  closing  my  speech  I  answered  this  strange  statement  at 
some  length.  Then,  as  in  later  times,  the  making  of  such  state 
ments  by  public  men  in  respect  to  the  national  finances  shows 
an  obliquity  of  the  understanding  that  it  is  useless  to  argue 
with.  There  was  at  the  time  not  the  slightest  evidence  of  the 
country  being  "choked." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  585 

In  the  canvass  that  followed  in  Maine  but  little  attention 
was  paid  to  the  sectional  question,  and  the  Republican  party 
gained  a  complete  victory. 

About  the  middle  of  August  the  business  of  the  treasury  de 
partment,  being  confined  to  routine  duties,  was  left  under  the 
management  of  Assistant  Secretary  John  B.  Hawley.  I  deter 
mined  to  spend  the  remainder  of  the  month  in  the  campaign 
in  Ohio,  then  actively  progressing,  but  confined  mainly  to  the 
issue  between  the  inflation  of  paper  money  and  the  solid  rock 
of  specie  payments.  I  made  my  first  speech  in  that  canvass  at 
Steubenville  on  the  21st  of  August. 

I  closed  with  a  brief  discussion  of  the  southern  question,  and 
especially  the  nullification  of  the  election  laws  in  the  southern 
states.  This  speech  was  the  best  of  many  made  by  me  in  differ 
ent  parts  of  the  state.  I  was  engaged  in  the  canvass  in  Ohio 
for  two  weeks  afterward,  during  which  I  visited  my  home  at 
Mansfield. 

In  traversing  the  state  I  was  surprised  at  the  remarkable 
change  in  the  condition  of  business  and  the  feelings  of  the 
people,  and  at  the  evidences  of  prosperity  not  only  in  the  work 
shops  but  on  the  farms.  It  was  jokingly  said  that  the  revival 
of  industries  and  peace  and  happiness  was  a  shrewd  political 
trick  of  the  Republicans  to  carry  the  state.  As  I  rode  through 
the  country  I  saw  for  miles  and  miles  luxuriant  crops  of  thou 
sands  of  acres  of  wheat,  corn,  oats  and  barley.  It  was  said  that 
this  was  merely  a  part  of  the  campaign  strategy  of  the  Repub 
licans,  that  really  the  people  were  very  poor  and  miserable  and 
on  the  verge  of  starvation.  This  was  the  burden  of  the 
speeches  of  General  Ewing,  who  attributed  the  miseries  of 
the  people  to  my  "wicked  financial  policy,"  and  said  that  I  was 
given  over  to  the  clutches  of  the  money  power  and  stripped 
and  robbed  the  people  of  Ohio  for  the  benefit  of  the  "bloated 
bondholders." 

While  General  Ewing  was  fighting  in  the  shadows  of  the 
past,  caused  by  the  panic  of  1873,  a  revolution  had  taken 
place,  and  he  who  entered  into  the  canvass  with  the  hope  that 
the  cry  of  distress  would  aid  him  in  his  ambition  to  be  gov 
ernor,  must  have  been  greatly  discouraged  by  the  evidences 


5S4  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  thought  it  important  to  turn  the  issues  of  the  cam 
paign  to  the  financial  measures  accomplished  by  the  Kepub- 
lican  party,  and  therefore  prepared  with  some  care  a  speech  to 
be  delivered  at  Portland,  and  confined  mainly  to  this  sub 
ject.  This  speech  was  made  on  the  23rd  of  July.  1879.  I 
regard  it  as  the  best  statement  of  the  financial  question  made 
by  me  in  that  canvass.  In  it  I  stated  fully  the  action  of  the 
administration  in  respect  to  the  resumption  of  specie  pay 
ments,  and  the  refunding  of  the  public  debt.  The  people  of 
Maine  had  been  greatly  divided  upon  these  measures.  The 
Greenback  party  was  opposed  to  the  effort  to  advance  the 
United  States  note  to  the  value  of  coin  which  it  represented, 
but  wished  to  make  it  depend  upon  some  imaginary  value 
given  to  it  by  law.  I  said  the  people  of  Maine  would  have  to 
choose  between  those  who  strictly  sought  to  preserve  the 
national  faith,  and  to  maintain  the  greenback  at  par  with  coin, 
and  those  who.  with  utter  disregard  of  the  public  faith,  wished 
to  restore  the  old  state  of  affairs,  when  the  greenback  could 
only  be  passed  at  a  discount,  and  could  neither  be  received  for 
customs  duties,  nor  be  paid  upon  the  public  debt. 

The  Greenback  party  had  embodied  in  their  platform  the 
following  dogmas : 

"The  general  government  should  issue  an  ample  volume  of  full  legal 
tender  currency  to  meet  the  business  needs  of  the  country,  and  to  promptly 
pay  all  of  its  debts." 

-The  national  banking  system  should  be  immediately  abolished. v 
"  We  demand  the  immediate  calling  in  and  payment  of  all  United  States 
bonds  in  full  legal  tender  money." 

One  of  the  Members  of  Congress  from  the  State  of  Maine, 
Hon.  G.  W.  Ladd,  was  reported  to  have  paid  his  attention  to 
me,  in  a  speech  in  Portland,  in  the  following  language : 

"  Mr.  Sherman  has  sold  one  hundred  and  ninety  millions  of  four  per  cent, 
bonds  in  one  day  to  bloodsuckers  who  were  choking  the  country,  and  he 
should  be  impeached." 

In  closing  my  speech  I  answered  this  strange  statement  at 
some  length.  Then,  as  in  later  times,  the  making  of  such  state 
ments  by  public  men  in  respect  to  the  national  finances  shows 
an  obliquity  of  the  understanding  that  it  is  useless  to  argue 
with.  There  was  at  the  time  not  the  slightest  evidence  of  the 
country  being  "choked." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  535 

In  the  canvass  that  followed  in  Maine  but  little  attention 
was  paid  to  the  sectional  question,  and  the  Republican  party 
gained  a  complete  victory. 

About  the  middle  of  August  the  business  of  the  treasury  de 
partment,  being  confined  to  routine  duties,  was  left  under  the 
management  of  Assistant  Secretary  John  B.  Hawley.  I  deter 
mined  to  spend  the  remainder  of  the  month  in  the  campaign 
in  Ohio,  then  actively  progressing,  but  confined  mainly  to  the 
issue  between  the  inflation  of  paper  money  and  the  solid  rock 
of  specie  payments.  I  made  my  first  speech  in  that  canvass  at 
Steubenville  on  the  21st  of  August. 

I  closed  with  a  brief  discussion  of  the  southern  question,  and 
especially  the  nullification  of  the  election  laws  in  the  southern 
states.  This  speech  was  the  best  of  many  made  by  me  in  differ 
ent  parts  of  the  state.  I  was  engaged  in  the  canvass  in  Ohio 
for  two  weeks  afterward,  during  which  I  visited  my  home  at 
Mansfield. 

In  traversing  the  state  I  was  surprised  at  the  remarkable 
change  in  the  condition  of  business  and  the  feelings  of  the 
people,  and  at  the  evidences  of  prosperity  not  only  in  the  work 
shops  but  on  the  farms.  It  was  jokingly  said  that  the  revival 
of  industries  and  peace  and  happiness  was  a  shrewd  political 
trick  of  the  Republicans  to  carry  the  state.  As  I  rode  through 
the  country  I  saw  for  miles  and  miles  luxuriant  crops  of  thou 
sands  of  acres  of  wheat,  corn,  oats  and  barley.  It  was  said  that 
this  was  merely  a  part  of  the  campaign  strategy  of  the  Repub 
licans,  that  really  the  people  were  very  poor  and  miserable  and 
on  the  verge  of  starvation.  This  was  the  burden  of  the 
speeches  of  General  Ewing,  who  attributed  the  miseries  of 
the  people  to  my  "wicked  financial  policy,"  and  said  that  I  was 
given  over  to  the  clutches  of  the  money  power  and  stripped 
and  robbed  the  people  of  Ohio  for  the  benefit  of  the  "  bloated 
bondholders." 

While  General  Ewing  was  fighting  in  the  shadows  of  the 
past,  caused  by  the  panic  of  1873,  a  revolution  had  taken 
place,  and  he  who  entered  into  the  canvass  with  the  hope  that 
the  cry  of  distress  would  aid  him  in  his  ambition  to  be  gov 
ernor,  must  have  been  greatly  discouraged  by  the  evidences 


588  •  RECOLLECTIONS 

by  a  band,  approached  the  clubhouse,  and  loudly  insisted  that 
I  should  speak  to  them.  As  this  was  a  political  club,  I  felt  at 
liberty,  on  being  introduced  by  Warner  M.  Bateman,  to  make 
a  political  speech,  mainly  devoted  to  my  early  friend,  General 
Ewing,  and  his  peculiar  notions  of  finance.  This  was  reported 
in  the  papers  at  the  time.  If  there  was  too  much  political 
feeling  manifested  in  my  speeches  at  this  period,  it  may  be 
partly  excused  by  the  extreme  violence  of  denunciation  of  me 
by  Democratic  speakers  and  newspapers. 

Later  in  the  evening  I  visited  Wielert's  pavilion,  on  Vine 
Street,  where  the  usual  evening  concert  was  being  given.  The 
visitors  were  mainly  German  citizens,  and,  as  such,  were  known 
to  be  in  favor  of  a  sound  currency  based  upon  gold  and  silver. 
The  orchestra  at  once  stopped  the  piece  they  were  rendering, 
and  played  the  "Star  Spangled  Banner,"  amid  the  cheering  of 
the  assemblage.  They  insisted  upon  a  speech,  and  I  said : 

"  When  I  came  here  to-night  I  did  not  expect  to  make  a  speech,  as  I 
have  made  one  already.  I  only  came  to  see  the  people  enjoy  themselves,  to 
drink  a  glass  of  that  good  old  German  beverage,  beer,  and  to  listen  to  the 
music.  I  am  very  happy  to  meet  you,  and  shall  carry  away  with  me  a 
kindly  remembrance  of  your  greeting.  All  I  want,  and  that  is  what  we  all 
want,  is  honest  money.  A  dollar  in  paper  is  now  worth  a  dollar  in  gold  or 
silver  anywhere  in  this  country,  and  we  want  affairs  so  shaped  that  the  paper 
money  issued  may  be  exchanged  anywhere  or  under  any  circumstances  for 
gold  or  silver.  That  is  my  idea  of  honest  money.  [Cries, '  That  is  so.'  l  That 
is  ours,  too,'  etc.]  We  may  be  assured  that  such  shall  be  the  character  of 
the  money  in  our  country  if  the  people  will  sustain  the  party  which  has 
equalized  the  values  of  the  paper  and  metal  moneys.  Again  I  thank  you 
for  your  kind  reception." 

I  returned  to  Washington  and  remained  there  during  the 
month  of  September,  actively  employed  in  the  duties  of  the 
department.  During  this  month  nearly  all  the  outstanding 
called  bonds  were  presented  and  paid,  and  all  sums  deposited 
with  national  banks  during  the  operation  of  refunding  were 
paid  into  the  treasury  and  these  accounts  closed. 

Fruitful  crops  in  the  United  States,  and  a  large  demand  for 
them  in  Europe,  caused  an  accumulation  of  coin  in  this 
country.  Much  of  it  came  through  the  customhouse  in  New 
York,  but  most  of  it  was  in  payment  for  cotton  and  provisions. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  589 

It  was  readily  exchanged  for  United  States  notes  and  silver  cer 
tificates.  As  all  forms  of  money  were  of  equal  purchasing  power 
and  paper  money  was  much  more  convenient  to  handle  than 
coin,  the  exchange  of  coin,  by  the  holders  of  it,  for  notes  or 
certificates,  was  a  substantial  benefit  to  them  and  strength 
ened  the  treasury.  I  promoted  these  exchanges  as  far  as  the 
law  allowed.  I  deemed  it  wise  to  distribute  this  coin  among 
the  several  sub-treasuries  of  the  United  States,  maintaining  al 
ways  the  reserve  for  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes 
in  the  sub-treasury  in  New  York  as  the  law  required.  For 
this  purpose  I  issued  the  following  order : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  September  19,  1879.  \ 

Gold  coin  beyond  the  needs  of  the  government  having  accumulated  in 
the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  by  the  deposit  in  the  several  public  assay 
offices  of  fine  bars  and  foreign  coin,  for  which  the  depositors  have  been  paid, 
at  their  option,  in  United  States  notes,  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  several  assistant  treasurers  at  Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Bal 
timore,  Cincinnati,  Chicago,  St.  Louis,  New  Orleans  and  San  Francisco,  are 
hereby  authorized  to  pay  out  gold  coin  as  well  as  silver  coin  and  notes  upon 
the  current  obligations  of  the  government,  and  upon  advances  to  disbursing 
officers,  as  may  be  convenient  and  practicable.  Transfers  of  coin  for  this 
purpose  will  be  made  to  any  assistant  treasurer,  when  necessary,  by  the 
treasurer  of  the  United  States,  upon  application  to  him.  The  treasurer  of 
the  United  States  in  this  city,  upon  the  receipt  by  him  of  a  certificate  of 
deposit  issued  by  the  United  States  assistant  treasurer  at  New  York,  stating 
that  there  has  been  deposited  with  him  legal  tender  notes  in  the  sum  of  $100 
or  multiples  thereof,  will  also  cause  to  be  shipped  from  the  mint  to  the 
depositor,  at  his  risk  and  expense,  a  like  amount  of  gold  coin.  Standard 
silver  dollars  may  also  be  obtained  as  heretofore. 

•K##-X-K#### 

JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

The  result  of  this  policy  was  beneficial,  though  the  demand 
for  coin  rarely  existed  except  for  foreign  exchange,  and  this 
was  generally  in  New  York,  and  largely  depended  upon  the 
balance  of  trade.  Our  people  had  been  so  accustomed  to 
the  use  of  paper  money  that  they  received  and  paid  United 
States  notes  in  preference  to  coin,  and  this  more  readily  since 
these  notes  were  equal  in  purchasing  power  to  coin. 

Senator  Thurman,  my  colleague  and  personal  friend,  was 
active  in  the  canvass  in  Ohio.  His  term  expired  on  the  4tb  of 


590  RECOLLECTIONS 

March,  1881,  and  he  was  a  candidate  for  reelection  by  the  legis 
lature  about  to  be  chosen.  I  heard  of  his  speeches,  especially 
those  in  respect  to  resumption.  He  commented  upon  the  fact 
that  United  States  notes  were  only  redeemed  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  and  claimed  that  we  had  not  actually  resumed,  for 
gold  was  not  in  circulation.  He  appealed  to  his  audiences  to 
say  whether  they  had  any  gold  and  whether  they  were  not 
compelled  to  receive  the  same  greenbacks  then  as  they  had 
since  the  period  of  the  war,  and  said  if  they  wanted  gold  they 
had  to  go  to  New  York  for  it.  I  regarded  this  as  a  piece  of 
demagogism,  for  he  knew  the  difference  between  the  greenbacks 
then  and  the  greenbacks  before  resumption.  Hearing  that  he 
was  to  speak  in  Bellaire  shortly  I  arranged  to  have  certain  dis 
bursements  for  wages  in  that  neighborhood  made  in  gold  coin. 
When  he  made  his  speech  at  Bellaire,  soon  afterwards,  he  re 
peated  the  same  statements  that  he  had  previously  made,  and 
appealed  to  the  audience  to  know  whether  they  had  seen  any 
of  the  gold  coin  they  had  heard  so  much  about.  Much  to  his 
surprise  and  embarrassment  quite  a  number  of  persons  held  up 
and  shook  gold  coin.  This  put  a  stop  to  his  inquiries.  The 
people  appreciated  the  advance  in  the  purchasing  power  of 
their  money,  and  neither  demanded  coin  nor  cared  for  it. 

Early  in  October  I  yielded  to  the  urgent  request  of  Mr.  Fos 
ter  to  help  in  the  closing  days  of  the  canvass,  and,  on  the 
evening  of  the  8th,  addressed  a  meeting  at  the  west  front  of 
the  capitol  in  Columbus,  far  exceeding  in  numbers  any  polit 
ical  gathering  during  the  campaign.  My  opening  will  in 
dicate  the  general  trend  of  my  remarks: 

"  It  is  not  within  ray  power  to  reach  with  my  voice  all  who  have  assem 
bled  on  this  occasion,  and  besides,  for  some  time  I  have  not  been  much  in 
the  habit  of  speaking  in  the  open  air,  and  don't  know  how  long  my  voice 
will  hold  out,  but  I  think  I  will  be  able  to  say  all  that  you  will  desire  to 
hear  from  me,  as  I  will  be  followed  by  a  gentleman  distinguished  in  war  and 
able  to  supply  any  imperfections  in  my  address. 

"  When  I  was  here  in  August  last  it  appeared  that  the  great  point  in 
the  political  contest  in  which  we  were  about  to  engage  was  whether  the 
people  of  Ohio  would  stand  fast  to  the  resumption  of  specie  payments, 
which  the  Republicans,  by  a  steady  and  patient  courage  and  unswerving 
conviction,  had  finally  brought  to  a  successful  consummation  on  the  1st  day 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  591 

of  January  last,  or  whether  the  people  of  Ohio  would  yield  to  the  wild  and 
fanciful  ideas  of  inflation,  and  desert  the  great  good  that  had  been  accom 
plished  after  so  long  a  trial. 

"  The  Democratic  party,  which  had  been  holding  the  honored  principles 
of  that  party,  seemed  to  be  willing  to  go  after  strange  gods,  and  to  form 
new  alliances,  to  do  anything  to  gain  success,  and  that  old  party  sought  to 
form  at  least  temporary  alliances,  so  that  the  people  would  forget  the  great 
issue,  and  follow  after  these  strange  and  delusive  ideas  of  which  I  will 
speak.  Therefore  it  was  that  my  friend  General  Ewing  was  nominated  for 
Governor  of  Ohio,  with  the  expectation  that  as  he  had  advanced  some  such 
ideas  in  times  past,  a  coalition  would  be  made  between  parties  naturally 
hostile,  and  that  the  State  of  Ohio  would  be  thus  gained  for  the  Democratic 
ticket." 

In  the  course  of  my  remarks  I  read  an  extract  from  Gen 
eral  Ewing's  speech  of  the  year  before,  in  which  he  stated  that 
if  we  were  out  of  debt  to  foreign  countries,  and  if  our  foreign 
commerce  floated  under  our  own  flag,  resumption  in  gold  and 
silver  would  be  impossible  on  the  then  volume  of  paper  money; 
that  if  it  were  attempted  the  desperadoes  of  Wall  street  and 
the  money  kings  of  England  would  present  greenbacks,  and 
take  the  gold  as  fast  as  it  could  be  paid  over  the  counter  of  the 
treasury.  I  said  in  reply  : 

"  Not  a  year  rolled  around  until  this  resumption  came,  and  these  Wall 
street  desperadoes  and  these  money  kings  of  Europe,  instead  of  coming  and 
demanding  our  gold  in  exchange  for  greenbacks,  now  bring  their  gold  to 
us  and  want  greenbacks  for  it. 

"  The  money  kings  of  Europe  have  brought  us  gold — $36,900,000  in 
gold  coin  from  France — and  the  English  have  brought  their  gold  and  ex 
changed  it  for  United  States  notes.  And  these  Wall  street  desperadoes 
are  as  eager  to  get  our  greenbacks  as  you  are.  They  don't  want  the 
gold  at  all  and  we  cannot  put  it  on  them.  Why,  my  countrymen,  United 
States  notes  may  now  travel  the  circuit  of  the  world  with  undiminished 
honor,  and  be  everywhere  redeemed  at  par  in  coin.  They  are  made  re 
deemable  everywhere,  and  at  this  moment  the  greenback  is  worth  a  premium 
on  the  Pacific  coast  and  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  in  China  and  Japan  it 
is  worth  par  ;  and  in  every  capital  of  Europe,  in  Berlin,  in  Paris,  in  London, 
an  American  traveling  may  go  anywhere  in  the  circuit  of  the  civilized  world, 
and  take  no  money  with  him  except  United  States  notes. 

"  Well,  now,  General  Ewing  was  mistaken.  Well,  why  don't  General 
Ewing  come  down  and  say  'I  was  mistaken?'  £A  voice,  'He  will  come 
down.']  Yes,  after  next  Tuesday  he  will." 


592  RECOLLECTIONS 

On  the  next  day  I  spoke  at  Springfield  to  an  audience  nearly 
as  large,  following  the  general  lines  of  my  Columbus  speech. 
On  the  following  day  I  spoke  at  Lancaster  from  a  stand  in 
front  of  the  town  hall,  in  plain  sight  of  the  houses  in  which 
General  Ewing  and  I  were  born.  I  spoke  of  General  Ewing  in 
very  complimentary  terms,  said  we  had  been  intimate  friends 
from  boyhood,  that  our  fathers  had  been  friends  and  neigh 
bors,  but  that  he  and  I  then  found  ourselves  on  opposites  sides 
of  very  important  questions.  I  expressed  my  respect  for  the 
sincerity  of  General  Swing's  motives,  but  believed  that  he 
was  thoroughly  and  radically  wrong.  I  said  I  wished  to  state 
frankly  how  he  was  wrong,  and  to  what  dangerous  conse 
quences  the  fruit  of  his  errors  would  lead,  and  I  wanted  the 
people  of  Lancaster  to  judge  between  us. 

On  the  Saturday  before  the  election  I  spoke  in  Massillon. 
By  some  misunderstanding  I  was  advertised  to  speak  on  that 
afternoon  at  both  Massillon  and  Mansfield,  but,  by  an  arrange 
ment  subsequently  made,  I  spoke  at  Massillon  to  one  of  the 
largest  meetings  of  the  campaign,  and  then  was  taken  by 
special  train  to  Mansfield  in  time  to  make  my  closing  speech 
in  the  canvass.  It  was  late  in  the  afternoon,  but  the  crowd 
that  met  to  hear  me  remained  until  my  arrival,  of  which  the 
following  account  was  given  by  the  local  paper : 

"  But  the  grand  ovation  was  reserved  for  our  distinguished  townsman, 
Secretary  Sherman.  There  were  acres  of  men.  women,  children  and  vehicles 
at  the  depot  to  meet  him,  and  as  he  stepped  from  the  cars  he  was  greeted 
with  the  booming  of  cannon,  the  music  of  half  a  dozen  bands,  and  the  loud 
and  long  acclaim  that  came  from  the  throats  of  the  immense  concourse  of 
friends.  A  thousand  hands  of  old  neighbors  were  stretched  out  to  grasp  his 
as  he  moved  along  with  great  difficulty,  piloted  by  the  reception  committee, 
through  the  vast  and  surging  crowd.  Cheer  after  cheer  went  up  on  every 
imaginable  pretext,  and  many  times  calls  for  *  Three  cheers  for  John  Sher 
man,  our  next  President,'  were  honored  with  a  power  and  enthusiasm  that 
left  no  room  for  doubt  as  to  the  intensity  of  the  devotion  felt  for  him  at  his 
old  home." 

In  this  connection  I  wish  to  say  once  for  all  that  I  have 
been  under  the  highest  obligations  to  the  people  of  Mansfield 
during  my  entire  life,  from  boyhood  to  old  age.  I  have,  with 
rare  exceptions,  and  without  distinction  of  party,  received 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  593 

every  kindness  and  favor  which  anyone  could  receive  from  his 
fellow-citizens,  and  if  I  have  not  been  demonstrative  in  exhib 
iting  my  appreciation  and  gratitude,  it  has  nevertheless  been 
entertained,  and  I  wish  in  this  way  to  acknowledge  it. 

On  the  following  Tuesday  I  voted,  and  immediately  started 
for  Washington.  The  news  of  the  triumphant  election  of  Fos 
ter  and  Hickenlooper,  by  over  30,000  majority,  and  a  Repub 
lican  majority  of  twenty-five  in  the  legislature,  reached  me 
while  on  the  train. 

The  management  by  Governor  Foster  of  his  canvass,  and  his 
work  in  it,  was  as  laborious  and  effective  as  any  ever  conducted 
in  Ohio.  He  visited  every  county  in  the  state,  often  made  four 
or  five  speeches  in  a  day,  and  kept  special  railroad  trains  in 
motion  all  the  while,  carrying  him  from  place  to  place.  He  is 
not,  in  the  usual  sense,  an  orator,  but  in  his  numerous  cam 
paigns  he  has  always  made  clear  and  effective  statements 
which  the  people  could  understand.  His  manner  is  pleasing, 
without  pretension  or  gush.  He  had  been  elected  to  Congress 
several  times  in  a  district  strongly  Democratic.  In  the  cam 
paign  of  1879  he  adopted  the  same  plan  that  had  been  so  suc 
cessful  when  he  was  a  candidate  for  Congress.  He  was  an 
experienced  and  efficient  hand-shaker. 

S.— 88 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 
LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  HAYES  ADMINISTRATION. 

Invitation  from  General  Arthur  to  Speak   in  New  York  —  Letter  to  Hon.   John 

Jay  on  the  Subject  — Mr.  Evarts'  Refined  Specimen  of  Egotism  —  An  Anecdote 

of  the  Hayes  Cabinet  —  Duty  of  the  Government  to  Protect  the  Election  of 

All  Federal  Officers  —  My  Speech  in  Cooper  Institute  —  Offers  of  Support 

to  Elect   Me    as  a   Successor  of    Senator  Thurman  —  Republican 

Victory  in  New  York  —  President  Hayes'  Message  to  Congress  — 

My  Report  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  Modification  of 

My  Financial  Views  Since  that  Time — Bank  Notes  as 

Currency — Necessity  for  Paper  Money — Mr.  Bayard's 

Resolution  Concerning  the  Legal  Tender  Quality 

of  United  States  Notes  —  Questions  Asked  Me 

by  the  Finance  Committee  of  the  Senate. 

IN  the  latter  part  of  September  I  was  invited  by  General 
Arthur,  as  chairman  of  the  Republican  state  committee  of 
New  York,  to  speak  to  the  Republicans  of  that  state  dur 
ing  the  pending  canvass,  in  aid  of  the  election  of  Mr.  Cor 
nell  as  governor.    The  circumstances  of  the  removal  of  Arthur 
and  Cornell  caused  some  doubt  whether  I  should  accept  the 
invitation,  as  it  seemed  that  the  nomination  of   Cornell  and 
the  management  of  the  canvass  by  Arthur  was  an  expression 
of  triumph,  and  my  acceptance  would  be  regarded  as  a  humili 
ation  of  the  President.     I  did  not  think  so  and  in  this  opinion 
the  President  concurred.     I,  therefore,  accepted  the  invitation. 
Shortly  afterwards  I  received  a  letter  from  Hon.  John  Jay, 
expressing  regret  at  my  acceptance,  for  the  reasons  I  have  stated. 
After  the  election  in  Ohio  I  received  from  General  Arthur 
a  list  of  appointments  for  me  in  New  York,  which,  if  I  had 
attempted  to  fill,  would   have  overtaxed   my   strength.     Mr. 
Evarts  had  also  been  invited,  but  limited  his  acceptance  to  one 
speech  to  be  made  in  Cooper  Institute.     I  complained  to  him 
that  it  was  not  fair  to  request  of  me  so  many  speeches  when  he, 
a  citizen  of  that  state,  agreed  to  make  but  one.     His  answer 
was  characteristic.     He  said :  "  Well,  Mr.  Sherman,  when  the 

(594) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  595 

people  of  New  York  wish  my  views  upon  public  questions 
they  arrange  for  a  meeting  in  Cooper  Institute,  or  some  such 
place.  I  make  the  speech  and  it  is  printed  and  is  read."  I 
thought  this,  under  the  circumstances,  a  refined  specimen  of 
egotism,  meaning  that  he  had  only  to  pronounce  his  opinion 
to  attract  universal  attention  and  he  need  not  therefore  repeat 
his  speech  at  any  other  place. 

This  incident  recalls  to  my  mind  a  specimen  of  his  keen 
wit.  Among  the  early  meetings  of  the  cabinet  President 
Hayes  announced  three  or  four  personal  appointments  that  he 
intended  to  make,  mainly  in  the  foreign  service,  in  the  depart 
ment  of  which  Mr.  Evarts  was  the  head.  Evarts  seemed  to  be 
surprised  at  these  appointments,  and  after  some  pause  he  said: 
"  Mr.  President,  I  have  never  had  the  good  fortune  to  see  the 
'great  western  reserve'  of  Ohio,  of  which  we  have  heard  so 
much."  For  a  moment  Hayes  did  not  perceive  the  quiet  sar 
casm  of  Mr.  Evarts,  which  was  a  polite  expression  of  his  feel 
ing  that  he  should  have  been  consulted  about  these  nomina 
tions  before  they  were  announced.  We  all  caught  the  idea  and 
the  President  joined  heartily  in  the  laughter.  Mr.  Evarts  is 
not  only  a  man  of  keen  wit,  but  is  a  great  lawyer  and  able 
advocate.  I  learned,  from  my  intimate  association  with  him 
in  the  cabinet,  and  subsequently  in  the  Senate  as  a  member  of 
the  committee  on  foreign  relations,  to  respect  and  love  him. 

On  the  25th  of  October,  when  on  my  way  to  New  York,  at 
the  request  of  General  Kilpatrick  I  made  a  speech  at  Paterson, 
New  Jersey,  on  the  occasion  of  the  ratification  of  the  Repub 
lican  nominations.  In  this  speech  I  expressed  my  opinions 
upon  the  subject  of  fraudulent  elections,  especially  in  the 
south,  and,  while  the  government  has  not  been  able  at  any 
time  to  completely  protect  the  ballot  box  in  the  several  states, 
the  opinions  I  then  expressed  are  still  entertained.  I  believe 
the  right  of  each  lawful  voter  to  vote  in  national  elections 
should  be  enforced  by  the  power  of  the  national  government  in 
every  state  and  territory  in  the  Union.  I  said  at  this  time : 

"  Now  I  want  to  serve  notice  on  the  Democratic  party,  that  the  Repub 
lican  party  has  resolved  upon  two  things,  and  it  never  makes  up  its  mind 
upon  anything  until  it  is  determined  to  put  it  through.  We  are  going  to 


596  RECOLLECTIONS 

see  that  every  lawful  voter  in  this  country  has  a  right  to  vote  one  honest 
ballot  at  every  national  election,  and  no  more.  ]f  the  Democratic  party 
stands  in  the  way,  so  much  the  worse  for  the  Democratic  party.  If  the 
south,  rebellious  as  it  is,  stands  in  the  way  again,  we  will  protect  every  voter 
in  his  right  to  vote  wherever  the  constitution  gives  the  right  to  vote.  Local 
elections  must  be  regulated  by  state  laws.  Southern  voters  may  cheat  each 
other  as  they  please  in  local  elections.  The  Republican  party  never 
trenched  on  the  rights  of  states,  and  does  not  intend  to. 

This  declaration  of  mine  at  the  time  created  a  good  deal  of 
criticism,  especially  in  the  New  York  papers,  but,  in  spite  of 
this  my  convictions  have  grown  stronger  with  time  that  it  is 
the  imperative  duty  of  the  national  government  to  protect  the 
election  of  all  federal  officers,  including  Members  of  Congress, 
by  wise  conservative  laws. 

On  the  27th  of  October  I  spoke  in  Cooper  Institute,  confin 
ing  myself  mainly  to  an  exposition  and  defense  of  the  financial 
policy  of  the  administration.  This  was  hardly  needed  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  though,  as  Mr.  Evarts  said  of  his  speech,  I 
knew  what  I  said  would  be  printed,  and  people  who  were  not 
familiar  with  financial  topics  could  read  it.  The  commercial 
papers,  while  approving  the  general  tenor  of  the  speech,  com 
plained  that  I  did  not  advocate  the  retirement  of  the  legal 
tender  notes  of  the  government.  They  seemed  then,  as  they  do 
now,  to  favor  a  policy  that  would  withdraw  the  government 
from  all  participation  in  furnishing  a  currency.  I  have  always 
honestly  entertained  the  opinion  that  the  United  States  should 
furnish  the  body  of  circulating  notes  required  for  the  conven 
ience  of  the  people,  and  I  do  yet  entertain  it,  but  the  notes 
should  always  be  maintained  at  parity  with  coin.  In  the  cities 
generally,  where  banks  have  great  influence  and  where  circu 
lating  notes  are  superseded  in  a  great  measure  by  checks, 
drafts  and  clearing  house  certificates,  the  wants  of  the  people 
for  paper  money  secured  by  the  highest  sanction  of  law  and 
by  the  promise  and  credit  of  the  government  are  not  appre 
ciated. 

I  must  add,  however,  that  I  do  not  believe  the  banking  sys 
tem  would  be  sustained  by  popular  opinion  unless  the  great 
body  of  our  currency  was  in  the  form  of  United  States  notes  or 
certificates  based  upon  coin. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  597 

After  the  election  in  Ohio,  I  received  several  letters  from 
members  of  the  legislature,  offering  their  support  to  me  as  a 
candidate  for  United  States  Senator,  to  be  elected  in  January 
to  succeed  Mr.  Thurman,  for  the  term  commencing  on  the  4th 
of  March,  1881.  My  position  on  this  question  was  that  there 
were  others  as  much  entitled,  and  that  I  had  been  three  times 
thus  honored. 

Cornell  was  elected  Governor  of  New  York,  and  with 
him  a  Republican  legislature.  The  elections  generally  that 
fall  were  in  favor  of  the  Republican  party,  but,  as  both  Houses 
of  the  46th  Congress  were  Democratic,  President  Hayes  had  to 
conduct  executive  business  with  a  Congress  not  in  political 
harmony  with  him  until  the  4th  of  March,  1881,  when  the 
term  of  Congress  and  of  the  President  expired.  I  feel  bound 
to  say  that  no  merely  obstructive  financial  measures  were 
adopted  during  that  Congress. 

The  message  of  the  President,  communicated  to  Congress 
on  the  1st  of  December,  1879,  dealt  with  the  usual  topics  of  such 
a  document ;  but,  instead  of  commencing  with  our  foreign 
relations  as  usual,  he  began  by  congratulating  Congress  on 
the  successful  execution  of  the  resumption  act  and  the  funding 
of  all  the  public  debt  redeemable,  into  bonds  bearing  a  lower 
rate  of  interest.  He  recommended  the  suspension  of  the  coin 
age  of  the  silver  dollar,  and  the  retirement  from  circulation  of 
United  States  notes  with  the  capacity  of  legal  tender.  He 
held  that  the  issue  of  such  notes  during  the  Civil  War  was  not 
authorized  except  as  a  means  of  rescuing  the  country  from  im 
minent  peril,  and  the  protracted  use  of  them  as  money  was  not 
contemplated  by  the  framers  of  the  law.  While  I  did  not  con 
cur  in  all  the  views  stated  by  the  President,  especially  as  to 
the  policy  of  retiring  United  States  notes  then  in  circulation, 
yet  his  general  conclusions  in  favor  of  the  coin  standard  were, 
in  my  view,  sound  and  just.  I  was  very  willing  to  hold  on  to 
the  progress  made  in  making  United  States  notes  equivalent 
to  coin  rather  than  to  attempt  to  secure  their  retirement  from 
circulation. 

In  the  report  made  by  me  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  I 
stated  my  opinion  that  the  existing  law  was  ample  to  enable 


598  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  department  to  maintain  resumption  upon  the  volume  of 
United  States  notes  then  outstanding ;  but  added,  that  in  view 
of  the  large  inflow  of  gold  into  the  country,  and  the  high  price 
of  public  securities,  it  would  seem  to  be  a  favorable  time  to  in 
vest  a  portion  of  the  sinking  fund  in  United  States  notes  to 
be  retired  and  canceled,  and  in  this  way  gradually  to  reduce 
the  maximum  of  such  notes  to  the  sum  of  $300,000,000, 
the  amount  named  in  the  resumption  act. 

I  would  not  make  such  a  recommendation  now,  as  I  am  con 
vinced  that  United  States  notes  based  on  coin  in  the  treasury 
are  the  best  form  of  currency  yet  devised,  and  that  the  volume 
might  be  gradually  increased  as  the  volume  of  business 
increases.  Since  resumption  such  notes  have  been  maintained 
at  par  with  coin  by  holding  in  the  treasury  coin  to  the 
amount  of  thirty  per  cent,  of  the  notes  outstanding.  This 
coin,  lying  idle  and  yielding  no  interest,  costs  the  government 
the  interest  on  an  equal  amount  of  bonds,  or  a  fraction  over 
one  per  cent,  on  the  sum  of  United  States  notes  in  circulation. 
These  notes  are  a  part  of  the  debt  of  the  United  States,  and  if 
redeemed,  must  be  paid  by  the  issue  of  $346,000,000  of  bonds. 
I  see  no  reason  why  the  people  of  the  United  States  should  not 
have  the  benefit  of  this  cheap  loan  rather  than  the  national 
banks,  and  there  are  many  reasons  why  the  issue  of  a  like 
amount  of  notes  by  national  banks  cannot  fill  the  place  or  per 
form  the  functions  of  United  States  notes.  The  issue  of  bank 
notes  would  be  governed  by  the  opinions  and  interest  of  the 
banks,  and  the  amount  could  be  increased  or  diminished  accord 
ing  to  their  interests  and  without  regard  to  the  public  good. 
As  an  auxiliary  and  supplement  to  United  States  notes,  bank 
notes  may  be  issued  as  now  when  amply  secured  by  United 
States  bonds,  but  it  would  be  a  dangerous  experiment  to  con 
fine  our  paper  money  to  bank  notes  alone,  the  amount  of 
which  should  depend  upon  the  interest,  hopes  and  fears  of  cor 
porations  which  would  be  guided  alone  by  the  supposed  inter 
ests  of  their  stockholders. 

There  is  another  objection  to  a  sole  dependence  on  bank 
notes  as  currency ;  they  cannot  be  made  a  legal  tender  either 
by  the  states  or  the  United  States,  while  it  is  settled  by  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  599 

Supreme  Court  that  notes  of  the  United  States  may  be  made  a 
legal  tender,  a  function  that  ought  to  belong  to  money. 

I  know  that  my  views  on  this  subject  are  not  entertained  by 
the  influential  class  of  our  citizens  who  manage  our  banks,  but 
in  this  I  prefer  the  opinion  and  interest  of  the  great  body  of 
our  people,  who  instinctively  prefer  the  notes  of  the  United 
States,  supported  by  coin  reserves,  to  any  form  of  bank  paper 
that  has  yet  been  devised.  The  only  danger  in  our  present 
currency  is  that  the  amount  may  be  increased  to  a  sum  that 
cannot  be  maintained  at  par  with  coin,  but  the  same  or  a 
greater  danger  would  exist  if  the  volume  of  paper  money  should 
be  left  to  the  interested  opinion  of  bankers  alone. 

It  is  sometimes  claimed  that  neither  the  government  nor 
banks  should  issue  paper  money,  that  coin  only  is  money.  It 
is  sufficient  to  say  that  all  commercial  nations  have  been  con 
strained  by  necessity  to  provide  some  form  of  paper  money  as 
a  substitute  for  coin.  The  experience  of  the  United  States  has 
proven  this  necessity  and  for  many  years  our  people  were  com 
pelled  to  rely  upon  state  bank  notes  as  a  medium  of  exchange, 
with  resulting  loss  and  bankruptcy.  For  the  want  of  paper 
money  at  the  commencement  of  the  Civil  War,  the  United 
States  was  compelled  to  issue  its  notes  and  to  make  them  a 
legal  tender.  Without  this  the  effort  to  preserve  the  Union 
would  have  utterly  failed.  With  such  a  lesson  before  us  it  is 
futile  to  attempt  to  conduct  the  business  of  a  great  country 
like  ours  with  coin  alone.  Gold  can  only  be  a  measure  or 
standard  of  value,  but  cannot  be  the  current  money  of  the 
country.  Silver  also  can  only  be  used  as  money  for  the  small 
transactions  of  life,  its  weight  and  bulk  forbidding  its  use  in 
commerce  or  trade.  The  fluctuations  in  market  value  of  these 
metals  make  it  impossible  to  permit  the  free  coinage  of  both 
at  any  ratio  with  each  other  without  demonetizing  one  of 
them.  The  cheaper  money  will  always  be  the  money  in  cir 
culation.  Wherever  free  coinage  now  exists  silver  is  the  only 
money,  while  where  gold  is  the  standard,  silver  is  employed  as 
a  subsidiary  coin,  maintained  at  par  in  gold  by  the  mandate 
of  the  government  and  its  receipt  for  or  redemption  in  gold. 
The  only  proposed  remedy  for  this  fluctuation  is  an  agreement 


600  RECOLLECTIONS 

by  commercial  nations  upon  a  common  ratio,  but  thus  far  all 
efforts  for  such  an  agreement  have  failed.  If  successful  the 
result  might  not  be  as  satisfactory  as  anticipated. 

I  urged,  in  my  report,  the  importance  of  adjusting  the 
coinage  ratio  of  the  two  metals  by  treaties  with  commercial 
nations,  and,  until  this  could  be  done,  of  limiting  the  coin 
age  of  the  silver  dollar  to  such  sum  as,  in  the  opinion  of  Con 
gress,  would  enable  the  department  to  readily  maintain  the 
standard  dollars  of  gold  and  silver  at  par  with  each  other. 

In  this  report  I  stated  the  refunding  transactions  already 
described,  and  recommended  the  refunding  of  all  bonds  of  the 
United  States  in  the  same  manner  as  they  became  redeemable. 
This  was  successfully  executed  by  my  successors  in  office.  I 
was  able  to  say  truly  of  the  treasury  department,  in  conclusion : 

"  The  organization  of  the  several  bureaus  is  such,  and  the  system  of 
accounting"  so  perfect,  that  the  financial  transactions  of  the  government 
during  the  past  two  years,  aggregating  $3,354,345,040.53,  have  been 
adjusted  without  question,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  small  balances  now 
in  the  process  of  collection,  of  which  it  is  believed  the  government  will 
eventually  lose  less  than  $13,000,  or  less  than  four  mills  on  each  $1,000  of 
the  amount  involved." 

The  question  of  the  legal  tender  quality  of  United  States 
notes,  discussed  in  my  report,  was  followed,  on  the  3rd  of 
December,  by  the  introduction  in  the  Senate  of  a  resolution  by 
Mr.  Bayard  as  follows : 

"  JResolved,  etc.,  That  from  and  after  the  passage  of  this  resolution  the 
treasury  notes  of  the  United  States  shall  be  receivable  for  all  clues  to  the 
United  States  excepting  duties  on  imports,  arid  shall  not  be  otherwise  a  legal 
tender ;  and  any  of  said  notes  hereafter  reissued  shall  bear  this  inscription." 

This  resolution,  while  pending  in  the  committee,  was  de 
bated  at  some  length,  and  reported  back  adversely  on  the  15th 
of  January,  1880,  by  Mr.  Allison,  from  a  majority  of  the  com 
mittee.  Mr.  Bayard  presented  the  views  of  the  minority  in 
favor  of  the  resolution.  It  was  subsequently  discussed  at  con 
siderable  length  by  Mr.  Coke,  of  Texas,  and  Mr.  Bayard,  on 
opposite  sides.  No  definite  action  was  taken  and  the  matter 
rested,  and  I  do  not  recall  that  it  was  ever  again  brought  be 
fore  the  Senate.  I  felt  satisfied  with  the  majority  report,  as  I 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN,  601 

doubted  the  expediency  or  power  of  Congress  to  deny  to  these 
notes  any  of  the  qualities  conferred  upon  them  by  the  law 
authorizing  their  issue,  as  was  the  legal  tender  clause.  The 
beneficial  result  of  resumption  was  appreciated  by  both  parties 
and  there  was  no  disposition  in  Congress  to  pass  any  legislation 
on  the  subject.  The  speech  of  Mr.  Bayard,  made  on  the  27th 
of  January,  1880,  was  a  careful  and  able  review  of  the  whole 
subject  of  legal  tender,  but  it  was  evident  that  neither  House 
of  Congress  agreed  with  him  in  opinion. 

A  bill  in  regard  to  refunding  the  debt  maturing  after  the 
1st  of  March,  1881,  was  introduced  in  Congress  on  the  27th  of 
December,  1879,  by  Fernando  Wood,  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  of  ways  and  means  of  the  House.  It  provided  for 
a  change  of  existing  laws  so  as  to  limit  the  rate  of  interest 
upon  the  bonds  to  be  issued  in  such  refunding  to  not  to  exceed 
three  and  a  half  per  cent,  per  annum.  This  bill,  if  it  had 
passed,  would  have  prohibited  the  sale  of  all  bonds  for  resump 
tion,  as  well  as  for  refunding,  at  a  greater  rate  of  interest  than 
three  and  a  half  per  cent.  I  opposed  this  proposition,  as  it 
would  impair  the  power  of  maintaining  resumption  in  case 
such  bonds  could  not  be  sold  at  par,  and  the  existing  law  did  not 
prevent  the  secretary  from  selling  those  already  authorized  at 
a  premium.  No  action  was  taken  upon  the  bill  by  that  Con 
gress,  and  Mr.  Windom,  my  successor,  found  no  difficulty  in 
refunding  these  bonds  on  more  favorable  terms  without  any 
change  of  existing  law. 

On  the  30th  of  January,  1880,  I  appeared  before  the  finance 
committee  of  the  Senate  in  response  to  their  invitation.  The 
committee  was  composed  of  Senators  Bayard  (chairman),  Ker- 
nan,  Wallace,  Beck,  Morrill,  Allison  and  Ferry,  all  of  whom 
were  present.  Mr.  Bayard  stated  that  a  number  of  proposi 
tions,  upon  which  it  was  desired  to  obtain  my  views,  had  been 
submitted  by  Senator  Beck,  and  then  read  them  as  follows : 

"1.  What  reason,  if  any,  there  is  for  refusing  to  pass  a  bill  authorizing 
the  receipt  of  legal  tenders  for  customs  dues. 

"  2.  Why  the  trade  dollar  should  not  be  converted  into  a  standard  dollar. 

"  3.  What  has  been  the  cost  of  converting  the  interest-bearing  debt,  as  it 
stood  July  14,  1870,  to  what  it  is  now,  including  double  interest,  commissions, 


602  RECOLLECTIONS 

traveling  expenses  of  agents,  etc.,  and  the  use  of  public  money  by  banks, 
and  the  value  of  its  use,  so  as  to  determine  whether  the  system  should  be 
continued  or  changed. 

"4.  The  effect  of  the  abolition  of  the  legal  tender  quality  of  greenbacks 
upon  the  paper  currency. 

"  5.  The  necessity  for  a  sinking  fund  and  how  it  is  managed. 

"  6.  Whether  silver  coin  received  in  payment  of  customs  duties  has  been 
paid  out  for  interest  upon  the  public  debt  ;  and  if  not,  why  not." 

Senator  Allison  desired  to  know  if  this  interview  was  to  be 
stenographically  reported,  and  the  committee  decided  that  it 
should  be. 

My  answers  to  these  questions  and  the  colloquy  with  the 
committee  in  respect  to  details  cover  fifty-four  printed  pages, 
and  give  by  far  the  most  comprehensive  statement  of  treasury 
operations  during  the  two  or  three  years  before  that  meeting, 
and  suggestions  for  future  legislation,  that  had  been  written  or 
published.  The  length  of  the  interview  prevents  its  intro 
duction  in  full,  but  a  statement  of  some  portions  of  it  may  be 
interesting.  In  answer  to  the  first  question  I  said : 

"  The  act  of  February  25,  1862  (section  3694,  R.  S.),  provides  that  all 
the  duties  on  imported  goods  shall  be  paid  in  coin  ;  and  the  coin  so  paid 
shall  be  set  apart  as  a  special  fund  to  be  applied  to  two  purposes,  one  of 
which  is  the  payment  in  coin  of  interest  on  the  bonds  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  balance  to  the  sinking  fund. 

"  This  is  an  obligation  of  the  government  that  its  coin  revenue  should 
be  applied  to  the  payment  of  interest  on  the  public  debt.  So  long  as  legal 
tender  notes  are  maintained  at  par  and  parties  are  willing  to  receive  them 
in  payment  of  coin  interest,  there  is  no  objection  to  receiving  legal  tender 
notes  for  customs  dues. 

"  Since  resumption  it  has  been  the  practice  of  the  department  to  thus  re 
ceive  them,  but  this  practice  can  be  kept  up  only  as  long  as  parties  holding 
interest  obligations  are  willing  to  accept  the  same  notes  in  payment  thereof. 
If,  by  any  unforeseen  and  untoward  event,  the  notes  should  again  depreciate 
in  value  below  coin,  the  obligations  of  the  government  would  still  require 
that  interest  on  the  public  debt  be  paid  in  coin  ;  and  if  customs  dues  were 
payable  in  legal  tender  notes,  the  department  would  have  no  source  from 
which  to  obtain  the  coin  necessary  to  the  payment  of  interest,  for  of  course 
holders  of  interest  obligations  would  not  accept  a  depreciated  currency 
when  they  were  entitled  by  law  to  coin." 

I  reminded  the  committee  that  in  my  report  of  December, 
1878,  I  stated  that  on  the  1st  of  January  following  I  would 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  608 

receive  United  States  notes  for  customs  duties.  As  these  notes 
were  redeemable  in  coin,  it  was  unreasonable  to  require  the 
holder  of  notes  to  go  to  one  government  officer  to  get  coin  for 
his  notes  to  pay  customs  duties  to  another  government  officer. 
I  held  that  the  United  States  notes  had  become  coin  certificates 
by  resumption,  and  should  be  treated  as  such.  I  informed 
them  that  I  issued  the  order  with  some  reluctance,  and  only 
after  full  examination  and  upon  the  statement  of  the  Attorney 
General,  who  thought  technically  I  could  treat  the  note  as  a 
coin  certificate.  I  called  their  attention  to  the  fact  that  I  had 
informed  Congress  of  my  purpose  to  receive  United  States  notes 
for  customs  duties  and  had  asked  specific  authority  to  do  so, 
but  no  action  was  taken,  and  I  was  assured  that  none  was 
needed.  The  conversation  that  followed  showed  that  they  all 
agreed  that  what  I  did  was  right.  It  was  evidently  better  not 
to  provide  by  specific  law  that  the  United  States  notes  should 
be  receivable  for  customs  dues,  for  in  case  of  an  emergency  the 
law  would  be  imperative,  while,  if  the  matter  was  left  to  the  dis 
cretion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  he  could  refuse  to  re 
ceive  notes  for  customs  duties  and  compel  their  payment  in  coin. 

This  led  to  a  long  colloquy  as  to  whether  the  time  might 
come  when  the  United  States  notes  could  not  be  redeemed  in 
coin.  I  entered  into  a  full  explanation  of  the  strength  of  the 
government,  the  amount  of  reserve  on  hand,  the  nature  of  our 
ability,  and  said:  "Still  we  know  that  wars  may  come,  pesti 
lence  may  come,  an  adverse  balance  of  trade,  or  some  contin 
gency  of  a  kind  which  we  cannot  know  of  in  advance  may 
arise.  I  therefore  think  it  is  wise  to  save  the  right  of  the 
United  States  to  demand  coin  for  customs  duties  if  it  should  be 
driven  to  that  exigency." 

Mr.  Beck  examined  me  at  considerable  length,  and,  with  his 
usual  Scotch  tenacity,  insisted  in  spite  of  the  attorney  general, 
that  I  was  not  authorized  to  receive  legal  tender  notes  for  cus 
toms  dues  He  asked  me  by  what  authority  I  claimed  this 
power.  I  quoted  the  third  section  of  the  resumption  act,  and 
gave  him  a  copy  of  my  circular  letter  to  officers  of  customs, 
dated  on  the  21st  of  December,  1878,  in  which  I  had  acted  as 
an  executive  officer  in  the  absence  of  statutory  instructions. 


604  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  inquiry  then  extended  to  many  financial  problems.  It 
was  conducted  mainly  by  Mr.  Beck,  who  closed  by  saying :  "  I 
propose  to  inquire  pretty  carefully,  before  we  get  through  with 
this  interview,  concerning  the  immense  reduction  of  the  pub 
lic  debt  which  has  been  made,  of  over  $700,000,000,  from  the 
highest  point  down  to  the  present,  so  that  we  may  be  governed 
in  the  future  taxation  by  actual  requirements  of  the  public 
service."  He  expressed  his  wish,  after  he  had  carefully  exam 
ined  the  interview  thus  far,  to  continue  it  at  a  future  day,  but 
T  was  not  again  called  upon. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

THE  PRESIDENTIAL  NOMINATION  IN  1880. 

Talk  of    Grant  for  President  for  a  Third  Term  —  His  Triumphal  Return  from    a 
Trip  Around  the  World  — The  Candidacy  of  Mr.  Elaine  and  Myself  — Many  of 
My  Opponents  Those  Who  Disagreed   with  Me  on  Financial  Questions  — 
Accused  of  Being  a  Catholic  and  of  Using  Patronage  to  Aid  in  My  Nom 
ination —  Delay  in  Holding  the  Ohio  State  Convention  —  My  Inter 
view  with  Garfield  —  Resolution  of  the  State  Convention  in  My 
Favor  —  National  Convention  at  Chicago  on  June  2,  1880 
—  Fatal  Move  of    Nine  Ohio  Delegates    for  Elaine  — 
Final  Nomination  of  Garfield  —  Congratulations  — 
Letters  to  Governor  Foster  and  to  Garfield  — 
Wade  Hampton  and  the  "  Ku-Klux  Klan." 

DURING  the  entire  period  of  this  session  of  Congress, 
the  nomination  for  President  by  the  Republican 
national  convention  was  naturally  the  chief  sub 
ject  of  interest  in  political  circles.  General  Grant 
returned  from  his  voyage  around  the  world  arriving  in  San 
Francisco  in  December,  1879,  and  from  that  time  until  he 
reached  Washington  his  progress  was  a  grand  popular  ovation. 
He  had  been  received  in  every  country  through  which  he 
passed,  especially  in  China  and  Japan,  with  all  the  honors  that 
could  be  conferred  upon  a  monarch.  He  made  no  open  dec 
laration  of  his  candidacy,  but  it  was  understood  that  he  was 
very  willing  to  again  accept  the  office  of  President.  His  friends 
openly  avowed  their  intention  to  support  him,  and  answered 
the  popular  objection  against  a  third  term  by  the  fact  that 
a  term  had  intervened  since  he  last  held  the  office.  Mr. 
Elaine  was  also  an  avowed  candidate  and  had  strong  sup 
porters  in  every  part  of  the  Union.  My  name  was  mentioned 
as  a  candidate,  and  it  was  generally  supposed  that  one  of  the 
three  would  be  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  convention.  I 
soon  found  that  the  fact  that  I  held  an  office  which  compelled 
me  to  express  my  opinions  was  a  drawback  rather  than  a  bene 
fit,  and,  while  I  had  the  natural  ambition  to  attain  such  a  dis 
tinction,  I  was  handicapped  by  my  official  position. 

(605) 


006  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  friends  of  General  Grant  succeeded  in  getting  control 
of  the  national  committee  and  could  dictate  the  time  and  place 
for  holding  the  convention.  Senator  Cameron  was  chosen  chair 
man  of  that  committee.  He  openly  avowed  his  preference  for 
the  nomination  of  General  Grant,  and  exercised  all  his  influ 
ence  and  power  to  promote  it.  It  was  decided  to  hold  the  con 
vention  on  the  2nd  of  June,  1880,  at  Chicago. 

The  chief  topic  of  all  the  newspapers  and  politicians  was 
the  merits  and  demerits  of  the  three  candidates  then  recognized 
as  the  persons  from  whom  the  choice  was  to  be  made.  Every 
charge  against  either  the  personal  character  or  conduct  of  each 
was  canvassed  with  the  broadest  license,  and  often  with  great 
injustice.  The  life  and  conduct  of  General  Grant  were  ana 
lyzed,  and  praised  or  blamed  according  to  the  bias  of  the 
speaker  or  writer.  Mr.  Elaine  always  had  a  warm  and  ardent 
support  by  the  younger  Republicans  in  every  part  of  the  United 
States.  His  brilliant  and  dashing  manner  and  oratory  made 
him  a  favorite  with  all  the  young  and  active  politicians,  but,  as 
he  was  a  bold  and  active  fighter,  he  had  enemies  as  well  as 
friends.  My  strength  and  weakness  grew  out  of  my  long  serv 
ice  in  the  House,  Senate  and  cabinet,  but,  as  my  chief  active 
work  was  connected  with  the  financial  questions,  upon  which 
men  of  all  parties  differed  widely,  I  had  to  encounter  the  ob 
jections  of  all  who  were  opposed  to  my  views  on  these  ques 
tions.  The  idea  was  that  in  the  certain  contest  between  Grant 
and  Elaine  I  might  be  nominated,  in  case  either  of  them  should 
fail  to  receive  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast  in  the  convention. 

It  is  scarcely  worth  while  to  point  out  the  changes  of 
opinion  during  the  popular  discussion  that  preceded  the  meet 
ing  of  the  convention  of  which  every  newspaper  was  full,  the 
discussion  being  universal.  Votes  were  taken  and  expression 
of  opinion  sought  in  every  community  in  the  United  States. 

My  letter  book  at  this  time  became  a  curious  mixture  of 
business  and  politics,  so  that  I  was  early  compelled  to  ask  two 
of  my  personal  friends  to  take  an  office,  which  I  furnished 
them  in  the  Corcoran  building  in  Washington,  to  answer  such 
letters  as  grew  out  of  the  contest,  and  as  a  place  where  con 
ferences  could  be  held  by  persons  interested  in  my  nomination. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  607 

In  this  way  I  severed  all  connection  between  my  duties  in 
the  treasury  and  the  necessary  correspondence  caused  by 
my  being  named  as  a  candidate  for  President.  I  was  at  once 
charged  in  the  newspapers  and  even  by  personal  letters,  with 
all  sorts  of  misdemeanors,  of  which  I  was  not  guilty,  but 
which  I  felt  it  a  humiliation  to  reply  to  or  even  to  notice. 
Among  the  first  was  a  statement  that  in  some  way  or  other  I 
was  under  the  influence  of  the  Catholic  church,  and  was  giving 
Catholics  an  undue  share  of  appointments.  My  answer  is  here 
inserted,  not  as  important,  but  as  a  specimen  of  many  such 
communications  upon  various  subjects : 

March  1,  1880. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Your  note  of  the  20th  is  received. 

I  appreciate  your  kindness  and  frankness  and  will  be  equally  frank 
with  you. 

There  is  not  one  shadow  of  ground  for  the  suspicion  stated  by  you.  I 
was  born,  bred,  educated  and  ingrained  as  a  Protestant  and  never  had  any 
affinity,  directly  or  indirectly,  with  the  Catholic  church,  but  share  the  com 
mon  feelings  and  prejudices  of  Protestants  against  the  special  dogmas  and 
rites  of  that  church.  Still  I  believe  the  Catholics  have  as  good  a  right  to 
their  opinions,  their  mode  of  worship,  and  religious  belief  as  we  have,  and 
I  would  not  weaken  or  impair  the  full  freedom  of  religious  belief,  or  make 
any  contest  against  them  on  account  of  it  for  all  the  offices  in  Christendom. 
I  have  no  sympathy  whatever  with  the  narrow  dogmatic  hate  and  prejudice 
of  Mr.  Cowles  on  this  subject,  though  no  doubt  much  of  this  is  caused  by 
the  unfortunate  fact  that  his  daughter  has  become  a  Catholic,  and  I  am 
charitable  enough  to  take  this  into  consideration  when  thinking  of  him. 
Mrs.  General  Sherman,  it  is  true,  is  a  Catholic.  She  was  born  so  and  will 
remain  so.  She  is  a  good  Catholic,  however,  in  good  wishes  and  good 
works,  but  has  also  too  much  of  the  dogmatism  and  intolerance  of  a  sectarian 
for  my  ideas.  She  neither  claims  to  have  nor  has  any  sort  of  influence  over  me. 

It  is  a  mean  business  to  get  up  such  a  prejudice  against  me  when  men 
are  so  ashamed  of  it  that  they  are  afraid  to  avow  it. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  GEO.  H.  FOSTER,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Another  allegation  made  was  that  I  was  using  the  patron 
age  of  my  office  to  aid  in  my  nomination. 

I  also  soon  learned  that  nearly  every  applicant  whose  ap 
pointment  I  could  not  give  or  secure  harbored  this  as  a  reason 
why  I  should  not  be  nominated  for  President,  and  in  three  or 
four  cases  where  the  applicants  were  men  of  influence  they 


60S  RECOLLECTIONS 

opposed  the  selection  of  delegates  friendly  to  me.  I  do  not 
mention  any  names,  for  most  of  these  gentlemen,  years  after 
wards,  became  my  warm  friends. 

I  early  announced  that  unless  the  State  of  Ohio  would  give 
me  a  substantial  indorsement,  my  name  would  not  be  pre 
sented  to  the  convention.  James  S.  Robinson  was  the  chair 
man  of  the  state  committee  and  A.  L.  Conger  was  a  prominent 
member.  They  disagreed  as  to  the  time  of  holding  the  state 
convention  for  the  appointment  of  delegates  to  the  national 
convention,  which  my  friends  were  anxious  to  have  at  as  early 
a  period  as  possible,  so  that  the  position  of  Ohio  might  be 
known  to,  and  possibly  influence  the  action  of,  other  states. 
The  disagreement  between  these  two  gentlemen  resulted  in  a 
postponement  of  the  convention  until  a  period  so  late  that 
before  it  met  most  of  the  delegations  were  selected  by  the 
other  states.  That  was  thought  to  be  inimical  to  my  success, 
and  led  to  ill~wTill  and  contention.  Governor  Dennison  and 
Governor  Foster  had  frankly  and  openly  avowed  their  purpose 
to  support  my  nomination,  and  actively  did  so.  They  advised 
me  of  the  condition  of  opinion  from  time  to  time,  and  early 
represented  that  I  might  reasonably  expect  the  support  of  all 
the  districts,  except  perhaps  those  represented  by  Garfield  and 
McKinley,  and  the  Toledo  district. 

I  went  to  Mansfield  on  private  business  about  the  latter 
part  of  March,  and  as  usual  was  called  upon  to  make  a  speech, 
which  I  did,  in  Miller's  Hall,  on  the  31st  of  March,  and  which 
was  reported  in  full  at  the  time.  I  stated  my  position  in 
regard  to  the  nomination,  and  proceeded,  then,  to  discuss  the 
political  questions  of  the  day. 

While  in  Ohio  I  had  a  consultation,  at  Columbus,  with  Gov 
ernor  Foster,  ex-Governor  Dennison,  and  a  number  of  other 
personal  friends,  all  of  whom  expressed  great  confidence  that 
by  the  time  the  state  convention  met,  the  friendly  feeling  in 
favor  of  Elaine,  in  some  of  the  districts  of  Ohio,  would  be 
waived  in  deference  to  the  apparent  wishes  of  the  great  major 
ity.  In  that  event,  in  case  my  nomination  should  prove  im 
practicable,  the  whole  delegation  could.be  very  easily  changed 
to  Mr.  Elaine.  As  to  General  Grant,  though  he  had  many 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN,  609 

warm  personal  friends  in  Ohio,  yet,  on  account  of  objections 
to  a  third  term,  very  few  desired  his  nomination. 

Prior  to  the  state  convention  I  had  an  interview  with 
General  Garfield  which  he  sought  at  my  office  in  the  depart 
ment,  and  he  there  expressed  his  earnest  desire  to  secure  my 
nomination  and  his  wish  to  be  a  delegate  at  large,  so  that  he 
might  aid  me  effectively.  He  had  been  chosen,  with  little  or 
no  opposition,  United  States  Senator,  to  fill  the  place  of 
Thurman,  whose  term  expired  March  4,  1881.  I  had  not  a 
doubt  of  the  support  of  Governor  Foster,  with  w^hom  I  had  been 
in  close  correspondence,  and  who  expressed  a  strong  desire  for 
my  nomination.  I  was  permitted  practically  to  name  the  four 
delegates  at  large,  and  had  implicit  confidence  that  these  dele 
gates  would  take  the  lead  in  my  behalf. 

The  state  convention,  which  met  on  the  28th  of  April,  was 
exceptionally  large,  and  was  composed  of  the  leading  Eepub- 
licans  of  Ohio,  who  proceeded  at  once  to  the  business  before 
them.  The  persons  named  by  the  convention  as  delegates 
at  large  to  the  national  convention,  to  assemble  in  Chicago 
on  June  2,  were  William  Dennison,  James  A.  Garfield, 
Charles  Foster  and  Warner  M.  Bateman,  who  were  instructed 
for  me. 

After  the  state  convention,  it  was  generally  assumed  that 
I  would  receive  the  united  vote  of  the  delegation  in  con 
formity  with  the  expression  of  opinion  by  the  convention. 
During  this  period  a  few  leading  men,  whose  names  I  do  not 
care  to  mention,  made  a  combination  of  those  unfriendly  to 
me,  and  agreed  to  disregard  the  preference  declared  by  the 
state  convention.  That  convention  had  passed  a  resolution 
expressing  the  preference  of  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  in  favor 
of  my  nomination.  I  may  be  permitted  to  quote  a  few  words 
from  that  resolution.  "  His  matchless  skill  as  a  financier  has 
mainly  contributed  to  accomplish  the  invaluable  and  difficult 
work  of  resumption  and  refunding  the  public  debt,  and  made 
him  the  trusted  representative,  in  public  life,  of  the  busi 
ness  interests  of  the  American  people.  He  has  been  trained 
from  the  beginning  of  his  public  life  in  advocacy  of  the  rights 
of  man." 

S.— 39 


RECOLLECTIONS 

At  this  time  I  was  in  constant  communication  with  General 
Garfield,  by  letters  and  also  by  interviews,  as  we  were  both  in 
Washington.  On  the  10th  of  May  he  wrote  me  : 

"  I  think  it  will  be  a  mistake  for  us  to  assume  a  division  in  the  Ohio 
delegation.  We  should  meet  and  act  as  though  we  were  of  one  mind,  until 
those  delegates  who  are  hostile  to  you  refuse  to  act  with  us,  and  if  we  fail 
to  win  them  over,  the  separation  will  be  their  act,  not  ours." 

The  national  convention  met  June  2,  1880.  It  was  called 
to  order  in  the  Exposition  Hall,  Chicago,  by  Senator  J.  Donald 
Cameron,  and  a  temporary  organization,  with  Senator  George  F. 
Hoar  as  president,  was  soon  perfected.  An  effort  was  made  by 
the  friends  of  General  Grant  to  adopt  the  unit  rule,  which 
would  allow  a  majority  of  each  state  to  determine  the  vote  of 
the  entire  delegation.  This  was  rejected. 

Four  days  were  occupied  in  perfecting  the  permanent  organ 
ization,  and  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  President.  Dur 
ing  this  time  a  minority  of  nine  of  the  delegation  of  Ohio 
announced  their  determination  to  vote  for  Elaine.  This  was  a 
fatal  move  for  Elaine,  and  undoubtedly  led  to  his  defeat. 
Nearly  four-fifths  of  the  delegation  were  in  favor  of  my  nomi 
nation,  in  pursuance  of  the  express  wishes  of  the  Ohio  conven 
tion,  but  they  were  all  friendly  to  Elaine,  and  whenever 
it  should  have  become  apparent  that  my  nomination  was  im 
practicable,  the  whole  delegation  could  easily  have  been  carried 
for  him  without  a  division,  and  thus  have  secured  his  nomina 
tion.  The  action  of  these  nine  delegates,  who  refused  to  carry 
out  the  wishes  of  the  state  convention,  prevented  the  possibil 
ity  of  the  vote  of  Ohio  being  cast  for  Mr.  Elaine. 

Long  before  the  convention  I  had  declared,  in  a  published 
interview,  that  "  Elaine  is  a  splendid  man,  able  and  eminently 
fit  for  President.  If  nominated  he  will  find  no  one  giving 
him  a  heartier  support  than  myself."  We  were  connected  by 
early  ties  of  association  and  kinship,  and  had  been  and  were 
then  warm  friends.  Elaine,  when  confident  of  the  nomination, 
said  of  me:  "  To  no  living  man  does  the  American  people  owe 
a  deeper  debt  of  gratitude  than  to  John  Sherman,  for  giving  them 
resumption  with  all  its  blessings.  As  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  he  has  been  the  success  of  the  age.  He  is  as  eminently  fit 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  611 

for  President  as  any  man  in  America,  and  should  he  be  nomi 
nated  all  I  am  capable  of  doing  will  be  done  to  aid  in  his  elec 
tion.  Should  it  be  my  fortune  to  become  President,  or  should 
it  fall  to  the  lot  of  any  Republican,  no  one  elected  could  afford 
to  do  less  than  invite  Secretary  Sherman  to  remain  where  he 
is."  The  folly  of  a  few  men  made  cooperation  impracticable. 
I  received  opposition  in  Ohio  from  his  pretended  friends,  and 
he  therefore  lost  the  Ohio  delegation,  which,  but  for  this  defec 
tion,  would  have  made  his  nomination  sure  had  I  failed  to 
receive  it. 

The  speech  of  General  Garfield  nominating  me  has  always 
been  regarded  as  a  specimen  of  brilliant  eloquence  rarely  sur 
passed,  the  close  of  which  I  insert : 

"  You  ask  for  his  monuments.  I  point  you  to  twenty-five  years  of 
national  statutes.  Not  one  great  beneficent  law  has  been  placed  on  our 
statute  books  without  his  intelligent  and  powerful  aid.  He  aided  to  formu 
late  the  laws  that  raised  our  great  armies,  and  carried  us  through  the  war. 
His  hand  was  seen  in  the  workmanship  of  those  statutes  that  restored  the 
unity  of  the  states.  His  hand  was  in  all  that  great  legislation  that  created  the 
war  currency,  and  in  a  still  greater  work  that  redeemed  the  promise  of  the 
government,  and  made  our  currency  the  equal  of  gold.  And  when  at  last 
called  from  the  halls  of  legislation  into  a  high  executive  office,  he  displayed 
that  experience,  intelligence,  firmness,  and  poise  of  character  which  has 
carried  us  through  a  stormy  period.  The  great  fiscal  affairs  of  the  nation, 
and  the  great  business  interests  of  our  country,  he  has  preserved,  while  exe 
cuting  the  law  of  resumption  and  effecting  its  object,  without  a  jar,  and 
against  the  false  prophecies  of  one-half  the  press  and  all  the  Democracy  of 
this  continent.  He  has  shown  himself  able  to  meet  with  calmness  the  great 
emergencies  of  the  government  for  twenty-five  years.  He  has  trodden  the 
perilous  heights  of  public  duty,  and  against  all  the  shafts  of  malice  has 
borne  his  breast  unharmed.  He  has  stood  in  the  blaze  of  '  that  fierce  light 
which  beats  upon  a  throne,'  but  its  fiercest  ray  has  found  no  flaw  in  his 
armor,  no  stain  on  his  shield." 

On  the  first  ballot  9  of  the  Ohio  delegation  voted  for  Mr. 
Elaine,  34  for  me  and  1  for  Edmunds.  The  general  result  was 
304  for  Grant,  284  for  Elaine,  93  for  Sherman,  34  for  Edmunds, 
30  for  Washburne,  10  for  Windom.  The  vote  of  my  friends 
would  have  nominated  Elaine  at  any  period  of  the  conven 
tion,  but  under  the  conditions  then  existing  it  was  impossible 
to  secure  this  vote  to  either  Elaine  or  Grant, 


612  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  final  result  was  the  selection  of  a  new  candidate  and 
the  nomination  of  Garfield. 

It  is  probable  that  if  I  had  received  the  united  vote  of  the 
Ohio  delegation  I  would  have  been  nominated,  as  my  relations 
with  both  General  Grant  and  Mr.  Elaine  were  of  a  friendly 
character,  but  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to  comment  on  what 
might  have  been.  The  course  of  the  Ohio  delegation  was  the 
subject  of  severe  comment,  and  perhaps  of  unfounded  suspi 
cions  of  perfidy  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  delegates. 

As  soon  as  I  heard  of  the  movement  to  nominate  Garfield  I 
sent  the  following  telegram  to  Mr.  Dennison : 

WASHINGTON,  June  8,  1880. 
HON.  WILLIAM  DENNISON,  Convention,  Chicago,  111. 

Whenever  the  vote  of  Ohio  will  be  likely  to  assure  the  nomination  of 
Garfield,  I  appeal  to  every  delegate  to  vote  for  him.  Let  Ohio  be  solid. 
Make  the  same  appeal  in  my  name  to  North  Carolina  and  every  delegate 
who  has  voted  for  me.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  moment  the  nomination  was  made  I  sent  the  following 
dispatch  to  Garfield  at  Chicago : 

WASHINGTON,  June  8,  1880. 
HON.  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD,  Chicago,  111. 

I  congratulate  you  with  all  my  heart  upon  your  nomination  as  President 
of  the  United  States.  You  have  saved  the  Republican  party  and  the 
country  from  a  great  peril,  and  assured  the  continued  success  of  Republican 
principles.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

I  understood  that  the  health  of  Governor  Dennison,  who 
had  faithfully  represented  me  in  the  national  convention,  was 
somewhat  impaired  by  his  confinement  there,  and  invited  him 
to  join  me  in  a  sail  on  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  spending  a  few 
days  at  different  points.  He  accepted  and  we  had  a  very 
enjoyable  trip  for  about  ten  days. 

During  this  trip  1  wrote,  for  the  4th  of  July  issue  of  the 
New  York  "Independent,"  an  article  on  Virginia  and  state 
rights.  I  had  promised  to  do  this  some  time  before  but  could 
not  find  an  opportunity,  and  availed  myself  of  the  quiet  of  the 
cruise  to  fulfill  my  promise.  The  history  of  Virginia  has  al 
ways  had  for  me  a  peculiar  interest,  mainly  because  of  the 
leading  part  taken  by  that  state  in  the  American  Revolution. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  613 

The  great  natural  resources  of  the  state  had  been  neglected, 
the  fertility  of  the  soil  on  the  eastern  shore  had  been  ex 
hausted,  and  no  efforts  had  been  made  to  develop  the  vast 
mineral  wealth  in  the  mountains  along  its  western  border. 
The  destruction  of  slavery  and  the  breaking  up  of  the  large 
farms  and  plantations  had  discouraged  its  people,  and  I  thought, 
by  an  impartial  statement  of  its  undeveloped  resources,  I  might 
excite  their  attention  and  that  of  citizens  of  other  states  to  the 
wealth  under  its  soil.  This  article,  written  in  a  friendly  spirit, 
excited  the  attention  and  approval  of  many  citizens  of  the 
state,  and  brought  me  many  letters  of  thanks. 

In  time  I  became  thoroughly  advised  of  what  occurred  at 
the  Chicago  convention  and  had  become  entirely  reconciled  to 
the  result,  though  frequently  afterwards  I  heard  incidents  and 
details  which  occasioned  me  great  pain  and  which  seemed  to 
establish  the  want  of  sincerity  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  dele 
gates,  and  tended  to  show  that  for  some  time  before  the  meet 
ing  of  the  convention  the  nomination  of  General  Garfield 
had  been  agreed  upon.  After  its  close  I  had  numerous  letters 
from  delegates  from  other  states,  complaining  bitterly  of  the 
conduct  of  the  Ohio  delegation  and  giving  this  as  a  reason  why 
they  had  not  voted  for  me.  I  was  assured  that  large  portions  of 
the  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  and  other  delega 
tions,  had  notified  Governor  Foster  that  they  were  ready  to 
vote  for  me  whenever  their  vote  was  required,  but  no  such  re 
quest  came  from  him.  The  matter  had  been  made  the  subject 
of  public  discussion  in  the  newspapers.  I  was  content  with  the 
result,  but  was  deeply  wounded  by  what  I  could  not  but  regard 
as  a  breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  Ohio  delegation, 
and  especially  of  Governor  Foster,  who  had  been  fully  advised 
of  my  feelings  in  regard  to  his  course.  I  received  a  letter  from 
him,  on  the  23rd  of  June,  answering  the  allegations  that  had 
been  publicly  made  in  regard  to  him,  and  explaining  his  action. 
In  reply  I  wrote  him  the  following  letter : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  June  30,  1880. 

DEAR  SIR  : — Your  letter  of  the  23rd  came  while  I  was  still  absent  on 
the  Chesapeake  Bay.  I  regret  that  I  did  not  see  you,  for  a  free  conversa 
tion  would  be  far  more  satisfactory  than  letter  writing. 


614  RECOLLECTIONS 

1  wish  to  be  perfectly  frank  with  you,  as  since  I  first  became  acquainted 
with  you  I  have  felt  for  you  warm  friendship,  and  have  always  had  entire  con 
fidence  in  you.  I  confess,  however,  that  the  information  I  received  in  regard  to 
your  operations  at  Chicago  had  greatly  weakened  this  feeling  and  left  a  pain 
ful  impression  upon  my  mind  that  you  had  not  done  by  me  as  I  would  have 
done  by  you  under  like  circumstances.  Your  letter  chased  away  much  of  this 
impression,  and,  perhaps,  the  better  way  would  be  for  me  to  write  no  more, 
but  to  treat  your  letter  as  entirely  satisfactory  and  conclusive.  Still  I  think 
it  right  for  me  to  give  you  the  general  basis  of  the  impressions  I  had  formed. 

My  first  impulse  was  to  send  you  at  once  a  mass  of  letters  from  dele 
gates  and  others  attending  the  convention,  but  this  would  only  create  a 
controversy,  and,  perhaps,  betray  confidence,  which  I  could  not  do.  The 
general  purport  of  these  letters  is  that,  while  you  spoke  freely  and  kindly  of 
me,  yet  there  was  always  a  kind  of  reserve  in  favor  of  Blaine  and  a  hesita 
tion  in  pressing  me  that  indicated  a  divided  opinion,  that  partly  by  the 
divisions  in  the  Ohio  delegation  and  partly  by  the  halfway  support  of  your 
self,  and,  perhaps  others,  the  Ohio  delegation  lost  its  moral  strength  and, 
practically,  defeated  me  before  any  ballot  was  had. 

This  general  impression  I  could  have  passed  by,  but  it  was  distinctly 
stated  to  me,  by  delegates  and  friends  of  delegates  present  in  the  convention, 
that  they  proffered  the  votes  of  large  portions  of  their  respective  delega 
tions  to  you  with  the  understanding  that  they  were  to  be  cast  for  me  when 
ever  you  indicated  the  proper  moment.  This  was  specifically  said  as  to  In 
diana,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut  and  the  Blaine  portion  of  the  Pennsyl 
vania  delegation.  It  was  said  that  you  prevented  Massachusetts  from  voting 
for  me  from  about  the  tenth  to  the  fifteenth  ballot  on  Monday,  that  nine  of 
the  Connecticut  delegates  held  themselves  ready  to  vote  for  me  on  your  call, 
but  that  you  put  it  off,  and  Harrison  is  quoted  as  saying  that  twenty -six 
votes  from  Indiana  were  ready  to  be  cast  for  me  on  Monday,  at  any  time 
after  a  few  ballots,  but  they  were  withheld  on  account  of  representations 
from  the  Ohio  delegation.  Mr.  Billings,  of  Vermont,  is  quoted  as  saying 
that  the  Vermont  delegation,  with  two  or  three  exceptions,  were  ready  to 
vote  for  me,  but  were  discontented  with  the  position  taken  by  you,  and 
doubted  whether  you  desired  their  vote  for  me. 

These  and  many  other  allegations  of  similar  import,  coming  one  after 
the  other,  led  me  to  believe  that  you  had  changed  the  position  you  took 
in  the  early  part  of  the  canvass,  and  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was 
not  wise  to  nominate  me,  and  that  other  arrangements  for  your  future 
influenced  you  in  changing  your  opinion.  This  impression  caused  me  more 
pain  than  anything  that  has  transpired  since  the  beginning  of  the  contest. 

I  assure  you  I  have  no  regrets  over  the  results  of  the  convention.  In 
deed,  the  moment  it  was  over,  I  felt  a  sense  of  relief  that  I  had  not  had  for 
six  months. 

The  nomination  of  Garfield  is  entirely  satisfactory  to  me.  The  only 
shade  that  rests  on  this  feeling  is  the  fact  that  Garfield  went  there  by  my 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  615 

selection  to  represent  me  and  comes  from  the  convention  with  the  honor  that 
I  sought.  I  will  do  him  the  justice  to  say  that  I  have  seen  no  evidence  that 
he  has  contributed  to  this  result  except  by  his  good  conduct  in  the  presence 
of  the  convention.  I  had  always  looked  with  great  favor  upon  the  contin 
gency  that  if  I  was  not  nominated  after  a  fair  and  full  trial  and  Blaine  was, 
you  would  be  the  candidate  for  the  Vice  Presidency,  and  had  frequently  said 
to  mutual  friends  that  this  was  my  desire.  The  contingency  of  Garfield's 
nomination  I  did  not  consider,  for  I  supposed  that  as  he  was  secure  in  the 
Senate  for  six  years,  he  would  not  desire  the  presidential  nomination,  but  as 
it  has  corne  to  him  without  his  self-seeking  it  is  honorable  and  right  and  I 
have  no  cause  of  complaint.  If  I  believed  that  he  had  used  the  position  I 
gave  him  to  supplant  me,  I  would  consider  it  dishonorable  and  would  not 
support  him;  but,  while  such  statements  have  been  made  to  me,  I  feel  bound 
to  say  that  I  have  never  seen  nor  heard  from  credible  sources  any  ground  for 
such  an  imputation,  and,  therefore,  he  shall  have  my  earnest  and  hearty  support. 

There  are  one  or  two  features  of  this  canvass  that  leave  a  painful  im 
pression  upon  me.  The  first  is  that  the  opposition  to  me  in  Ohio  was  un 
reasonable,  without  cause,  either  springing  from  corrupt  or  bad  motives,  or 
from  such  trivial  causes  as  would  scarcely  justify  the  pouting  of  a  school 
boy. 

I  receive  your  frank  statement  with  confidence  and  act  upon  it,  will  treat 
you,  as  of  old,  with  hearty  good  will  and  respect,  and  will  give  no  further 
credence  to  the  stories  I  hear.  You  can  have  no  knowledge  of  the  extent  of 
the  accusations  that  have  been  made  against  you. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  CHARLES  FOSTER,  Columbus,  Ohio. 

With  this  letter  I  sought  to  divest  myself  of  all  feeling  or 
prejudice  growing  out  of  the  recent  canvass. 

At  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year  and  the  preparation  of  the 
usual  statements  made  at  that  time,  there  was  a  period  of  rest, 
of  which  I  availed  myself  by  taking  an  excursion  along  our 
northeastern  coast.  The  quiet  of  the  voyage,  the  salt  air, 
and  the  agreeable  companions,  were  a  great  relief  from  the 
confinement  and  anxiety  of  the  previous  months.  Upon  my 
return  to  New  York  from  this  outing,  on  the  19th  of  July,  I 
found  two  letters  from  General  Garfield,  both  relating  to  the 
progress  of  the  canvass,  and  asking  my  opinion  of  his  letter  of 
acceptance.  In  reply  T  wrote  him  among  other  things  personal 
to  himself  and  the  campaign  : 

•  •  •  The  silver  law  threatens  to  produce  within  a  year  or  so  a  single 
silver  standard,  and  already  there  is  a  feeling  of  uneasiness  in  New  York  as 


RECOLLECTIONS 

to  whether  we  can  maintain  resumption  upon  the  gold  standard  while  the 
silver  law  remains.  1  could  at  any  moment,  by  issuing  silver  freely,  bring 
a  crisis  upon  this  question,  but  while  I  hold  my  present  office  L  certainly  will 
not  do  so,  until  the  gold  reserve  is  practically  converted  into  silver,  a  process 
that  is  going  on  now  at  the  rate  of  nearly  two  millions  a  month.  1  have  no 
fear,  however,  of  being  forced  to  this  issue  during  my  term,  and  I  hope 
Congress  will  come  together  next  wnnter  in  such  temper  that  it  may  arrest 
the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar,  if  it  will  not  change  the  ratio.  This  ques 
tion,  however,  is  a  very  delicate  one  to  discuss  in  popular  assemblages,  and 
I  propose,  therefore,  in  my  speeches,  to  make  only  the  faintest  allusions  to 
it,  not  surrendering,  however,  our  views  upon  the  subject,  for  upon  this,  I 
take  it,  we  are  entirely  agreed.  .  .  . 

After  the  19th  of  July  I  was  at  my  desk,  busily  engaged  in 
the  routine  duties  of  my  office,  until,  in  accordance  with  the 
expressed  desire  of  General  Garfield,  I  visited  New  York  to 
attend  a  conference  of  Republicans,  as  to  the  conduct  of  the 
pending  canvass. 

More  than  two  hundred  prominent  Republicans  from  all 
parts  of  the  country  met  on  the  5th  of  August,  among  whom 
were  Senators  Blaine  and  Logan,  Marshall  Jewell,  Thurlow 
Weed,  and  Edwards  Pierrepont.  I  was  called  upon  to  make  an 
address.  The  only  passage  I  wish  to  quote  is  this  : 

"The  Republican  party  comes  before  the  business  men  of  this  country — 
with  all  its  evidences  of  reviving  prosperity  everywhere — and  asks  whether 
they  will  resign  all  these  great  affairs  to  the  solid  south,  headed  by  Wade 
Hampton  and  the  Ku-Klux  Klan,  and  a  little  segment  of  these  northern 
states,  calling  themselves  the  Democratic  party." 

More  than  a  month  afterwards  Governor  Hampton 
wrote  me  a  letter  complaining  of  my  connecting  him  with 
the  "Ku-Klux  Klan,"  and  the  following  correspondence  en 
sued: 

DOGGERS'  SPRINGS,  September  17,  1880. 
To  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

SIR  : — Some  days  ago  I  saw  a  report  of  your  speech  at  a  conference 
held  by  the  national  Republican  committee,  at  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  New 
York,  and  you  were  quoted  as  having  used  the  following  language  :  'And 
now  you  are  asked  to  surrender  all  you  have  done  into  the  hands  of  Wade 
Hampton  and  the  Ku-Klux,  and  the  little  segment  in  the  north  that  is  called 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  617 

the  Democratic  party.'  May  I  ask  if  you  used  these  words,  and,  if  you  did 
so,  did  you  mean  to  connect  me,  directly  or  indirectly,  with  what  was  known 
as  the  Ku-Klux  Klan? 

Requesting  an  early  reply,  addressed  to  me,  care  of  Augustus  Schell, 
Esq.,  New  York,  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

WADE  HAMPTON. 


WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  September  21,  1880. 
HON.  WADE  HAMPTON,  care  of  Augustus  Schell,  Esq.,  New  York. 

SIR  : — Your  note  of  the  17th  inst.  is  received,  in  which  you  inquire 
whether,  at  the  conference  held  by  the  national  Republican  committee,  at 
the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  New  York,  I  used  the  language  attributed  to  me 
as  follows:  'And  now  you  are  asked  to  surrender  all  you  have  done  into 
the  hands  of  Wade  Hampton  and  the  Ku-Klux,  and  the  little  segment  in  the 
north  that  is  called  the  Democratic  party.'  In  reply,  I  have  to  advise  you, 
that  while  I  do  not  remember  the  precise  language,  I  presume  the  reporter 
correctly  stated,  in  a  condensed  way,  his  idea  of  what  I  said.  I  no  doubt 
spoke  of  you  as  the  leading  representative  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the 
south,  and  referred  to  the  Ku-Klux  Klan  as  the  representative  of  the  bar 
barous  agencies  by  which  the  Democrats  have  subverted  the  civil  and  politi 
cal  rights  of  the  Republicans  of  the  south. 

I  did  not  connect  you  personally  with  the  Ku-Klux  Klan.  Indeed,  I 
knew  that  you  had,  in  one  or  two  important  instances,  resisted  and  defeated 
its  worst  impulses.  I  appreciate  the  sense  of  honor  which  makes  you  shrink 
from  being  named  in  connection  with  it.  Still,  you  and  your  associates, 
leading  men  in  the  south,  now  enjoy  benefits  of  political  power  derived 
from  atrocities  of  the  Ku-Klux  Klan,  in  which  phrase  I  include  all  the  nu 
merous  aliases  by  which  it  has,  from  time  to  time,  been  known  in  the  south. 
Your  power  in  the  southern  states  rests  upon  the  actual  crimes  of  every 
grade  in  the  code  of  crimes — from  murder  to  the  meanest  form  of  ballot-box 
stuffing  committed  by  the  Ku-Klux  Klan  and  its  kindred  associates,  and,  as 
you  know,  some  of  the  worst  of  them  were  committed  since  1877,  when  you 
and  your  associates  gave  the  most  solemn  assurance  of  protection  to  the 
freedmen  of  the  south. 

These  crimes  are  all  aimed  at  the  civil  political  rights  of  Republicans  in 
the  south,  and,  as  I  believe,  but  for  these  agencies,  the  very  state  that  you 
represent,  as  well  as  many  other  states  in  the  south,  would  be  represented, 
both  in  the  Senate  and  House,  by  Republicans.  But  for  these  crimes  the 
boast  attributed  to  you,  that  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  solid  southern 
votes  would  be  cast  for  the  Democratic  ticket,  would  be  but  idle  vaporing ; 
but  now  we  feel  that  it  is  a  sober  truth. 

While  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  you  or  ycur  northern  associates 
personally  participated  in  the  offenses  I  have  named,  yet,  while  you  and  they 
enjoy  the  fruits  of  these  crimes,  you  may,  in  logic  and  morals  be  classed  as 
I  classed  you,  as  joint  copartners  with  the  Ku-Klux  Klan  in  the  policy  which 


618  RECOLLECTIONS 

thus  far  has  been  successful  in  seizing  political  power  in  the  south,  and 
which  it  is  hoped,  by  the  aid  of  the  small  segment  of  the  Democratic  party 
in  the  north,  may  be  extended  to  all  the  departments  of  the  government. 
It  is  in  this  sense  that  I  spoke  of  you,  the  Ku-Klux  Klan  and  the  northern 
Democratic  party. 

Permit  me,  in  conclusion,  while  frankly  answering  your  question,  to  say 
the  most  fatal  policy  for  the  south  would  be  by  such  agencies  as  I  have 
mentioned  to  secure  again  political  ascendency  in  this  country,  for  I  assure 
you  that  the  manhood  and  independence  of  the  north  will  certainly  con 
tinue  the  struggle  until  every  Republican  in  the  south  shall  have  free  and 
unrestricted  enjoyment  of  equal  civil  and  political  privileges,  including  a 
fair  vote,  a  fair  count,  free  speech  and  free  press,  and  agitation  made  neces 
sary  to  secure  such  results  may  greatly  affect  injuriously  the  interests  of  the 
people  of  the  south. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


CHARLOTTESVILLE,  VA.,  October  1,  1880. 
To  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

SIR:  —  Your  letter  has  been  received.  As  you  do  not  disclaim  the 
language  to  which  I  called  your  attention,  I  have  only  to  say  that  in  using 
it  you  uttered  what  was  absolutely  false,  and  what  you  knew  to  be  false. 
My  address  will  be  Columbia,  S.  C. 

I  am  your  obedient  servant,  WADE  HAMPTON. 


TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  October  18,  1880.  J 
To  HON.  WADE  HAMPTON,  Columbia,  S.  C. 

I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  note  of  the  1st  inst.,  handed 
me  unopened  by  Mr.  C.  McKiriley,  a  few  moments  ago,  after  my  return 
from  the  west.  I  had  this  morning  read  what  purported  to  be  an  extract  of 
a  speech  made  by  you,  published  in  the  Charleston  'News  and  Courier,'  and 
upon  your  general  reputation  as  a  gentleman  had  denied  that  you  had  made 
such  a  speech  or  written  such  a  letter  as  is  attributed  to  you  in  that  paper. 
What  I  stated  to  you  in  my  letter  of  September  21,  I  believe  to  be  true, 
notwithstanding  your  denial,  and  it  can  be  shown  to  be  true  by  public  records 
and  as  a  matter  of  history.  As  you  had,  long  before  your  letter  was  deliv 
ered  to  me,  seen  proper  to  make  a  public  statement  of  your  views  of  the 
correspondence,  I  will  give  it  to  the  press  without  note  or  comment,  and 
let  the  public  decide  between  us.  Very  respectfully, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

This  correspondence  excited  a  good  deal  of  attention,  and 
broke  off  all  social  relations  between  us.  We  afterwards  served 
for  many  years  in  the  Senate  together,  but  had  no  intercourse 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  619 

with  each  other  except  formal  recognition  while  I  was  presi 
dent  of  the  Senate.  I  always  regretted  this,  for  I  did  not  feel 
the  slightest  enmity  to  General  Hampton,  and  recognized  the 
fact  that  while  enjoying  the  office  he  held  as  the  result  of  the 
crimes  of  the  Klan,  yet  he  and  his  colleague,  M.  C.  Butler,  were 
among  the  most  conservative  and  agreeable  gentlemen  in  the 
Senate,  and  the  offenses  with  which  I  connected  his  name  were 
committed  by  his  constituents  and  not  by  himself. 


CHAPTER  XL. 
MY  LAST  YEAR  IN  THE  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT. 

Opening  of   the   1880    Campaign    in    Cincinnati  —  My  First    Speech  Arraigned  as 
"Bitterly  Partisan  "  —  Ohio  Thought  to  Be  in  Doubt  — Republican  Ticket 
Elected  in  Ohio  and  Indiana  —  A  Strange  Warning  from   Detroit 
Threatening   Garfield    with    Assassination  —  The   Latter's 
Reply  —  Recommendations  Regarding  Surplus  Rev 
enue,  Compulsory  Coinage   of   the   Silver 
Dollar,    the    Tariff,    etc.  —  Bills 
Acted  Upon  by  Congress. 

DURING  July  and  August  I  received  many  invitations 
to  speak  on  political  topics,  but  declined  all  until 
about  the  1st  of  September.  In  anticipation  of  the 
election  of  Garfield,  and  his  resignation  as  Senator,  I 
was,  as  early  as  July,  tendered  the  support  of  several  members 
of  the  legislature  who  had  voted  for  him  for  Senator,  and 
who  wished  to  vote  for  me  in  case  he  resigned.  I  replied 
that  I  would  prefer  the  position  of  Senator  to  any  other,  that  I 
resigned  my  seat  in  the  Senate  to  accept  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  and  would  be  gratified  by  a  return  to  my  old 
position,  but  only  in  case  it  came  to  me  as  the  hearty  choice  of 
the  general  assembly.  During  the  month  of  August  the  two 
assistant  secretaries,  who  had  been  for  a  year  confined  to  the 
department  and  upon  whom  the  duties  of  secretary  had  de 
volved  during  my  recent  absence,  went  on  their  usual  vaca 
tion,  so  that  I  was  fully  occupied  during  office  hours  with 
the  routine  business  of  the  department. 

My  first  speech  of  the  campaign  was  made  on  Monday,  the 
30th  of  August,  in  Cincinnati.  It  was  carefully  prepared,  and 
delivered  in  substance  as  printed.  My  habit  has  been  for 
many  years,  at  the  beginning  of  a  political  canvass,  to  write 

(620) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  621 

or  dictate  a  speech  and  hand  it  to  the  press  associations,  to  be 
printed  in  the  newspapers  only  after  the  speech  is  made.  This 
is  done  for  the  convenience  of  the  press  and  to  secure  an  ac 
curate  report.  The  speech  at  Cincinnati,  thus  prepared,  was 
not  read  by  me,  but  I  spoke  from  briefs  which  enabled  me 
to  substantially  follow  it.  Subsequent  speeches  had  to  vary 
according  to  the  nature  and  mood  of  the  audience,  or  the 
political  subject  exciting  local  interest  and  attention.  At 
Cincinnati  I  gave  a  comparison  of  the  principles,  tend 
ency,  and  achievements  of  the  two  great  parties,  and  the 
reasons  why  the  Democratic  party  wanted  a'  change  in  the 
executive  branch  of  the  government.  I  contrasted  the  aims 
and  policy  of  that  party,  at  each  presidential  election  from 
1860  to  1880,  with  those  of  the  Republican  party,  and  expressed 
my  opinion  of  the  effects  that  would  have  followed  their  success 
at  each  of  those  elections.  I  stated  in  detail  the  results  se 
cured  during  the  last  four  years  by  the  election  of  a  Republican 
President.  These  included  the  resumption  of  specie  payments, 
the  refunding  and  the  steady  reduction  of  the  public  debt,  the 
faithful  collection  of  the  revenue,  economy  of  public  expendi 
tures,  and  business  prosperity  for  which  I  gave  the  causes,  all 
of  which  were  opposed  or  denied  by  the  Democratic  party.  I 
entered  into  detail  on  the  measures  proposed  by  the  then 
Democratic  Congress,  the  motive  of  them,  and  the  ruinous 
effects  they  would  produce,  and  alleged  that  the  changes 
proposed  were  dictated  by  the  same  policy  that  was  adopted 
by  Buchanan  and  the  active  leaders  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion 
and  by  the  corrupt  power  that  controlled  the  city  of  New 
York.  I  replied  to  the  charges  of  fraud  made  as  to  the  elec 
tion  of  President  Hayes,  that  the  alleged  fraud  consisted  in  the 
judgment  of  the  electoral  commission  created  by  the  Demo 
crats  that  Hayes  was  duly  elected.  I  narrated  the  gross 
crimes  of  the  Ku-Klux  Klan  and  kindred  associations  to  con 
trol  the  elections  in  the  south,  and  the  attempted  bribery  of  an 
elector  in  Oregon. 

This  speech  was  arraigned  as  bitterly  partisan,  but  it  was 
justified  by  facts  proven  by  the  strongest  evidence.  I  have 
recently  carefully  read  it,  and,  while  I  confess  that  its  tone 


RECOLLECTIONS 

was  bitter  and  partisan,  yet  the  allegations  were  clearly  jus 
tified.  At  this  time  such  fraud  and  violence  could  not  be 
practiced  in  the  south,  for  the  tendency  of  events  has  quieted 
public  sentiment.  The  lapse  of  time  has  had  a  healing  effect 
upon  both  sections,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  hereafter  parties 
will  not  be  divided  on  sectional  lines. 

The  Cincinnati  speech  had  one  merit,  in  that  it  furnished 
speakers  and  the  public  the  exact  statistics  of  our  financial 
condition  in  advance  of  my  annual  report  to  Congress  in  De 
cember.  I  made  speeches  each  week  day  in  Ohio  and  Indiana 
until  the  llth  of  September,  when  I  returned  to  Washington. 

The  election  in  Maine,  which  occurred  early  in  September, 
was  unfavorable  to  the  Republican  party,  and  caused  General 
Garfield  some  uneasiness.  He  wrote  me  to  that  effect. 

1  replied  on  the  22nd  of  September  that  the  assured  election 
of  Plaisted,  the  fusion  electoral  ticket  in  Maine,  and  many 
things  in  my  correspondence,  made  me  feel  exceedingly  anxious 
about  the  result  of  the  election,  that  my  advices  from  Ohio 
were  not  satisfactory,  and  I  felt  that  we  must  exert  ourselves 
to  the  utmost  to  insure  victory  at  our  October  election.  "I 
think  from  my  standpoint  here,"  I  said,  "  I  can  get  more  cer 
tain  indications  of  public  opinion  than  anyone  can  while  can 
vassing.  I  therefore  have  determined  to  go  to  Ohio  the  latter 
part  of  this  week,  and  to  devote  the  balance  of  the  time,  until 
the  election,  to  the  campaign."  I  also  advised  him  that  I  had 
arranged  to  have  several  other  speakers  go  to  Ohio.  About  this 
period  I  received  an  invitation  to  speak  in  New  York,  but 
doubted  the  policy  of  accepting,  and  answered  as  follows : 

•  From  my  view  of  the  canvass  the  strength  of  our  position  now  is 
in  the  honesty  and  success  of  the  administration.  While  I  have  no  desire  to 
contrast  it  with  General  Grant's,  yet  the  contrast  would  be  greatly  in  favor 
of  President  Hayes.  The  true  policy  is  to  rise  above  these  narrow  family 
divisions,  and,  without  disparagement  of  any  Republican,  unite  in  the  most 
active  and  zealous  efforts  against  the  common  enemy.  Senator  Conkling 
does  not  seem  to  have  the  capacity  to  do  this,  and  the  body  of  his  following 
seem  to  sympathize  with  him.  I  doubt,  therefore,  whether  my  appearance  in 
New  York  would  not  tend  to  make  divisions  rather  than  to  heal  them,  to  do 
harm  rather  than  good.  Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 
HON.  B.  F.  MANIERRE,  Ch.  Rep.  Central  Campaign  Club,  New  York. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  623 

On  the  first  of  October  I  left  Washington  for  Mansfield  and 
spoke  at  a  mass  meeting  there  on  Saturday  evening,  the  2nd. 
The  canvass  on  both  sides  was  very  active  and  meetings  were 
being  held  in  all  parts  of  the  state.  The  meeting  at  Mansfield 
held  in  the  open  square  both  in  the  afternoon  and  evening, 
was  very  large.  I  spoke  each  day  except  Sunday  during  the  fol 
lowing  week,  at  different  places  in  Ohio  and  Indiana.  Con 
fidence  in  Republican  success  grew  stronger  as  the  October 
election  approached.  After  the  vote  was  cast  it  was  found 
that  the  Republican  state  ticket  was  elected  by  a  large  major 
ity  in  both  these  states.  In  pursuance  of  previous  engage 
ments,  I  spoke  at  Chicago,  Racine,  and  Milwaukee,  after  the 
October  election.  The  speeches  at  Chicago  and  Milwaukee 
were  reported  in  full  and  were  circulated  as  campaign  docu 
ments.  During  the  latter  part  of  the  month  of  October  I  spoke 
at  the  city  of  Washington  and  in  Bridgeport,  Norwalk  and 
New  Haven,  Connecticut,  and  at  Cooper  Institute  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  and  then  returned  home  to  vote  at  the  November 
election. 

The  result  was  the  election  of  a  large  majority  of  Repub 
lican  electors  and  the  certainty  of  their  voting  for  Garfield  and 
Arthur  as  President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States. 
I  had  done  all  that  it  was  possible  for  me  to  do  to  bring  about 
that  result  and  rejoiced  as  heartily  as  anyone,  for  I  thoroughly 
believed  in  the  necessity  of  maintaining  Republican  ascendency 
in  the  United  States,  at  least  until  a  time  when  the  success  of 
the  opposite  party  would  not  endanger  any  of  the  national 
results  of  the  war  or  the  financial  policy  of  President  Hayes' 
administration. 

On  the  day  after  the  election  General  Garfield  wrote  me  the 
following  letter : 

MENTOR,  OHIO,  November  4,  1880. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Yours  of  the  1st  inst.  came  duly  to  hand,  and  was  read 
with  much  interest.  The  success  of  the  election  is  very  gratifying.  The 
distrust  of  the  solid  south,  and  of  adverse  financial  legislation,  have  been  the 
chief  factors  in  the  contest.  I  think  also  that  the  country  wanted  to  rebuke 
the  attempt  of  the  Democrats  to  narrow  the  issue  to  the  low  level  of  per 
sonal  abuse.  I  am  sure  that  all  our  friends  agree  with  me  that  you  have  done 
very  important  and  efficient  work  in  the  campaign,  ,  .  . 


624  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  received  a  letter  from  a  Mr.  Hudson,  of  Detroit,  which  ex 
pressed  a  fear  that  General  Garfield  was  in  serious  danger  of 
assassination,  giving  particulars.  I  sent  it  at  once  to  Garfield, 
and  received  from  him  the  following  answer,  very  significant 
in  view  of  the  tragedy  that  occurred  the  following  summer : 

MENTOR,  OHIO,  November  16,  1880. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — The  letter  of  Mr.  Hudson,  of  Detroit,  with  your  in 
dorsement,  came  duly  to  hand.  I  do  not  think  there  is  any  serious  danger 
in  the  direction  to  which  he  refers,  though  I  am  receiving  what  I  suppose  to 
be  the  usual  number  of  threatening  letters  on  that  subject.  Assassination 
can  no  more  be  guarded  against  than  death  by  lightning ;  and  it  is  not  best 
to  worry  about  either.  I  expect  to  go  to  Washington  before  long  to  close 
up  some  household  affairs,  and  I  shall  hope  to  see  you. 

With  kind  regards.  I  am,  very  truly  yours,     J.  A.  GARFIELD. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Immediately  after  the  election  of  General  Garfield,  and  until 
the  18th  of  December,  there  was  a  continuous  discussion  as  to 
who  should  be  the  successor  to  Senator  Thurman.  This  was 
the  senatorship  to  which  Garfield  had  been  elected  and  now 
declined  to  fill.  I  received  many  letters  from  members  of  the 
legislature  expressing  their  wish  that  I  should  be  restored  to 
the  Senate,  and  offering  to  vote  for  me.  They  generally  as 
sumed  that  I  would  have  the  choice  between  remaining  in  the 
treasury  department  under  President  Garfield  and  becoming  a 
candidate  for  the  Senate. 

The  papers,  while  taking  sides  between  Foster  and  myself, 
exaggerated  the  danger  and  importance  of  the  contest  and 
thus  unduly  excited  the  public  mind,  for  either  of  us  would 
have  cheerfully  acquiesced  in  the  decision  of  the  general 
assembly.  Strong  appeals  were  made  to  Foster  to  withdraw, 
especially  after  it  was  known  that  I  would  not  be  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  in  the  incoming  administration. 

The  estimated  revenue  over  expenditures  for  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June  30,  1882,  including  the  sinking  fund,  was 
$48,000,000. 

Upon  this  favorable  statement  I  recommended  to  Congress 
that  instead  of  applying  this  surplus  revenue,  accruing  after 
the  current  fiscal  year  to  the  extinction  of  the  debt,  taxes 
be  repealed  or  modified  to  the  extent  of  such  surplus.  A 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  625 

large  portion  of  the  surplus  of  revenue  over  expenditures 
was  caused  by  the  reduction  of  the  rate  of  interest  and 
the  payment  on  the  principal  of  the  public  debt.  The  re 
duction  of  annual  interest  caused  by  refunding  since  March  1, 
1877,  was  $14,290,453.50,  and  the  saving  of  annual  interest  re 
sulting  from  the  payment  of  the  principal  of  the  public  debt 
since  that  date  was  $6,144,737.50.  The  interest  was  likely  to  be 
still  further  reduced  during  the  following  year,  to  an  amount 
estimated  at  $12,000,000,  by  the  funding  of  the  bonds.  To  the 
extent  of  this  annual  saving,  amounting  to  $32,000,000,  the  pub 
lic  expenditures  would  be  permanently  diminished. 

In  view  of  this  statement,  I  recommended  that  all  taxes  im 
posed  by  the  internal  revenue  laws,  other  than  those  on  bank 
circulation  and  on  spirits,  tobacco  and  beer,  be  repealed.  I 
urged  that  the  tax  on  state  banks  should  be  maintained,  not 
for  purposes  of  revenue,  but  as  a  check  upon  the  renewal  of 
a  system  of  local  state  paper  money,  which,  as  it  would  be  is 
sued  under  varying  state  laws,  would  necessarily  differ  as  to 
conditions,  terms  and  security,  and  could  not,  from  its  diversity, 
be  guarded  against  counterfeiting,  and  would,  at  best,  have  but 
a  limited  circulation. 

The  public  debt  which  became  redeemable  on  and  after  the 
1st  of  July,  1881,  amounted  to  $687,350,000.  I  recommended 
that  to  redeem  these  bonds  there  should  be  issued  treasury 
notes  running  from  one  to  ten  years,  which  could  be  paid  off  by 
the  application  of  the  sinking  fund  as  they  matured.  Such 
treasury  notes  would  have  formed  a  popular  security  always 
available  to  the  holder  as  they  could  have  been  readily  con 
verted  into  money  when  needed  for  other  investment  or  busi 
ness.  They  would  have  been  in  such  form  and  denominations 
as  to  furnish  a  convenient  investment  for  the  small  savings  of 
the  people,  and  fill  the  place  designed  by  the  ten  dollar  refund 
ing  certificates  authorized  by  the  act  of  February  26,  1879.  I 
stated  my  belief  that  with  the  then  state  of  the  money  market 
a  sufficient  amount  of  treasury  notes,  bearing  an  annual  interest 
of  three  per  cent.,  could  be  sold  to  meet  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  maturing  bonds. 

Congress  did  not  pass  such  a  law  as  I  recommended,  but  the 

S.-40 


626  RECOLLECTIONS 

plan  adopted  and  executed  by  my  successor,  Mr.  Windom,  was 
the  best  that  could  have  been  devised  under  existing  law,  result 
ing  in  a  very  large  reduction  of  the  amount  paid  for  interest 
yearly.  He  allowed  the  holders  of  the  maturing  bonds  to  retain 
them  at  the  pleasure  of  the  government,  with  interest  at  the 
rate  of  three  and  a  half  per  cent. 

I  recited  the  action  of  the  department  under  the  resumption 
act,  but  this  has  already  been  fully  described  by  me.  In 
respect  to  United  States  notes  I  said : 

"  United  States  notes  are  now,  in  form,  security,  and  convenience,  the 
best  circulating  medium  known.  The  objection  is  made  that  they  are 
issued  by  the  government,  and  that  it  is  not  the  business  of  the  goverment 
to  furnish  paper  money,  but  only  to  coin  money.  The  answer  is,  that  the 
government  had  to  borrow  money,  and  is  still  in  debt.  The  United  States 
note,  to  the  extent  that  it  is  willingly  taken  by  the  people,  and  can,  beyond 
question,  be  maintained  at  par  in  coin,  is  the  least  burdensome  form  of  debt. 
The  loss  of  interest  in  maintaining  the  resumption  fund,  and  the  cost  of 
printing  and  engraving  the  present  amount  of  United  States  notes,  is  less 
than  one-half  the  interest  on  an  equal  sum  of  four  per  cent,  bonds.  The 
public  thus  saves  over  seven  million  dollars  of  annual  interest,  and  secures  a 
safe  and  convenient  medium  of  exchange,  and  has  the  assurance  that  a 
sufficient  reserve  in  coin  will  be  retained  in  the  treasury  beyond  the  tempta 
tion  of  diminution,  such  as  always  attends  reserves  held  by  banks." 

I  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  existing  system  of  currency, 
the  substantial  features  of  which  were  a  limited  amount  of 
United  States  notes  (with  or  without  the  legal  tender  quality), 
promptly  redeemable  in  coin,  with  ample  reserves  in  coin  and 
power  if  necessary  to  purchase  coin  with  bonds,  supplemented 
by  the  circulating  notes  of  national  banks  issued  upon  condi 
tions  that  would  guarantee  their  absolute  security  and  prompt 
redemption,  all  based  on  coin  of  equal  value,  and  generally 
distributed  throughout  the  country,  was  the  best  system  ever 
devised,  and  more  free  from  objection  than  any  other,  com 
bining  the  only  safe  standard  with  convenience  for  circulation 
and  security  and  equality  of  value. 

After  a  statement  of  the  amount  of  standard  silver  dollars 
issued  under  existing  law,  I  described  the  measures  adopted  to 
facilitate  the  general  distribution  and  circulation  of  these 
coins,  and  the  great  expense  incurred  by  the  United  States  in 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  627 

transporting  them.  With  all  these  efforts  it  was  found  difficult 
to  maintain  in  circulation  more  than  thirty-five  per  cent,  of  the 
amount  then  coined.  While,  at  special  seasons  of  the  year  and 
for  special  purposes,  this  coin  was  in  demand,  mainly  in  the 
south,  it  returned  to  the  treasury,  and  its  reissue  involved  an 
expense  for  transportation  at  an  average  rate  of  one-third  of 
one  per  cent,  each  time.  Unlike  gold  coin  or  United  States 
notes,  it  did  not,  to  the  same  extent,  form  a  part  of  the  perma 
nent  circulation,  everywhere  acceptable,  and,  when  flowing 
into  the  treasury,  easily  paid  out  with  little  or  no  cost  of 
transportation.  At  a  later  period,  when  the  amount  of  silver 
dollars  had  largely  increased,  the  department  was  never  able  to 
maintain  in  circulation  more  than  $60,000,000. 

For  the  reasons  stated  I  earnestly  recommended  that  the 
further  compulsory  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  be  suspended, 
or,  as  an  alternative,  that  the  number  of  grains  of  silver  in  the 
dollar  be  increased  so  as  to  make  it  equal  in  market  value  to 
the  gold  dollar,  and  that  its  coinage  be  left  as  other  coinage  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  or  the  Director  of  the  Mint,  to 
depend  upon  the  demand  for  it  by  the  public  for  convenient 
circulation.  After  a  statement  of  the  great  cost  of  the  coin 
age  of  these  dollars,  I  recommended  that  Congress  confine  its 
action  to  the  suspension  of  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar,  and 
await  negotiations  with  foreign  powers  for  the  adoption  of  an 
international  ratio.  I  expressed  the  conviction  that  it  was  for 
the  interest  of  the  United  States,  as  the  chief  producer  of  silver, 
to  recognize  the  great  change  that  had  occurred  in  the  relative 
market  value  of  silver  and  gold  in  the  chief  marts  of  the  world, 
to  adopt  a  ratio  for  coinage  based  upon  market  value,  and  to 
conform  all  existing  coinage  to  that  ratio,  while  maintaining 
the  gold  eagle  of  our  coinage  at  its  present  weight  and  fineness. 

I  called  attention,  also,  to  the  tariff  as  it  then  existed.  It 
was  a  compilation  of  laws  passed  during  many  succeeding 
years,  and  to  meet  the  necessities  of  the  government  from  time 
to  time.  These  laws  furnished  the  greater  part  of  our  revenue, 
and  incidentally  protected  and  diversified  home  manufactures. 
The  general  principle  upon  which  they  were  founded  was  be 
lieved  to  be  salutary.  No  marked  or  sudden  change,  which 


628  RECOLLECTIONS 

would  tend  to  destroy  or  injure  domestic  industries  built  up 
upon  faith  in  the  stability  of  existing  laws,  should  be  made  in 
them.  I  recommended  that  ad  valorem  duties  should  be  con 
verted  into  specific  duties  as  far  as  practicable,  and  that  arti 
cles  which  did  not  compete  with  domestic  industries,  and 
yielded  but  a  small  amount  of  revenue,  should  be  added  to  the 
free  list.  I  urged  the  importance  of  stability  in  the  rates  im 
posed  on  spirits,  tobacco  and  fermented  liquors. 

The  chief  measure  of  importance,  aside  from  the  current 
appropriation  bills,  acted  upon  during  that  session  of  Congress, 
was  a  bill  to  facilitate  the  refunding  of  the  national  debt.  It 
was  pending  without  action  during  the  two  preceding  sessions, 
but  was  taken  up  in  the  early  part  of  the  third  session.  As  the 
bill  was  originally  reported,  by  Mr.  Fernando  Wood,  from  the 
committee  of  ways  and  means  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
it  provided  that  in  lieu  of  the  bonds  authorized  by  the  refund 
ing  act  of  July  14,  1870,  bearing  five,  four  and  a  half,  and  four 
per  cent,  interest,  bonds  bearing  interest  at  the  rate  of  three 
and  a  half  per  cent,  to  the  amount  of  $500,000,000,  redeemable 
at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States,  and  also  notes  to  the 
amount  of  $200,000,000,  bearing  interest  at  the  rate  of  three 
and  a  half  per  cent.,  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United 
States  after  two  years  and  payable  in  ten  years,  be  issued. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  authorized  to  issue  any 
of  these  bonds  or  notes  for  any  of  the  bonds  of  the  United 
States,  as  they  became  redeemable,  par  for  par.  The  bill  further 
provided  that  the  three  and  a  half  per  cents,  should  be  the 
only  bonds  receivable  as  security  for  national  bank  circu 
lation. 

Had  this  bill  passed,  as  introduced,  any  time  before  the  4th 
of  March,  1881,  it  would  have  saved  the  United  States  enor 
mous  sums  of  money  and  would  have  greatly  strengthened  the 
public  credit.  It  was  in  harmony  with  the  recommendations 
made  by  the  President  and  by  myself  in  our  annual  reports. 
It  was  called  up  in  the  House  of  Representatives  for  definite 
action  on  the  14th  of  December,  1880,  when  those  reports  were 
before  them.  Instead  of  this  action  amendments  of  the  wild 
est  character  were  offered,  and  the  committee  which  reported 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  629 

the  bill  acquiesced  in  radical  changes,  which  made  the  execu 
tion  of  the  law,  if  passed,  practically  impossible.  The  rate  of 
interest  was  reduced  to  three  per  cent.,  and  a  provision  made 
that  no  bonds  should  be  taken  as  security  for  bank  circulation 
except  the  three  per  cent,  bonds  provided  for  by  that  bill.  Dis 
cussion  was  continued  in  the  House  and  radical  amendments 
were  made  until  the  19th  of  January,  1881,  when  the  bill,  greatly 
changed,  passed  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  was  taken 
up  in  the  Senate  on  the  15th  of  February.  Mr.  Bayard  made  a 
very  fair  statement  of  the  terms  and  objects  of  the  bill  in  an 
elaborate  speech,  from  which  I  quote  the  following  para 
graphs  : 

*'  In  little  more  than  sixty  days  from  this  date  a  loan  of  the  United 
States,  bearing  five  per  cent,  interest,  and  amounting  to  $469,651,050,  will, 
at  the  option  of  the  government,  become  payable.  On  the  30th  day  of  June 
next,  two  other  loans,  each  bearing  six  per  cent.,  the  first  for  $145,786,500, 
and  the  other  $57,787,250,  will  also  mature  at  the  option  of  the  government. 
These  facts  are  stated  in  the  last  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and 
will  be  found  on  page  ten  of  his  report  of  last  December.  He  has  informed 
us  that  the  surplus  revenue  accruing  prior  to  the  1st  of  July,  1881,  will 
amount  to  about  fifty  million  dollars,  and  can  and  will  be  applied  in  part  to 
the  extinguishment  of  that  debt.  Bonds  maturing  on  the  31st  of  December 
last  were  paid  out  of  the  accruing  revenues.  So  that  there  will  remain  the 
sum  of  $637,350,000,  to  be  provided  for  and  funded  at  the  option  of  the 
government,  at  such  rate  of  interest  as  may  be  deemed  advisable  by  Con 
gress  and  can  practicably  be  obtained. 

"  The  sums  that  we  are  dealing  with  are  enormous,  affecting  the  welfare 
of  every  branch  of  our  country's  industry  and  of  our  entire  people.  The 
opportunity  for  reducing  the  rate  of  interest  upon  this  enormous  sum,  and 
not  only  that,  but  of  placing  the  national  debt  more  under  the  control  of  the 
government  in  regard  to  future  payments,  is  now  before  us.  The  oppor 
tunity  for  doing  this  upon  favorable  terms  should  not  be  lost,  and  the  only 
question  before  us,  as  legislators,  is  how  we  can  best  and  most  practically 
take  advantage  of  the  hour." 

The  bill  as  modified  by  the  committee  of  the  Senate  would 
have  enabled  the  treasury  department  to  enter  at  once  on  the 
refunding  of  the  public  debt,  and,  in  the  then  state  of  the 
money  market,  there  would  have  been  no  doubt  of  the  ready 
sale  of  the  bonds  and  notes  provided  for  and  the  redemption  of 
the  five  and  six  per  cent,  bonds  outstanding.  The  Senate,  how- 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

ever,  after  long  debates,  disagreed  to  the  amendments  of  the 
committee,  and  in  substance  passed  the  bill  as  it  came  from 
the  House.  The  few  amendments  made  were  agreed  to  by  the 
House,  and  the  bill  passed  and  was  sent  to  the  President  on  the 
1st  of  March.  On  the  3rd  of  March  it  was  returned  by  the 
President  with  a  statement  of  his  objections  to  its  passage. 
These  were  based  chiefly  on  the  provision  which  required  the 
banks  to  deposit  in  the  treasury,  as  security  for  their  circulat 
ing  notes,  bonds  bearing  three  per  cent,  interest,  which,  in  his 
judgment,  was  an  insufficient  security. 

Preceding  this  message,  during  the  last  week  of  February, 
there  was  a  serious  disturbance  in  the  money  market,  especially 
in  connection  with  the  national  banks,  caused  by  a  fear  that 
the  bill  would  become  a  law.  Appeals  were  made  to  me  to 
furnish  relief.  All  I  could  do  was  to  purchase  $10,000,000  of 
bonds  to  be  paid  from  an  overflowing  treasury,  but  the  veto  of 
the  President  settled  the  fate  of  the  bill. 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

ELECTED  TO  THE  SENATE  FOR  THE  FOURTH  TIME. 

Blaine  Appointed  Secretary  of  State  —  Withdrawal  of  Governor  Foster  as  a  Sena 
torial  Candidate  —  I  Am  Again  Elected  to  My  Old  Position,  to  Succeed  Allen  G. 
Thurman — My  Visit  to  Columbus  to  Return  Thanks  to  the  Legislature — 
Address  to  Boston  Merchants  on  Finances  —  Windom  Recommended  to 
Succeed  Me  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  Personal  Characteristics 
of  Garfield  — How  He  Differed  from  President  Hayes  — The  Lat- 
ter's  Successful  Administration  —  My  One  Day  Out  of  Office  in 
Over  Forty  Years  —  Long  Animosity  of  Don   Piatt  and 
His  Change  of  Opinion  in  1881— Letter  from  George 
Bancroft  at  the  Age  of  81  —  Mali  one's   Power  in 
the  Senate — Windom's  Success  in  the  Treasury 
—  The  Conkling-Platt  Controversy  with  the 
President  Over  New  York  Appointments . 

IN  the  latter  part  of  November,  1880,  General  Garfield  came 
to  Washington  and  called  upon  Mr.  Blaine,  who,  it  was 
understood,  was  to  be  Secretary  of  State.     Garfield  came 
to  my  house  directly  from  Elaine's  and  informed  me  that 
he  had  tendered  that  office  to  Blaine  and  that  it  was  accepted. 
He  said  that  Blaine  thought  it  would  not  be  politic  to  continue 
me  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  as  it  would  be  regarded  as  an 
unfriendly  discrimination  by  other  members  of  Hayes'  cabinet. 
I  promptly  replied  that  I  agreed  with  the  opinion  of  Blaine, 
and  was  a  candidate  for  the  Senate.     It  was  then  understood 
that  Garfield  was  committed  to  Foster  for  the  vacancy  in  the 
Senate,  but  this  he  denied,  and,  whatever  might  have  been  his 
preference,  I  am  convinced  he  took  no  part  in  the  subsequent 
contest. 

On  the  16th  of  December,  Thomas  A.  Cowgill,  speaker  of 
the  house  of  representatives  of  Ohio,  wrote  a  note  to  Gov 
ernor  Foster  advising  his  withdrawal  "for  harmony  in  our 
counsels  and  unity  in  our  action."  On  the  next  day,  after 
advising  with  leading  Republicans,  Foster,  in  a  manly  letter, 
declined  further  to  be  a  candidate  for  Senator. 

Prior  to  the  withdrawal  of  Foster  I  received  a  note  from 
General  Garfield  from  Mentor,  Ohio,  under  date  of  December 

(631) 


RECOLLECTIONS 


15,  1880,  in  which  he  said :  "I  am  glad  to  see  that  the  unpleas 
ant  matters  between  yourself  and  Governor  Foster  have  been 
so  happily  adjusted,  and  I  am  quite  sure  that  a  little  further 
understanding  will  remove  all  dangers  of  a  personal  contest, 
which  might  disturb  the  harmony  of  the  party  in  Ohio." 

He  also  invited  me  to  visit  him  while  in  Ohio. 

In  response  to  this  and  former  requests  I  visited  General 
Gartield  at  his  residence  at  Mentor,  and  discussed  with  him  a 
multitude  of  subjects  that  he  suggested,  among  them  the  se 
lection  of  his  cabinet,  and  the  public  questions  pending  in 
Congress. 

The  proceedings  in  the  Republican  caucus,  on  the  llth  of  Jan 
uary,  1881,  soon  after  the  Ohio  legislature  met,  as  narrated  in 
the  public  press  at  the  time,  were  exceedingly  flattering.  Gen 
eral  Jones,  of  Delaware,  made  the  nominating  speech,  reciting 
at  considerable  length,  and  with  high  praise,  my  previous  public 
service.  Peter  Hitchcock,  a  distinguished  member,  seconded 
the  nomination  with  another  complimentary  speech.  It  was 
supposed  that  Judge  W.  H.  West,  a  leading  lawyer  and  citizen, 
would  be  placed  in  nomination,  but  his  spokesman,  Judge 
Walker,  no  doubt  with  the  approval  of  Judge  West,  moved  that 
my  nomination  be  made  unanimous,  which  wras  done.  Upon 
being  notified  of  this  I  sent  the  following  telegram : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  11,  1881. 
HON.  J.  SCOTT,  Chairman. 

Please  convey  to  the  Republican  members  of  the  two  houses  of  the 
general  assembly  my  heartfelt  thanks  for  their  unanimous  nomination  for 
the  position  of  United  States  Senator.  No  words  can  express  my  sense  of 
grateful  obligation  to  the  people  of  Ohio  for  their  long  continued  partial 
ity.  I  can  assure  you  that,  if  elected,  1  will,  with  diligence  and  fidelity, 
do  my  utmost  to  discharge  the  duties  assigned  me. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

On  the  18th  of  January  I  was  duly  elected  Senator  as  suc 
cessor  of  Allen  G.  Thurman,  who  received  the  Democratic  vote. 

In  accordance  with  an  old  custom  in  Ohio  I  went  to  Colum 
bus  on  the  20th  of  January  to  return  my  thanks  to  the  legisla 
ture,  and  was  received  in  the  senate  chamber  by  the  two  houses. 
I  was  introduced  by  Governor  Foster  in  a  generous  and  eloquent 
speech. 


ALLEN  G.  THURMAN. 
U.    8.    SENATOR   FROM    OHIO.    18 


BENJAMIN   F.  WADE, 

U.  S.   SENATOR  FROM   OHIO.    1851-6B. 
DIED    MARCH    2,    1878. 


CHARLES   SUMNER, 

D.    C.,    MARCH    11,    1874. 


SALMON   P.  CHASE, 


GOVERNOR   OF   OHIO.    1856-6O. 

(DIED  MAY  T.  lara.J 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  633 

To  this  I  responded  briefly,  saying  that  I  had  four  years 
previously  assumed  a  difficult  office,  and  had  been  constantly 
away  from  my  native  state  except  for  a  few  fleeting  visits,  and 
had  lost  the  acquaintance  I  had  once  had  with  so  many  of  my 
neighbors  and  friends.  I  said  I  was  glad  that  the  office  they  had 
again  given  me  would  enable  me  to  renew  those  associations,  etc. 

Among  the  many  incidents  of  my  life  I  recall  this  as  one  of 
the  happiest,  when  the  bitterness  and  strife  of  political  con 
tests  were  laid  aside  and  kindness  and  charity  took  their  place. 
I  am  glad  to  say  that  the  same  friendly  relations  that  existed 
between  Senator  Thurman  and  myself  have  always  been  main 
tained  with  each  of  my  colleagues,  without  distinction  of 
party. 

Early  in  January  I  had  accepted  an  invitation  of  the  mer 
chants  of  Boston  to  attend  the  annual  dinner  of  their  associa 
tion  on  the  31st  of  that  month.  While  the  dinner  was  the 
stated  object,  yet  I  knew  that  the  speeches  to  be  made  were  the 
real  cause  of  the  meeting.  These  were  to  be  made  by  Gov 
ernor  Long,  Stewart  L.  Woodford  and  others,  real  orators,  while 
I  was  expected  to  talk  to  them  about  money,  debt  and  taxes. 
I  met  their  wishes  by  a  careful  statement  of  the  mode  of  re 
funding,  or,  to  define  that  word,  the  process  of  reducing  the 
burden  of  the  public  debt  by  reducing  the  rate  of  interest. 
I  stated  at  length  the  measures  executed  by  Hamilton,  Gallatin 
and  others,  in  paying  in  full  the  Revolutionary  debt  and  that 
created  by  the  War  of  1812,  and  those  adopted  in  recent  times 
to  reduce  the  interest  and  principal  of  United  States  bonds. 
The  mode  at  each  period  was  similar,  but  the  amount  of  recent 
refundings  was  twenty  times  greater  than  the  national  debt  at 
the  beginning  of  the  government,  and  our  surplus  revenue  for 
that  one  year  just  past  would  have  paid  the  debt  of  the  United 
States  at  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  In  all  stages  of 
our  history  we  have  preserved  the  public  faith  by  the  honest 
discharge  of  every  obligation.  Long,  Woodford  and  others 
made  eloquent  speeches,  and,  on  the  whole,  the  "dinner"  was 
a  pronounced  success. 

After  my  return  to  Washington,  Garfield  continued  to  write 
me  freely,  especially  about  the  selection  of  the  Secretary  of 


634  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  Treasury.  In  a  note  dated  February  14  he  gave  me  the 
names  of  a  number  of  prominent  men  and  his  impressions 
about  them,  but  I  do  not  feel  at  liberty  to  insert  it.  In  my  an 
swer  of  the  date  of  February  16,  after  expressing  my  opinion 
of  those  named,  I  said : 

"Since  our  last  conversation  in  Mentor  I  have  turned  this  important 
matter  over  and  over  again  in  my  mind,  and  I  drift  back  pretty  nearly  to 
the  opinion  I  then  expressed,  that,  assuming  that  a  western  man  is  to  be  ap 
pointed,  my  judgment  would  lead  me  to  select,  first,  Windorn.  .  .  . 
He  is  certainly  a  man  of  high  character,  of  pleasant  manners,  free  from  any 
political  affiliations  that  would  be  offensive  to  you,  on  good  terms  with  all, 
yet  a  man  of  decision." 

I  knew  Garfield  well.  From  his  early  advent  in  1861  in  the 
legislature  of  Ohio,  when  I  was  a  candidate  for  the  Senate,  to 
the  date  of  his  death,  I  had  every  opportunity  to  study  his 
character.  He  was  a  large,  well  developed,  handsome  man, 
with  a  pleasing  address  and  a,  natural  gift  for  oratory.  Many 
of  his  speeches  were  models  of  eloquence.  These  qualities 
naturally  made  him  popular.  But  his  will  power  was  not 
equal  to  his  personal  magnetism.  He  easily  changed  his  mind, 
and  honestly  veered  from  one  impulse  to  another.  This,  I 
think,  will  be  admitted  by  his  warmest  friends.  During  the 
trying  period  between  his  election  and  inauguration  his  opin 
ions  wavered,  but  Blaine,  having  similar  personal  qualities,  but 
a  stronger  will,  gained  a  powerful  influence  with  him.  When 
I  proposed  to  him  to  be  a  delegate  at  large  to  the  Chicago 
convention,  he  no  doubt  meant  in  good  faith  to  support  my 
nomination.  When  his  own  nomination  seemed  probable  he 
acquiesced  in,  and  perhaps  contributed  to  it,  but  after  his  elec 
tion  he  was  chiefly  guided  by  his  brilliant  Secretary  of  State. 

There  was  a  striking  contrast  between  the  personal  quali 
ties  of  Garfield  and  Hayes.  Hayes  was  a  modest  man,  but  a 
very  able  one.  He  had  none  of  the  brilliant  qualities  of  his 
successor,  but  his  judgment  was  always  sound,  and  his  opinion, 
when  once  formed,  was  stable  and  consistent.  He  was  a  grad 
uate  of  Kenyon  college  and  the  law  school  at  Cambridge.  He 
had  held  several  local  offices  in  Cincinnati,  had  served  with 
high  credit  in  the  Union  army,  and  had  attained  the  rank  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  635 

major  general  by  conspicuous  heroism  in  battle.  He  had  been 
twice  elected  a  Member  of  Congress  from  Cincinnati  and  three 
times  as  Governor  of  Ohio,  and  in  1876  was  elected  President 
of  the  United  States.  The  contest  which  was  ended  by  his 
inauguration  has  already  been  referred  to.  During  his  entire 
term,  our  official  and  personal  relations  were  not  only  cordial, 
but  as  close  and  intimate  as  those  of  brothers  could  be.  I  never 
took  an  important  step  in  the  process  of  resumption  and 
refunding,  though  the  law  vested  the  execution  of  these  meas 
ures  in  my  office,  without  consulting  him.  Yet,  while  express 
ing  his  opinion,  he  said  this  business  must  be  conducted  by  me, 
and  that  I  was  responsible. 

Early  in  his  administration  we  formed  the  habit  of  taking 
long  drives  on  each  Sunday  afternoon,  in  the  environs  of  Wash 
ington.  He  was  a  regular  attendant  with  Mrs.  Hayes,  every 
Sunday  morning,  at  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church,  of  which 
she  was  a  member.  This  duty  being  done  we  felt  justified  in 
seeking  the  seclusion  of  the  country  for  long  talks  about  cur 
rent  measures  and  policy.  Each  of  us  was  prepared  with  a 
memorandum  of  queries.  My  coachman,  who  has  been  with  me 
for  twenty  years,  could  neither  heed  nor  hear.  We  did  not 
invade  any  of  the  departments  of  the  government  outside  of 
the  treasury  and  his  official  functions  as  President.  This 
exchange  of  opinion  was  of  service  to  the  public,  and  gave  to 
each  of  us  the  benefit  of  an  impartial  opinion  from  the  other. 

Among  the  multitude  of  public  men  I  have  met  I  have  known 
no  one  who  held  a  higher  sense  of  his  duty  to  his  country,  and 
more  faithfully  discharged  that  duty,  than  President  Hayes. 
He  came  into  his  great  office  with  the  prejudice  of  a  powerful 
party  against  him,  caused  by  a  close  and  disputed  election. 
This  was  unjust  to  him,  for  the  decision  was  made  by  a  tri 
bunal  created  mainly  by  its  representatives.  He  went  out  of 
the  office  at  the  close  of  his  term  with  the  hearty  respect  of 
the  American  people,  and  his  administration  may  be  placed  as 
among  the  most  beneficial  and  satisfactory  in  the  history  of 
the  republic. 

When  near  the  close  of  his  term,  he  gave  the  usual  dinner 
to  the  members  of  the  outgoing  and  the  incoming  cabinets.  It 


636  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  purely  an  official  dinner,  but  Hayes  said  there  were  two 
gentlemen  present  who  were  not  in  office.  We  looked 
around  to  see  who  the  unhappy  two  were,  and  found  they 
were  Garfield  and  myself.  Garfield  had  not  yet  become  Presi 
dent  and  I  had  resigned  as  secretary  the  day  before.  This 
happened  to  be  the  only  day  that  I  was  not  in  public  office 
since  March  4,  1855. 

On  the  3rd  of  March  I  delivered  to  the  President  my  resig 
nation,  as  follows : 

WASHINGTON,  March  3. 
HON.  R.  B.  HAYES,  President  United  States. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :• — Having  been  elected  a  Member  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  I  have  the  honor  to  resign  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  to  take  effect  this  day.  In  thus  severing  our  official  relations,  I 
avail  myself  of  the  opportunity  to  express  my  grateful  appreciation  and 
heartfelt  thanks  for  the  support  and  assistance  you  have  uniformly  given  me 
in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  that  office.  I  shall  ever  cherish  with 
pleasant  memories  my  friendly  association  with  you  as  a  member  of  your 
cabinet,  and  shall  follow  you  in  your  retirement  from  your  great  office  with 
my  best  wishes  and  highest  regards. 

Very  truly  your  friend,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

During  my  service  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  I  had  been 
arraigned  in  every  issue  of  the  Sunday  "  Capital,"  a  newspaper 
published  in  Washington,  in  the  severest  terms  of  denunciation, 
by  Don  Piatt,  the  owner  of  the  paper.  He  was  a  brilliant  but 
erratic  writer,  formerly  a  member  of  the  Ohio  legislature  and  a 
native  of  that  state.  I  believed  that  his  animosity  to  me  grew 
out  of  my  reelection  to  the  Senate  in  1865,  when  General 
Schenck,  who  was  warmly  supported  by  Piatt,  was  my  com 
petitor.  Schenck  and  I  always  maintained  friendly  relations. 
He  served  his  district  long  and  faithfully  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  was  a  brilliant  debater,  had  the  power  of  condensing 
a  statement  or  argument  in  the  fewest  possible  words,  and 
uttering  them  with  effective  force.  Next  to  Mr.  Corwin,  and 
in  some  respects  superior  to  him,  Schenck  was  ranked  as  the 
ablest  Member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  from  Ohio  dur 
ing  his  period  of  active  life,  from  1840  to  his  death,  at  Wash 
ington,  D.  C.,  March  23,  1890.  Schenck  freely  forgave  me  for 
his  defeat,  but  Piatt  never  did. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  637 

At  the  close  of  my  term  as  secretary,  much  to  my  surprise, 
Piatt  wrote  and  published  in  his  paper  an  article,  a  portion  of 
which  I  trust  I  will  be  pardoned  for  inserting  here  : 

"  When  John  Sherman  took  the  treasury,  in  March,  1877,  it  was  plain 
that  the  piece  de  resistance  of  his  administration  would  be  the  experiment  of 
the  resumption  act,  which  John,  as  chairman  of  the  Senate  finance  committee, 
had  elaborated  two  years  before,  and  which  was  then  just  coming  upon  the 
threshold  of  practical  test.  The  question  at  issue  was  whether  resumption 
of  specie  payments,  after  eighteen  years  of  suspension,  could  be  accomplished 
through  the  operation  of  laws  of  Congress,  which,  if  not  absolutely  in  con 
flict  with  the  laws  of  political  economy,  were,  to  every  visible  appearance, 
several  years  in  advance  of  them.  Of  course,  the  primary  effect  of  the  ap 
preciation  of  our  paper  towards  par  with  the  standard  of  coin  was  the 
enhancement  of  the  purchasing  power  of  the  circulating  medium.  That 
made  it  hard  to  pay  debts  which  had  been  contracted  on  low  scales  of  pur 
chasing  power.  That  which  had  been  bought  for  a  dollar  worth  sixty  cents, 
must  be  paid  for  with  a  dollar  worth  eighty,  ninety,  or  a  hundred  cents, 
according  to  the  date  at  which  the  contract  matured.  Of  course,  such  a 
proceeding  created  an  awful  squeeze.  Many  men,  struggling  under  loads 
of  debt,  found  the  weight  of  their  obligations  growing  upon  them  faster 
than  their  power  to  meet,  and  they  succumbed. 

"  For  all  this  John  Sherman  was  blamed.  He  was  named  '  The  Wrecker,' 
and  the  maledictions  poured  upon  his  head  during  the  years  1877  and  1878 
could  not  be  measured.  Every  day  the  columns  of  the  press  recorded  new  fail 
ures,  and  every  failure  added  to  the  directory  of  John  Sherman's  maledictors. 
But  the  man  persevered.  And  now,  looking  back  over  the  record  of  those  two 
years,  with  all  their  stifled  ambitions  and  ruined  hopes,  the  grim  resolution 
with  which  John,  deafening  his  ears  to  the  cry  of  distress  from  every  quarter, 
kept  his  eye  fixed  upon  the  single  object  of  his  endeavor,  seems  hardly 
human — certainly  not  humane.  And  yet  there  are  few  reasoning  men  to  be 
found  now  ready  to  deny  that  it  was  for  the  best,  and,  taken  all  in  all,  a 
benefaction  to  the  country  ;  one  of  those  sad  cases,  in  fact,  where  it  is  nec 
essary  to  be  cruel  in  order  to  be  kind. 

"  We  were  not  a  supporter  of  John  Sherman's  policy  at  any  period  of  its 
crucial  test.  We  did  not  believe  that  his  gigantic  experiment  could  be 
brought  to  a  successful  conclusion.  The  absurd  currency  theories  which 
were  from  time  to  time  set  up  in  antagonism  to  his  policy  never  impressed 
us ;  our  disbelief  was  based  upon  our  fear  that  the  commercial  and  industrial 
wreckage,  consequent  upon  an  increase  of  forty  per  cent,  in  the  purchasing 
power  of  money  within  three  years,  would  be  infinitely  greater  than  it  turned 
out  to  be,  and,  so  being,  would  overwhelm  the  country  in  one  common  ruin. 
But  we  were  mistaken.  John  Sherman  wras  right.  And  it  is  but  common 
frankness  to  say  of  him,  even  as  one  would  give  the  devil  his  due,  that  he 


RECOLLECTIONS 

builded  wiser  than  we  knew  —  possibly  wiser  than  he  knew  himself.  At  all 
events,  John  builded  wisely. 

"He  took  the  treasury  at  a  period  when  it  was  little  more  than  a  great 
national  bank  of  discount,  with  rates  varying  from  day  to  day;  the  coin 
standard  a  commodity  of  speculation  on  Wall  street;  the  credit  of  the  gov 
ernment  a  football  in  the  markets  of  the  world;  and  our  bonds  begging  favor 
of  European  capitalists.  He  leaves  it  what  it  ought  to  be — a  treasury  pure 
and  simple,  making  no  discounts,  offering  no  concessions,  asking  no  favors; 
the  board  that  once  speculated  in  coin  as  a  commodity  abolished,  doors 
closed  by  reason  of  occupation  gone;  the  credit  of  our  government  at  the 
head  of  the  list  of  Christendom;  since  we  are  launching  at  par  a  three  per 
cent,  consol,  which  even  England,  banking  house  of  the  universe,  has  never 
yet  been  able  to  maintain  steadily  above  97. 

"  This  is  no  small  achievement  to  stand  as  the  record  of  four  years.  It 
is  an  achievement  that  entitles  the  man  who  accomplished  it  to  rank  as  one 
of  the  four  great  American  financiers  who  really  deserve  the  title — Robert 
Morris,  Albert  Gallatin,  Salmon  P.  Chase  and  John  Sherman. 

"We  take  off  our  hat  to  John;  not  because  we  like  him  personally,  but 
because  we  admire  the  force  of  character,  the  power  of  intellect  and  the 
courage  of  conviction  that  enabled  him  to  face  his  difficulties,  surmount  his 
obstacles  and  overcome  the  resistance  he  met. 

"  The  treasury  he  took  up  in  1877  was  a  battle  ground.  The  treasury 
he  resigns  to  his  successor  in  1881  is  a  well-ordered  machine  of  red  tape  and 
routine,  requiring  for  its  future  successful  administration  little  else  than 
mediocrity,  method  and  laissez  faire.  As  we  said  before,  we  take  off  our 
hat  to  John.  He  is  not  a  magnetic  man  like  Blame,  not  a  lovable  man  like 
our  poor,  dead  friend  Matt.  Carpenter,  not  a  brilliant  man  like  our  Lamar; 
not  like  any  of  these — warm  of  temperament,  captivating  of  presence  or  daz 
zling  of  intellectual  luminosity;  but  he  is  a  great  man,  strong  in  the  cold, 
steadfast  nerve  that  he  inherits  from  his  ancestor,  and  respectable  in  the 
symmetry  of  an  intellect  which,  like  a  marble  masterpiece,  leaves  nothing  to 
regret  except  the  thought  that  its  perfection  excludes  the  blemish  of  a  soul. 
John  Sherman  will  figure  creditably  in  history.  Mankind  soon  forgets  the 
sentimental  acrimony  of  the  moment,  provoked  by  the  suffering  of  harsh 
processes,  and  remembers  only  the  grand  results.  Thus  John  Sherman  will 
figure  in  history  as  the  man  who  resumed  specie  payments;  and  in  that  the 
visiting  statesman  of  1876  and  the  wrecker  of  1877-78  will  be  forgotten. 
We  congratulate  John  upon  his  translation  into  the  history  of  success  as 
heartily  as  if  we  had  been  his  supporter  in  the  midst  of  all  his  tribulations. 
Bully  for  John." 

George  Bancroft,  the  eminent  historian,  lived  in  Washing 
ton  many  years  during  the  latter  part  of  his  life.  His  house 
was  always  an  attractive  and  hospitable  one.  I  had  many  in 
teresting  conversations  with  him,  mainly  on  historical  subjects. 


V**- 


/ 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  639 

Both  of  us  carefully  eschewed  politics,  for  to  the  end  of  his 
life,  I  think,  he  always  regarded  himself  as  a  Democrat.  I 
insert  an  autograph  letter  from  him,  written  at  the  age  of 
eighty-one. 

1623  H  STREET,  ) 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  22,  1881.  J 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SHERMAN:  —  I  thank  you  very  much-  for  the  complete 
statement,  you  were  so  very  good  as  to  send  me,  of  the  time  and  amounts  of 
payments  made  to  Washington  as  President.  Congratulating  you  on  the 
high  state  of  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  I  remain,  ever,  dear  Mr.  Sec 
retary,  Very  truly  yours,  GEO.  BANCROFT. 

Before  closing  my  recollections  of  the  administration  of 
President  Hayes  I  ought  to  express  my  high  appreciation  of  my 
colleagues  in  his  cabinet.  It  was  throughout  his  term  a  happy 
family.  I  do  not  recall  a  single  incident  that  disturbed  the 
sincere  friendship  of  its  members,  nor  any  clashing  of  opinion 
that  produced  discord  or  contention.  Neither  interfered  with 
the  duties  of  the  other.  The  true  rule  was  acted  upon  that  the 
head  of  each  department  should  submit  to  the  President  his 
view  of  any  important  question  that  arose  in  his  department. 
If  the  President  wished  the  opinion  of  his  cabinet  on  any 
question,  he  submitted  it  to  the  cabinet  but  took  the  responsi 
bility  of  deciding  it  after  hearing  their  opinions.  It  was  the 
habit  of  each  head  of  a  department  to  present  any  question 
of  general  interest  in  his  department,  but  as  a  rule  he  decided 
it  with  the  approbation  of  the  President.  Evarts  was  always 
genial  and  witty.  McCrary  was  an  excellent  Secretary  of  War. 
He  was  sensible,  industrious  and  prudent.  Thompson  was  a 
charming  old  gentleman  of  pleasing  manners  and  address,  a 
good  advocate  and  an  eloquent  orator,  who  had  filled  many 
positions  of  honor  and  trust.  The  President  regretted  his  res 
ignation,  to  engage  in  the  abortive  scheme  of  De  Lesseps  to 
construct  the  Panama  Canal.  Attorney  General  Devens  was  a 
good  lawyer  and  judge  and  an  accomplished  gentleman.  He 
frequently  assisted  me  in  my  resumption  and  refunding  opera 
tions,  and,  fortunately  for  me,  he  agreed  with  me  in  my  opin 
ions  as  to  the  legality  and  expedience  of  the  measures  adopted. 
General  Carl  Schurz  was  a  brilliant  and  able  man  and  dis- 


640  RECOLLECTIONS 

charged  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  the  Interior  with  ability.  I 
had  known  him  in  the  Senate  as  an  admirable  and  eloquent 
debater,  but  in  the  cabinet  he  was  industrious  and  practical 
and  heartily  supported  the  policy  of  the  President  and  was 
highly  esteemed  by  him.  Key,  of  Tennessee,  was  selected  as  a 
moderate  Democrat  to  represent  the  south.  This  was  an  ex 
periment  in  cabinet  making,  cabinets  being  usual]  y  composed 
of  members  of  the  same  party  as  the  President,  but  Key  proved 
to  be  a  good  and  popular  officer.  The  two  vacancies  that  oc 
curred  by  the  resignations  of  McCrary  and  Thompson  were 
acceptably  filled  by  Governor  Ramsey,  of  Minnesota,  and  Goff, 
of  West  Virginia.  Each  of  these  gentlemen  contributed  to  the 
success  of  Hayes'  administration,  and  each  of  them  heartily 
sympathized  with,  and  supported  the  measures  of,  the  treasury 
department. 

On  the  4th  day  of  March,  1881, 1  attended  the  special  session 
of  the  Senate,  called  by  President  Hayes,  and  took  the  oath 
prescribed  by  law.  In  conformity  with  the  usages  of  the  Sen 
ate,  I  lost  my  priority  on  the  committee  on  finance  by  the  in 
terregnum  in  my  service,  but  was  made  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  on  the  library,  and  a  member  of  the  committees  on 
finance,  rules,  and  privileges  and  elections.  Mr.  Morrill,  of 
Vermont,  became  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance,  and, 
by  the  courtesy  of  the  other  members,  I  was  placed  next  to 
him  on  that  committee.  Our  relations  since  our  entrance  to 
gether,  in  1854,  into  the  House  of  Representatives  had  been  so 
intimate  and  cordial  that  it  made  no  practical  difference  which 
of  us  sat  at  the  head  of  the  table.  When  I  recalled  the  facts 
that  in  both  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  I  had 
been  chairman  of  the  financial  committee,  and  Mr.  Morrill  a 
member,  that  my  service  in  the  treasury  department  did  not 
impair  my  fitness  as  chairman,  but  rather  improved  it,  and 
that  under  precisely  the  same  conditions  I  had  restored  to  Mr. 
Fessenden  his  former  position,  I  felt  piqued,  but  my  feelings 
did  not  extend  to  Mr.  Morrill,  for  whom  I  had  the  highest  re 
spect  and  confidence,  and  with  whom  I  rarely  differed  on  any 
public  question.  He  is  now  the  Nestor  of  the  Senate,  wonder 
fully  vigorous  in  mind  and  body. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  641 

The  chief  subject  of  political  interest  in  this  session  was 
the  attitude  of  William  Mahone,  a  Senator  from  Virginia.  He 
had  been  a  distinguished  officer  in  the  Confederate  army,  was 
a  small  man  physically,  but  of  wonderful  vitality,  of  undoubted 
courage  and  tenacity.  He  had  broken  from  the  Democratic 
party,  of  which  he  had  been  a  member,  and  had  been  elected 
a  Senator  on  local  issues  in  Virginia,  arising  chiefly  out  of  the 
debt  of  that  state.  When  he  entered  the  Senate,  that  body 
was  so  equally  divided  that  his  vote  would  determine  which 
party  should  have  the  control  of  its  organization.  He  quickly 
made  his  choice.  He  was  viciously  assailed  by  Senator  Hill,  of 
Georgia,  who,  not  by  name  but  by  plain  inference,  charged 
Mahone  with  disgracing  the  commission  he  held.  The  reply  of 
Mahone  was  dramatic  and  magnetic.  His  long  hair,  his  pecul 
iar  dress  and  person,  and  his  bold  and  aggressive  language,  at 
tracted  the  attention  and  sympathy  of  the  Senate  and  the 
galleries.  He  opened  his  brief  speech  as  follows : 

"  Mr.  president,  the  Senator  has  assumed  not  only  to  be  the  custodian 
here  of  the  Democratic  party  of  this  nation,  but  he  has  dared  to  assert  his 
right  to  speak  for  a  constituency  that  I  have  the  privilege,  the  proud  and 
honorable  privilege  on  this  floor,  of  representing  without  his  assent,  without 
the  assent  of  such  Democracy  as  he  speaks  for.  I  owe  them,  sir,  I  owe  you 
[addressing  Mr.  Hill],  and  those  for  whom  you  undertake  to  speak,  nothing 
in  this  chamber.  I  came  here,  sir,  as  a  Virginian,  to  represent  my  people, 
not  to  represent  that  Democracy  for  which  you  stand.  I  come  with  as  proud 
a  claim  to  represent  that  people  as  you  to  represent  the  people  of  Georgia, 
won  on  fields  where  I  have  vied  with  Georgians  whom  I  commanded  and 
others  in  the  cause  of  my  people  and  of  their  section  in  the  late  unhappy  con 
test,  but,  thank  God,  for  the  peace  and  the  good  of  the  country  that  contest 
is  over,  and  as  one  of  those  who  engaged  in  it,  and  who  has  neither  here  nor 
elsewhere  any  apology  to  make  for  the  part  taken,  I  am  here  by  my  humble 
efforts  to  bring  peace  to  this  whole  country,  peace  and  good  will  between 
the  sections,  not  here  as  a  partisan,  not  here  to  represent  the  Bourbonism 
which  has  done  so  much  injury  to  my  section  of  the  country." 

The  debate  that  followed  soon  settled  the  position  of  General 
Mahone.  He  acted  with  the  Eepublican  party.  During  the 
whole  of  this  session,  which  extended  to  May  20,  little  was 
done  except  to  debate  Virginia  politics,  of  which  Mahone  was 
the  center.  His  vote  was  decisive  of  nearly  every  question 
presented.  I  took  part  in  the  long  debate  on  the  election  of 

S.-41 


G  42  RECOLLECTIONS 

officers  of  the  Senate,  mainly  with  Senator  Bayard.  My  sym 
pathy  was  with  Mahone,  as  I  felt  that,  whatever  his  view  of  the 
debt  question  in  Virginia  was,  he  was  right  on  the  reconstruc 
tion  of  the  south  and  in  opposition  to  the  bitter  sectionalism 
of  the  Democratic  party  in  that  state.  In  replying  to  Mr. 
Bayard  I  said  that  I  agreed  with  him  in  the  principle  that  the 
majority  must  rule.  I  claimed,  however,  that  when  the  action 
of  a  minority  went  beyond  a  reasonable  delay  it  became  revo 
lution  and,  in  a  word,  it  was  worse  than  revolution,  it  was 
treason;  that  under  the  senate  rules,  and  in  conformity  with 
them,  this  government  might  be  as  absolutely  destroyed  as  the 
southern  Confederates  would  have  destroyed  it  if  they  had  suc 
ceeded  ;  that  the  rules  were  intended  to  be  construed  with 
reason  and  judgment;  that  the  minority  had  certain  rights  to 
interpose  dilatory  motions  in  order  to  delay  and  weary  out  the 
will  of  the  majority,  but  when  it  went  beyond  that  limit  it 
entered  upon  dangerous  ground;  that  the  simple  question  was 
whether  the  Senate  should  elect  its  officers  by  a  majority  vote 
or  whether  the  minority  should  force  the  retention  of  those 
then  in  office.  The  session  closed  without  electing  officers  of 
the  Senate,  and  was  in  substance  a  debating  society  doing 
nothing  but  talk  and  acting  upon  presidential  appointments. 

The  cabinet  of  President  Garfield,  as  finally  selected,  was  a 
good  one  and  was  promptly  confirmed.  Mr.  Blaine,  for  the 
head  of  it,  was  determined  upon  early  after  the  election,  but 
the  other  members  were  not  decided  upon  until  near  the 
inauguration.  Mr.  Windom  certainly  proved  himself  a  very 
able  and  accomplished  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  during  the 
short  period  of  his  tenure.  As  I  held  myself  in  a  large  measure 
responsible  for  his  appointment,  I  took  a  great  interest  in  his 
success.  He  conferred  with  me  freely  about  the  best  mode  of  re 
funding  the  large  amount  of  bonds  that  became  due  on  or  before 
the  1st  of  July.  Congress  having  failed  to  pass  any  law  to  pro 
vide  for  the  refunding  of  this  debt,  he  resorted  to  an  ingenious 
expedient,  which  answered  the  purpose  of  refunding.  Under  a 
plan  which  was  his  own  device  there  were  called  in,  for  abso 
lute  payment  on  July  1,  1881,  about  $200,000,000  of  bonds, 
mainly  the  six  per  cent,  bonds  of  1861,  but  permission  was 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  64o 

given  to  the  holders  of  the  bonds  to  have  them  continued  at 
the  pleasure  of  the  government,  with  interest  at  the  rate  of 
three  and  a  half  per  cent,  per  annum,  provided  the  holder 
should  so  request,  and  the  bonds  should  be  received  at  the 
treasury  for  that  purpose  on  or  before  the  10th  of  May,  1881. 
The  plan  proved  entirely  satisfactory.  There  were  presented 
in  due  time,  for  continuance  at  three  and  a  half  per  cent.,  the 
amount  of  $178,055,150  of  bonds,  leaving  to  be  paid  off  from 
surplus  revenue  $24,211,400,  for  which  the  treasury  had  ample 
resources.  Having  succeeded  in  disposing  of  the  six  per  cent, 
bonds,  he  gave  notice  that  the  coupon  five  per  cent,  bonds  of 
the  loans  of  July  14,  1870,  and  January  20,  1871,  would  be  paid 
on  August  12,  1881,  with  a  like  privilege  of  continuing  the 
bonds  at  three  and  a  half  per  cent,  to  such  of  the  holders  as 
might  present  them  for  that  purpose  on  or  before  July  1,  1881. 
At  the  same  time  the  treasurer  offered  to  receive  for  contin 
uance  any  of  the  uncalled  registered  bonds  of  that  loan  to  an 
amount  not  exceeding  $250,000,000,  the  remainder  of  the  loan 
being  reserved  with  a  view  to  its  payment  from  the  surplus 
revenues. 

The  annual  saving  in  interest  by  the  continuance  of  these 
bonds  amounted  to  $10,473,952.25.  I  heartily  approved  this 
plan.  In  a  reported  interview  of  the  14th  of  April  I  said : 

"  I  see  no  difficulty  in  fully  carrying"  out  Secretary  Windom's  policy,  so 
far  as  developed.  He  has  ample  means  for  reducing1  the  interest  on  the  five 
and  six  per  cent,  bonds.  He  can  pay  off  all  those  who  wish  to  be  paid  in 
money,  in  strict  accordance  with  the  terms  of  these  bonds,  leaving  the  mass 
of  them  at  three  and  a  half  per  cent,  interest,  payable  at  the  pleasure  of 
Congress.  This  is  not  only  for  the  public  interest,  but  is  on  the  clear  line 
of  his  power  and  duty.  Indeed,  I  think  it  is  better  for  the  country  than  any 
refunding  plan  that  would  be  carried  out  under  a  new  law.  The  old  securi 
ties  remain  as  redeemable  bonds,  bearing  as  low  a  rate  of  interest  as  any  new 
bonds  would  bear,  which  could  now  be  sold  at  par,  and  they  are  more  readily 
payable  with  surplus  revenue  than  any  new  bonds  could  be.  If  it  should 
appear  next  session  that  a  three  per  cent,  bond  would  sell  at  par,  that  can 
be  authorized.  Secretary  Windom  is  cautious  and  careful,  and  has  done  the 
very  best  for  the  public  that  is  possible." 

"  Do  you  think  the  public  will  be  likely  to  respond  largely  to  his  efforts?" 
"  Yes,  I  have  no  doubt  about  it,  unless  an  unforeseen  or  sudden  revulsion 
occurs." 


644  RECOLLECTIONS 

Mr.  Windom  demonstrated  his  ability,  not  only  in  the  plan 
of  refunding  the  debt,  but  in  the  general  conduct  and  manage 
ment  of  his  department. 

The  administration  of  Garfield  encountered  the  same  diffi 
culty  as  that  of  Hayes  in  the  selection  of  officers  in  the  State 
of  New  York.  The  question  was,  whether  appointments  in 
New  York  should  be  made  by  the  President  or  by  a  Senator 
from  that  state.  E.  A.  Merritt,  collector  of  the  port  of  New 
York,  having  been  nominated  for  consul  general  at  London, 
William  H.  Kobertson  was  nominated  to  the  Senate  in  his  place. 
When  the  Senate  considered  this  nomination  Senator  Conk- 
ling  and  his  colleague,  Senator  Platt,  opposed  it,  not  for 
unfitness,  but  for  the  reason  that  they  had  not  been  con 
sulted  in  the  matter,  and  that  the  selection  was  an  insult  and 
in  violation  of  pledges  given  Conkling  by  the  President. 
When  this  opposition  was  known,  the  President  withdrew 
previous  appointments  from  that  state,  in  order  that  the 
Senate  might  act  upon  the  nomination  of  collector  and 
definitely  determine  whether  he  or  the  Senators  should  ap 
point  United  States  officers  in  New  York.  Finding  the  nom 
ination  of  Robertson  would  be  confirmed,  both  Senators 
resigned  on  the  16th  of  May,  and  made  their  appeal  to  the 
legislature  of  New  York  for  reelection.  If  they  had  been 
returned  to  the  Senate,  the  President  would  have  been  power 
less  to  appoint  anyone  in  New  York  without  consulting  the 
Senators,  practically  transferring  to  them  his  constitutional 
power.  Fortunately  for  the  country  the  legislature  of  New 
York  elected  E.  0.  Lapham  and  Warner  Miller  in  the  places  of 
Conkling  and  Platt. 

How  far,  if  at  all,  the  excitement  of  this  contest  led  to  the 
assassination  of  Garfield  by  Guiteau  cannot  be  known;  yet, 
this  tragedy  occurring  soon  after  the  contest,  the  popular 
mind  connected  the  two  events,  and  the  horror  and  detesta 
tion  of  the  murder  emphasized  the  rejection  of  Conkling  and 
Platt. 

The  action  of  the  President  and  of  the  New  York  legis 
lature  contributed  to  check  the  interference  of  Senators  in 
appointments  to  office,  which  had  grown  up,  under  what  is 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  645 

called  "  the  courtesy  of  the  Senate,"  to  be  a  serious  abuse.  The 
nomination  of  Stanley  Matthews,  eminently  fitted  for  the 
office  of  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  was  confirmed  by  a 
majority  of  only  one  vote,  the  objections  to  him  being  chiefly 
such  as  did  not  relate  to  his  fitness  or  qualifications  for  that 
great  office,  but  grew  out  of  his  intimate  relations  with  Hayes. 


CHAPTER   XLII. 

ASSASSINATION  OF  GARFIELD  AND  EVENTS  FOLLOWING. 

I  Return  to  Mansfield  for  a  Brief  Period  of  Rest  —  Selected  as  Presiding  Officei 
of   the   Ohio   State   Convention  —  My    Address   to  the   Delegates   Indorsing 
Garfield  and  Governor  Foster  —  Kenyon  College  Confers  on  Me  the  De 
gree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  —  News  of  the  Assassination  of  the  Presi 
dent —  How  He  Differed  from  Blaine — Visit  of  General  Sherman 
—  Reception  by  Old  Soldiers  —  My  Trip  to  Yellowstone  Park 
—  Speechmaking  at  Salt  Lake  City  —  Return  Home  — 
Opening  of  the  Ohio  Campaign  —  Death  of  Garfield. 

AFTER  the  adjournment  of  the  Senate  I  went  to  Mans 
field,   and  enjoyed  the   comfort  and  quiet  of  home 
life  after  the  turbulence  and  anxiety  of  four  years  of 
severe  labor  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.     The  state 
convention  was  to  be  held  at  Cleveland  on  the  18th  of  June. 
There  were  signs  of  disaffection  growing  out  of  the  events  of 
the  past  year,  which  threatened  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  the 
Republican  party.    I  determined  to  do  all  I  could  to  allay  this, 
and  for  that  purpose  to  attend  the  convention  as  a  delegate 
and  promote,  as  far  as  I  could,  the  renomination  of  Governor 
Foster.    When  the  convention  met  I  was  selected  as  its  presi 
dent,  and  in  my  speech  I  took  care  to  express  my  support  of 
Governor  Foster  and  the  administration  of  Garfield. 

I  said  that  Governor  Foster  was  entitled  to  renomination, 
and  I  believed  would  receive  it  at  the  hands  of  the  convention, 
that  his  able  and  earnest  canvass  two  years  before  had  laid  the 
foundation  for  a  great  victory,  culminating  in  the  election  of 
Garfield  as  President.  I  called  attention  to  the  achievements 
of  the  Republican  party  during  the  past  twenty-five  years  in 
war  and  in  peace.  I  warned  the  convention  that  there  was 
no  room  in  Ohio,  or  in  this  country,  for  a  "boss,"  or  a  leader 
who  commands  and  dictates,  and  said :  "  The  man  who  aspires 

(846) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  647 

to  it  had  better  make  his  will  beforehand."  I  congratulated 
the  convention  upon  the  auspicious  opening  of  the  administra 
tion  of  President  Garfield  and  said : 

"  We  know  office-seeking  is  undoubtedly  the  proper  pursuit  of  mankind. 
There  may  be  some  disappointments,  because  there  are  fewer  places  to  fill 
than  men  willing  to  fill  them.  But,  in  the  main,  the  general  principles  and 
policy  of  this  administration  are  in  harmony  with  the  aspirations  of  the  Re 
publican  party.  The  financial  policy  of  the  last  administration  has  been  sup 
plemented  by  the  reduction  of  the  rate  of  interest  on  $500,000,000  of  the 
public  securities  from  five  and  six  per  cent,  to  three  and  a  half  per  cent.  This 
wise  measure  has  been  carefully  and  most  skillfully  managed  by  Secretary 
Windom,  an  Ohio  boy.  .  .  .  They  are  saving  $15,000,000  a  year,  and  now 
the  debt  which  frightened  brave  men  fifteen  years  ago  has  melted  away  like 
snow  before  a  summer  sun,  no  longer  frightening  the  timid.  And  now  the 
tax  on  whisky  will  pay  the  interest  on  the  public  debt. 

"  The  people  of  Ohio  are  satisfied  with  the  administration,  I  believe,  as  it 
now  stands.  I  believe  I  can  say,  in  advance  of  the  resolution  that  has  been, 
or  that  will  be,  offered,  that  President  Garfield  has  the  emphatic  approval  of  the 
Republicans  of  Ohio  in  the  course  he  has  pursued  thus  far.  Let  him  further  ad 
vance  the  public  credit ;  let  him  punish  all  who  do  wrong  ;  let  him  give  us  an 
administration  pure,  simple  and  republican,  wrorthy  of  a  nation  like  ours,  and 
we  will  send  him  our  approval  twice  over  again.  But,  we  have  something  to 
do  in  this  task.  We  have  got  to  emphasize  our  approval  by  indorsing  this 
administration  in  the  election  of  the  Republican  ticket  this  fall.  This  is  no 
child's  play.  We  know  of  the  good  work  of  the  Republican  party,  that  it  has 
a  powerful  constituency  behind  it,  we  dare  not  do  anything  wrong,  or  they 
will  push  us  from  our  positions,  if  we  do  not  behave  ourselves.  Let  us,  then, 
do  our  part ;  work  as  Republicans  of  Ohio  know  how  to  work,  and  victory  will 
perch  upon  our  banners." 

The  proceedings  of  the  convention,  from  beginning  to  end, 
were  conducted  without  any  serious  division  or  excitement. 
The  threatened  outbreak  against  Foster  did  not  occur.  Upon 
the  close  of  my  speech  I  announced  that  the  first  business  in 
order  was  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  governor.  Foster 
was  nominated  by  acclamation,  without  a  dissenting  voice.  The 
rest  of  the  ticket  was  composed  of  popular  candidates,  and  an 
exceptionally  good  platform  was  adopted. 

In  the  latter  part  of  June,  I  attended  alumni  day  of  Kenyon 
college,  in  company  with  ex-President  Hayes  and  many  lead 
ing  men  of  Ohio.  Delano  Hall,  the  gift  of  Columbus  Delano, 
and  Hubbard  Hall  were  dedicated  with  appropriate  services, 


648  RECOLLECTIONS 

conducted  by  Bishop  Bedell  and  President  Bodine.  On  this  occa 
sion  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  was  conferred  upon  me,  and 
I  told  the  faculty  how  earnestly  I  had  wished  to  graduate  in 
their  college,  and  why  I  could  not  do  so.  Frank  Hurd  and  Mr. 
Hayes,  both  graduates,  made  interesting  addresses.  This  col 
lege  was  founded  mainly  upon  liberal  contributions  to  Bishop 
Chase,  by  Lord  Kenyon  and  other  Englishmen.  Its  governing 
power  was  the  Episcopal  church.  It  has  had  many  vicissitudes 
of  prosperity  and  depression,  but  has  never  realized  the  hopes 
of  its  founders.  It  is  one  of  many  colleges  of  Ohio,  excellent 
in  their  way,  but  if  their  limited  resources  had  been  com 
bined  in  one  great  university,  free  from  sectarian  influence,  the 
result  would,  in  my  opinion,  have  been  much  better  for  the 
youth  of  Ohio. 

During  this  period  I  was  busy  putting  my  country  house  in 
order.  I  was  literally  "  repairing  my  fences."  The  absence, 
during  four  years,  of  Mrs.  Sherman  and  myself  made  a  great 
change  in  the  condition  of  my  house,  grounds  and  farm.  The 
work  of  restoration  was  a  pleasant  one,  and  I  was  relieved  from 
appeals  for  appointments,  from  the  infinite  details  of  an  exact 
ing  office,  and  still  more  from  the  grave  responsibility  of  deal 
ing  with  vast  sums,  in  which,  however  careful  I  might  be,  and 
free  from  fault,  I  was  subject  to  imputations  and  innuendoes 
by  every  writer  who  disapproved  of  my  policy. 

I  was  arranging  for  a  trip  to  Yellowstone  Park,  was  receiv 
ing  visitors  from  abroad  daily,  and  mixing  with  my  neighbors 
and  fellow-townsmen,  congratulating  myself  upon  a  period  of 
rest  and  recreation,  when,  on  the  2nd  of  July,  I  received  from 
General  Sherman  the  announcement,  by  telegram,  that  Garfield 
had  been  shot  by  Guiteau,  and  that  the  wound  was  dangerous, 
and  perhaps  fatal.  The  full  details  of  this  crime  were  soon 
given.  I  started  to  go  to  Washington,  but  returned  when  ad 
vised  that  I  could  be  of  no  service,  but  continued  to  receive 
from  General  Sherman  frequent  bulletins.  The  position  of  the 
fatal  bullet  could  not  be  ascertained,  and  Garfield  lingered  in 
suffering  until  the  19th  of  September,  when  he  died. 

The  death  of  Garfield,  by  the  hand  of  a  half -crazy  crank, 
created  a  profound  impression  throughout  the  civilized  world. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  649 

To  rise  to  such  a  height  as  he  had  attained,  and  then  to  become 
the  victim  of  such  a  wretch,  was  a  calamity  that  excited  pro 
found  sympathy  for  the  President,  and  unusual  detestation  for 
the  murderer.  The  personal  qualities  of  Garfield  have  been 
already  mentioned.  After  his  untimely  death  his  enemies  be 
came  silent.  At  this  distance  of  time  we  can  properly  fix  his 
place  in  the  calendar  of  those  who  have  gone  before.  In  many 
respects,  Garfield  was  like  Elaine,  but  in  his  personal  inter 
course  with  men,  and  in  the  power  of  will,  he  was  not  the 
equal  of  Elaine,  while,  in  style  of  oratory,  in  imagery  and  ex 
pression,  he  was  superior  to  him.  Both  were  eminent  in  their 
day  and  generation.  They  were  my  juniors  about  eight  years, 
yet  they  lived  long  enough  to  permanently  stamp  their  names 
upon  the  history  of  their  country. 

On  the  20th  of  July  General  Sherman  arrived  at  Mansfield 
as  my  visitor.  There  was  much  curiosity  to  see  him,  especially 
by  soldiers  who  had  served  under  his  command.  I  invited 
them  to  call  at  my  house.  On  the  evening  of  the  21st  a  large 
procession  of  soldiers  and  citizens,  headed  by  the  American 
band,  marched  to  my  grounds.  The  general  and  I  met  them  at 
the  portico,  when  Colonel  Fink  stepped  forward  and  made  a 
brief  speech,  saying : 

"  GENERAL  SHERMAN  :  —  We,  the  old  soldiers  of  the  war  for  the  Union, 
of  Richland  county  and  its  surroundings,  together  with  our  citizens,  have 
come  to-day  to  pay  our  respects  to  you. 

"  We  come,  with  feelings  of  profound  regard,  to  see  and  welcome  you, 
our  great  strategic  war  chief,  and  the  hero  of  the  glorious  '  March  to  the  Sea.' 

"  We  greet  you  as  the  general  and  leader  of  all  the  armies  of  our 
country  ;  we  greet  you  as  the  gallant  defender  of  the  flag  ;  we  greet  you  as  the 
brother  of  our  beloved  Senator ;  we  greet  you  as  an  Ohio  man,  but,  above  all, 
we  have  come  to  greet  and  honor  you  for  your  worth  ;  the  man  that  you  are." 

General  Sherman  replied  briefly,  and  as  this  is  the  first 
speech  I  ever  heard  him  make  I  insert  it  here.  He  said: 

"  FELLOW-SOLDIERS  OF  THE  LATE  WAR  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS:  —  It 
gives  me  pleasure  to  meet  you  here  to-night,  in  this  beautiful  grove;  in  this 
inclosure,  at  my  own  brother's  home.  I  am  glad  to  meet  you,  his  neighbors 
and  his  friends.  The  situation  is  a  novel  one  to  me,  and  I  am  deeply  moved 
by  it.  As  I  look  over  you  I  do  not  recognize  the  faces  that  I  used  to  know, 
and  when  riding  about  your  city  to-day,  I  only  found  some  of  the  names  I  then 


650  RECOLLECTIONS 

knew your  Hedges,  your  Parkers,  and  your  Purdys;  for  the  rest  I  had  to 

go  to  your  cemetery,  over  yonder,  and  read  their  names  on  the  tombstones. 
But  you  have  them  still  among  you  in  their  children  and  their  grandchildren. 

"  1  cannot  distinguish  to-night  who  are  and  who  are  not  soldiers,  but  let 
me  say  to  you,  soldiers,  I  am  very  glad  to  meet  you  again,  after  so  many 
years,  in  this  time  of  peace,  when  yet  the  recollection  of  the  hardships  of 
war  is  a  bond  of  comradeship  among  us.  We  fought,  not  for  ourselves 
alone,  but  for  those  who  are  to  come  after  us.  The  clear  old  flag  we  carried 
through  the  storm  of  many  battles,  ready  to  die,  if  need  be,  that  it  might 
still  wave  over  the  government  of  our  fathers. 

"  But  this  is  not  the  time  nor  place  to  recount  the  events  of  the  past.  I 
could  not  now  do  the  subject  justice  if  I  should  try.  I  am  not  accustomed 
to  addressing  mixed  audiences.  My  brother  here  knows  how  to  do  that 
better  than  I,  and  he  understands  you  better.  But  I  want  to  say  to  you: 
Teach  your  children  to  honor  the  flag,  to  respect  the  laws,  and  love  and 
understand  our  institutions,  and  our  glorious  country  will  be  safe  with  them. 

"  My  friends,  I  heartily  appreciate  this  splendid  tribute  of  your  friend 
ship  and  respect.  I  thank  you.  Good-night." 

At  the  conclusion  of  General  Sherman's  speech  he  was 
cheered  vociferously,  after  which  calls  were  made  for  me.  I 
made  a  few  remarks  and  announced  that  the  general  would  be 
glad  to  take  them  all  by  the  hand,  and  as  he  did  so  they  passed 
into  the  dining  room,  where  refreshments  awaited  them.  The 
greetings  and  hand-shaking  lasted  over  an  hour.  In  the  mean 
time  the  *' soldier  boys"  and  others  were  enjoying  the  good 
cheer  within. 

On  the  22nd  of  July  General  Sherman,  with  Colonel  Bacon, 
left  for  Clyde,  Ohio,  and  I  at  the  same  time  started  for  Chicago, 
there  to  be  joined  by  Justice  Strong,  late  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  who  had  recently  retired  at  the  age  of  70,  the  artist 
Bierstadt,  and  Alfred  M.  Hoyt,  of  New  York,  for  a  trip  to  the 
Yellowstone  Park.  We  had  arranged  for  this  trip  months  be 
fore.  Our  plan  was  a  simple  one,  to  go  at  our  convenience  by 
the  Union  Pacific,  the  only  railroad  route  then  open,  to  Salt 
Lake  City,  and  thence  to  Virginia  City,  thence  through  the 
Yellowstone  Park,  and  by  another  route  to  return  to  Virginia 
City,  and  thence  home.  We  were  to  take  the  usual  route  and 
means  of  conveyance  until  we  arrived  at  Virginia  City.  From 
there  we  were  to  have  an  escort,  to  and  through  the  park,  of 
ten  United  States  soldiers  from  Fort  Ellis. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  651 

The  party  met  at  Chicago  and  proceeded  to  Ogden  and  Salt 
Lake  City.  At  the  latter  place  we  casually  met  several  gen 
tlemen  of  our  acquaintance,  especially  General  Harrison,  Eli 
Murray,  Governor  of  the  Territory  of  Utah,  and  General 
McCook,  who  commanded  the  post  in  Salt  Lake  City.  We 
spent  a  day  or  two  in  visiting  the  post  and  city,  and  found  a 
great  improvement  since  my  former  visit.  In  the  evening  we 
were  serenaded  by  the  band  from  the  post,  and  several  gentle 
men  were  called  out  for  speeches  by  the  gathering  crowd.  I 
had  been  met  during  my  stay  there  by  many  people  who 
claimed  to  hail  from  Ohio,  so  that  I  began  to  think  it  was  quite 
an  Ohio  settlement.  In  the  few  remarks  I  made  at  the 
serenade  I  eulogized  Ohio  and  spoke  of  the  number  of  Ohio 
people  I  had  met  in  that  city.  General  McCook  was  called  out, 
and  as  he  was  from  Ohio  he  had  something  to  say  for  that 
state.  General  Harrison  was  called  upon,  and  he  said  that 
while  he  lived  in  Indiana  he  was  born  in  Ohio  and  was  proud 
of  it.  General  Murray  was  next  called  for  and  he  said  that 
while  he  was  born  in  Kentucky  he  lived  so  close  to  Ohio  that 
he  could  throw  a  stone  into  the  state.  So  much  had  been  said 
about  Ohio  that  Judge  Strong  took  offense.  They  called  upon 
him  to  address  the  crowd  from  the  balcony,  but  he  would  not. 
Finally,  upon  my  urging  him  to  speak,  he  rushed  forward  and 
said :  "  I  want  you  to  understand  distinctly  that  I  am  not  from 
Ohio.  I  was  not  born  in  Ohio,  I  never  lived  in  Ohio,  and  don't 
want  to  hear  anything  more  about  Ohio  !  "  This  was  vocifer 
ously  cheered,  and  the  old  gentleman  closed  with  very  propel 
remarks  about  love  for  the  Union  instead  of  for  the  state. 

Since  that  time  I  have  visited  Salt  Lake  City  and  have 
always  been  impressed  with  the  great  value  of  that  region,  not 
only  for  its  mineral  wealth,  but  for  the  possibility  of  great 
agricultural  development  with  proper  irrigation. 

I  cannot  give  here  the  details  of  this  delightful  journey, 
though  it  remains  among  the  most  pleasant  memories  of  my 
life.  It  has  before  and  since  been  made  by  thousands  of  our 
own  people,  and  is  regarded  by  Europeans  as  worth  a  voyage 
across  the  sea.  After  wanderings  through  the  wide  and  won 
derful  region  of  the  northwest  for  a  month,  often  camping  and 


652  RECOLLECTIONS 

accompanied  by  an  escort  of  soldiers,  we  arrived  at  home  about 
August  25th. 

During  my  absence  in  the  Yellowstone  Park  we  had  fre 
quent  bulletins  in  respect  to  President  Garfield,  sometimes 
hopeful  but  generally  despondent.  When  I  returned  it  was 
generally  supposed  that  he  could  not  recover,  but  might  linger 
for  weeks  or  months.  The  public  sympathy  excited  for  him 
suspended  by  common  consent  all  political  meetings.  As  the 
Ohio  election  was  to  occur  on  the  second  Tuesday  of  October, 
George  K.  Nash,  chairman  of  the  Republican  state  committee, 
having  charge  of  the  canvass,  made  a  number  of  appointments 
for  several  gentlemen  during  September.  Among  them  was 
one  for  me  to  speak  at  Mansfield,  on  the  17th  of  that  month,  in 
aid  of  the  election  of  Foster  and  the  Republican  ticket.  Prep 
arations  were  made  and  the  meeting  was  actually  convened 
on  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  but,  as  the  bulletins  from  Elberon 
indicated  that  Garfield  might  die  at  any  moment,  I  declined  to 
speak.  More  favorable  advices  coming,  however,  I  was  urged  by 
the  committee  to  speak  at  Wooster  on  Monday  evening,  Sep 
tember  19,  and  consented  with  some  hesitation.  In  opening  my 
speech  I  referred  to  the  condition  of  the  President  and  my  re 
luctance  to  speak ;  I  said  : 

"  FELLOW-CITIZENS  : — I  am  requested  by  the  Republican  state  com 
mittee  to  make  a  political  speech  to  you  to-night,  in  opening  here  the  usual 
discussion  that  precedes  the  election  of  a  governor  and  other  state  officers. 
If  1  felt  at  liberty  to  be  guided  by  my  own  feelings,  I  would,  in  view  of  the 
present  condition  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  forego  all  political 
discussion  at  this  time. 

"  The  President  is  the  victim  of  a  crime  committed  without  excuse  or 
palliation,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace  and  prosperity,  not  aimed  at  him  as  an 
individual,  but  at  him  as  the  President  of  the  United  States.  It  was  a  political 
crime,  made  with  the  view  of  changing,  by  assassination,  the  President 
chosen  by  you.  It  has  excited,  throughout  the  civilized  world,  the  most 
profound  horror.  The  President  has  suffered  for  more  than  two  months,  and 
is  still  suffering,  from  wounds  inflicted  by  an  assassin.  His  life  still  hangs 
by  a  thread.  The  anxious  inquiry  comes  up  morning1,  noon,  and  night, 
from  a  whole  people,  with  fervid,  earnest  prayers  for  his  recovery. 

"  Under  the  shadow  of  this  misfortune,  I  do  not  feel  like  speaking,  and 
I  know  you  do  not  feel  like  hearing  a  political  wrangle.  It  is  but  just  to 
say  that  the  members  of  all  parties,  with  scarce  an  exception,  Democrats  as 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  653 

well  as  Republicans,  share  in  sympathy  with  the  President  and  his  family, 
and  in  detestation  of  the  crime  and  the  criminal,  and  the  evidence  of  this 
sympathy  tends  to  make  political  dispute  irksome  and  out  of  place." 

I  then  entered  into  a  general  discussion  of  the  issues  of  the 
campaign.  Soon  after  the  close  of  my  speech  I  received  intel 
ligence  of  the  death  of  Garfield,  and  at  once  revoked  all  my 
appointments,  and  by  common  consent  both  parties  withdrew 
their  meetings.  Thus  mine  was  the  only  speech  made  in  the 
campaign.  I  immediately  went  to  Washington  with  ex-Presi 
dent  Hayes  to  attend  the  funeral,  and  accompanied  the  com 
mittee  to  the  burial  at  Cleveland.  The  sympathy  for  Garfield 
in  his  sad  fate  was  universal  and  sincere.  The  inauguration  of 
President  Arthur  immediately  followed,  and  with  it  an  entire 
change  of  the  cabinet. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 
BEGINNING  OF  ARTHUR'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

Special  Session  of  the  Senate  Convened  by  the  President  —  Abuse  of  Me  by  News 
papers  and  Discharged    Employes  —  Charges  Concerning  Disbursement  of  the 
Contingent  Fund  —  My  Resolution  in  the  Senate  —  Secretary  Windom's  Letter 
Accompanying  the  Meline  Report  —  Investigation  and  Complete  Exonera 
tion  —  Arthur's  Message  to  Congress  in  December  — Joint  Resolutions 
on   the  Death   of    Garfield  —  Elaine's   Tribute  to  His  Former 
Chief  —  Credit  of  the  United  States  at  "  High  Water  Mark  "— 
Bill  Introduced  Providing  for  the  Issuing  of  Three  per 
Cent.  Bonds  — Need  of  Tariff  Legislation  — Bill  to 
Reduce  Internal  Revenue  Taxes  —  Tax  on  Play 
ing  Cards  —  Democratic  Victory  in  Ohio. 

ON  the  23rd  of  September,  1881,  President  Arthur  con 
vened  the  Senate  to  meet  in  special  session  on  the 
10th  of  October.  Mr.  Bayard  was  elected  its  president 
pro  tempore.  On  the  13th  of  October,  when  the  Sen 
ate  was  full,  David  Davis,  of  Illinois,  was  elected  president  pro 
tempore,  and  the  usual  thanks  were  given  to  Mr.  Bayard,  as  the 
retiring  president  pro  tempore,  for  the  dignity  and  impartiality 
with  which  he  had  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office. 

At  this  period  of  my  life  I  was  the  object  of  more  abuse  and 
vituperation  than  ever  before  or  since.  The  fact  that  the  new 
administration  of  Arthur  was  not  friendly  to  me  was  no  doubt 
the  partial  cause  of  this  abuse.  The  intense  bitterness  mani 
fested  by  certain  papers,  and  by  discharged  employes,  indicated 
the  origin  of  most  of  the  petty  charges  against  me.  One  of 
these  employes  stated  that  he  had  been  detailed  for  work  on 
a  house  built  by  me  in  1880.  This  was  easily  answered  by  the 
fact  that  the  house  was  built  under  contract  with  a  leading 
builder  and  the  cost  was  paid  to  him.  I  neither  knew  the  man 
nor  ever  heard  of  him  since. 

I  was  blamed  for  certain  irregularities  in  the  disbursement 
of  the  contingent  fund  of  the  treasury,  although  the  accounts 

(654) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  655 

of  that  fund  were  by  law  approved  by  the  chief  clerk  of  the  de 
partment  and  were  settled  by  the  accounting  officers  without 
ever  coming  under  my  supervision,  and  the  disbursement  had 
been  made  by  a  custodian  who  was  in  the  department  before  I 
entered  it.  My  wife  was  more  annoyed  than  I  with  the  petty 
charges  which  she  knew  were  false,  but  which  I  did  not  dignify 
by  denying. 

Mr.  Windom,  soon  after  his  appointment  as  secretary,  di 
rected  an  inquiry  to  be  made  by  officers  of  the  treasury  depart 
ment  into  these  abuses  and  it  was  charged  that  he,  at  my 
request,  had  suppressed  this  inquiry.  The  "Commercial  Ad 
vertiser,"  on  the  llth  of  October,  alleged  that  I  was  as  much 
shocked  by  the  disclosures  as  my  successor,  Mr.  Windom  ;  that 
I  did  not  want  any  further  publicity  given  to  them,  and  was 
desirous  that  Mr.  Windom  should  not  allow  the  report  to  get 
into  the  public  prints.  I,  therefore,  on  the  14th  of  October, 
offered  in  the  Senate  this  resolution  : 


,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  hereby  directed  to 
transmit  to  the  Senate  a  copy  of  the  report  of  James  F.  Meline  and  others, 
made  to  the  treasury  department  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  and  of  any 
papers  received  by  him  based  upon  such  report." 

In  offering  the  resolution,  after  reading  the  article  in  the 
"Commercial  Advertiser,"  I  said: 

"  The  writer  of  this  paragraph  is  very  much  mistaken  in  supposing 
that  I  have  in  any  way  sought  or  wished  to  withhold  from  the  public 
the  report  referred  to.  I  neither  have  nor  will  I  oppose  or  delay  any 
investigation  of  the  treasury  department  while  I  was  its  chief  officer.  The 
only  wish  I  have  is  to  see  that  every  officer  accused  of  improper  conduct 
shall  have  a  fair  chance  to  defend  himself,  and  then  he  must  stand  or  fall 
according  to  the  rectitude  or  wrong  of  his  conduct. 

"  The  only  doubt  I  have  in  calling  for  this  report  now  is  the  fact  that 
Mr.  Windom  did  not  order  its  publication  lest  injustice  might  be  done  to 
worthy  and  faithful  officers  who  had  no  opportunity  to  cross-examine  wit 
nesses  or  answer  charges  made  against  them.  I  have  no  doubt  that  he 
either  has  given  or  will  give  them  this  opportunity.  At  all  events  the 
Senate  can  do  so.  I,  therefore,  offer  this  resolution  and  hope  the  Senate 
will  promptly  pass  it." 

Mr.  Edmunds  objected  to  the  resolution  as  being  unneces 
sary,  and  under  the  rules  of  the  Senate  it  went  over.  I  called 


656  RECOLLECTIONS 

it  up  on  the  18th  of  October,  when  Mr.  Farley,  of  California, 
asked  that  it  be  postponed  a  few  days.  On  the  22nd  I  again 
called  it  up,  when  Mr.  Farley  stated  that  he  could  not  see  what 
Congress  had  to  do  with  the  report  of  such  a  commission  ap 
pointed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  asked  me  for  an 
explanation.  In  reply  I  said : 

"  I  stated,  on  introducing  this  resolution,  that  the  investigation  was  one  of 
a  character  not  usually  communicated  to  Congress,  but  that  certain  public 
prints  had  contained  unfounded  imputations  against  several  officers  of  the 
government,  and  that  there  was  something  in  the  report  which  reflected  on  a 
Member  of  this  body  formerly  a  cabinet  officer.  Under  the  circumstances, 
as  I  was  plainly  the  person  referred  to,  having  been  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
at  the  time  stated,  I  deemed  it  my  right,  as  well  as  my  duty  to  my  fellow- 
Senators,  to  call  out  this  information.  If  the  statements  contained  in  the 
papers  be  true,  they  are  proper  matters  for  the  Senate  to  examine  in  every 
sense. 

"  Mr.  president,  I  have  been  accustomed  to  newspaper  abuse  all  my  life 
and  very  rarely  notice  it.  This  is  probably  the  first  time  in  my  political  life 
that  I  have  ever  read  to  this  body  a  newspaper  attack  upon  me  or  upon  any 
one  else  ;  but  when  any  paper  or  any  man  impugns  in  the  slightest  degree 
my  official  integrity  I  intend  to  have  it  investigated,  and  I  wish  it  tested 
not  only  by  the  law  but  by  the  strictest  rules  of  personal  honor. 

"  For  this  reason,  when  this  imputation  is  made  by  a  leading  and  promi 
nent  paper,  that  there  is  on  the  files  of  the  treasury  department  a  document 
which  reflects  upon  me,  I  think  it  right  that  it  should  be  published  to  the 
world,  and  then  the  Senate  can  investigate  it  with  the  power  to  send  for 
persons  and  papers.  That  is  the  only  reason  why  I  offered  the  resolution, 
and  not  so  much  in  my  own  defense  as  in  defense  of  those  accused  in  this 
document.  If  the  accusation  is  true  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Senate  to  examine 
into  the  matter." 

After  some  further  discussion  the  resolution  was  adopted, 
and  on  the  same  day  Mr.  Windom  transmitted  the  report  of 
James  F.  Meline,  and  other  officers  of  the  treasury  department, 
made  to  the  department  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate.  His 
letter  is  as  follows : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  OFFICE  OF  THE  SECRETARY,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  October  22,  1881.  \ 

SIR: — I  am  in  receipt  of  the  resolution  of  the  Senate  of  the  21st  instant, 
as  follows: 

1  Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  hereby  directed  to 
transmit  to  the  Senate  a  copy  of  the  report  of  James  F.  Meline  and  others, 


N 


CHESTER    A.  ARTHUR. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  657 

made  to  the  treasury    department  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  and  of 
any  papers  received  by  him  based  upon  such  report.' 

In  reply  thereto  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  a  copy  of  the 
report  called  for,  with  the  accompanying  statements  of  Mr.  J.  K.  "Upton  and 
J.  T.  Power,  who  occupied  the  position  of  chief  clerk  and  ex  officio  superin 
tendent  of  the  treasury  building  for  the  period  covered  by  the  report. 

Soon  after  assuming  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  my  atten 
tion  was  called  to  alleged  abuses  in  disbursement  of  the  contingent  fund  of 
the  department,  which  was  under  the  immediate  charge  of  a  custodian,  and 
the  general  supervision  of  the  chief  clerk  of  the  department,  and  I  appointed  a 
committee  to  look  into  the  matter,  as  had  been  the  custom  of  the  department 
in  such  cases.  The  law,  somewhat  conflicting  in  its  terms  in  relation  to  the 
relative  duties  of  these  two  officers,  will  be  found  fully  set  forth  in  the  re 
port.  On  considering  the  report  I  am  convinced  that  certain  irregularities 
and  abuses  existed  in  this  branch  of  the  service,  and  as  I  had  some  doubts 
as  to  the  legality  of  the  appointment  of  a  custodian  I  abolished  that  office 
June  18,  18.81,  and  by  general  order  of  July  1,  1881,  reorganized  the  office. 

A  copy  of  this  order  is  herewith  transmitted,  from  which  it  will  appear 
that  all  the  changes  necessary  to  a  complete  and  thorough  correction  of  the 
irregularities  and  abuses  referred  to  have  been  adopted. 

It  was  my  intention,  as  my  more  pressing  public  duties  would  permit,  to 
have  pursued  this  general  policy  in  other  branches  of  the  treasury,  by  the 
appointment  of  competent  committees  to  collect  the  necessary  data  on  which 
to  base  proper  action  to  secure  economy  and  promote  the  best  interests  of 
the  public  service,  but  the  assassination  of  the  President  suspended  further 
action  in  this  direction.  Very  respectfully, 

WILLIAM  WINDOM,  Secretary. 
HON.  DAVID  DAVIS,  President  of  the  Senate. 

On  the  26th  I  offered  a  resolution  as  follows : 

"Resolved,  That  the  committee  on  appropriations  of  the  Senate  be,  and 
they  are  hereby,  authorized  and  directed  to  investigate  the  accounts  for  the 
expenditure  of  the  appropriations  for  contingent  or  other  expenses  of  the 
several  executive  departments,  including  the  methods  of  making  such  dis 
bursements,  the  character  and  disposition  of  the  purchases  made,  and  the 
employment  of  labor  paid  from  such  appropriations,  and  to  report  on  the  sub 
ject  at  as  early  a  day  as  practicable,  and  whether  any  further  legislation  is 
necessary  to  secure  the  proper  disbursement  of  such  appropriations  ;  and  that 
the  committee  have  leave  to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  have  leave  to 
sit  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate." 

This  led  to  a  thorough  investigation  into  the  disbursement 
of  the  contingent  fund  of  the  treasury  department,  the  report 
of  which,  accompanied  by  the  testimony,  covering  over  1,200 

S.-42 


658  RECOLLECTIONS 

printed  pages,  was  submitted  to  the  Senate  on  the  15th  of 
March,  1882.  This  examination  was  chiefly  conducted  by 
Francis  M.  Cockrell,  of  Missouri,  a  Senator  distinguished  for 
fairness  and  thoroughness.  The  report  was  concurred  in  unan 
imously  by  the  committee  on  appropriations.  It  showed  that 
certain  irregularities  had  entered  into  the  management  of  the 
fund  and  that  certain  improper  entries  had  been  made  in  the 
account,  but  that  only  a  trifling  loss  had  resulted  to  the  gov 
ernment  therefrom. 

I  was  before  the  committee  and  stated  that  I  never  had 
any  knowledge  of  any  wrongdoing  in  the  matter  until  it  had 
been  brought  out  by  the  investigation.  The  report  fairly  and 
fully  relieved  me  from  the  false  accusations  made  against 
me.  It  said  :  "Touching  the  statements  of  Senator  Sherman, 
that  he  had  no  knowledge  of  its  irregularities,  etc.,  established 
by  the  evidence,  no  witness  states  that  Mr.  Sherman  knew  that 
any  funds  of  the  treasury  department  were  ever  used  for  his 
individual  benefit  or  otherwise  misapplied." 

I  could  not  have  asked  for  a  more  favorable  ending  of  the 
matter. 

At  the  close  of  the  examination  the  committee  addressed 
to  the  head  of  each  department  of  Arthur's  administration  an 
inquiry  whether  the  laws  then  in  force  provided  ample  safe 
guards  for  the  faithful  expenditure  of  its  contingent  appropria 
tion,  and  each  of  them  replied  that  no  change  in  existing  law 
was  necessary.  The  committee  concurred  in  the  views  of  the 
heads  of  the  departments,  and  suggested  that  they  keep  a  con 
stant  supervision  over  the  acts  of  their  subordinates;  that  the 
storekeeper  of  the  treasury  department  should  be  required  to 
give  a  bond,  and  that  careful  inventories  of  the  property  of 
each  department  should  be  made,  and  that  annual  reports  of 
the  expenditures  from  the  contingent  fund  should  be  made  by 
each  department  at  the  commencement  of  each  regular  session. 
While  this  investigation  imposed  a  severe  labor  upon  the  com 
mittee  on  appropriations,  it  had  a  beneficial  effect  in  securing 
a  more  careful  control  over  the  contingent  expenses  of  the 
departments,  and  it  silenced  the  imputations  and  innuendoes 
aimed  at  me. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  659 

In  regard  to  these  accusations,  I  no  doubt  exhibited  more 
resentment  and  gave  them  more  importance  than  they  de 
served.  I  felt  that,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  I  had  ren 
dered  the  country  valuable  service,  that  I  had  dealt  with  vast 
sums  without  receiving  the  slightest  benefit,  and  at  the  close 
was  humiliated  by  charges  of  petty  larceny.  If  I  had  recalled 
the  experience  of  Washington,  Hamilton,  Jefferson,  Jackson 
and  Elaine,  and  many  others,  under  like  accusations,  I  would 
have  been  content  with  answering  as  Washington  and  Jackson 
did,  or  by  silent  indifference,  but  my  temperament  led  me  to 
defy  and  combat  with  my  accusers,  however  formidable  or 
insignificant  they  might  be. 

The  annual  message  of  President  Arthur,  submitted  to  Con 
gress  on  the  6th  of  December,  was  a  creditable,  business-like 
statement  of  the  condition  of  the  government.  It  commenced 
with  a  very  proper  announcement  of  the  appalling  calamity 
which  had  fallen  upon  the  American  people  by  the  untimely 
death  of  President  Garfield.  He  said : 

"The  memory  of  his  exalted  character,  of  his  noble  achievements,  and 
of  his  patriotic  life,  will  be  treasured  forever  as  a  sacred  possession  of  the 
whole  people. 

"  The  announcement  of  his  death  drew  from  foreign  governments  and 
peoples  tributes  of  sympathy  and  sorrow  which  history  will  record  as  signal 
tokens  of  the  kinship  of  nations  and  the  federation  of  mankind." 

Our  friendly  relations  with  foreign  nations  were  fully  de 
scribed,  and  the  operations  of  the  different  departments  of  the 
government  during  the  past  year  were  clearly  and  emphatically 
stated.  In  closing  he  called  attention  to  the  second  article  of  the 
constitution,  in  the  fifth  clause  of  its  first  section,  that  "  in  case 
of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his  death,  res 
ignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of  said 
office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice  President,"  and  asked 
that  Congress  should  define,  "  what  is  the  intendment  of  the  con 
stitution  in  its  specification  of  '  inability  to  discharge  the  powers 
and  duties  of  said  office,'  as  one  of  the  contingencies  which  calls 
the  Vice  President  to  the  exercise  of  presidential  functions  ?  Is 
the  inability  limited  in  its  nature  to  long  continued  intellectual 
incapacity,  or  has  it  a  broader  import?  What  must  be  its 


660  RECOLLECTIONS 

extent  and  duration?  How  must  its  existence  be  estab 
lished?" 

These  and  other  questions  connected  with  the  subject 
were  not  acted  upon  by  Congress,  as  it  could  not  foresee  the 
conditions  of  the  inabilities  in  advance  of  their  occurrence. 

At  the  regular  meeting  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
on  the  5th  of  December,  1881,  J.  Warren  Keifer  was  elected 
speaker  by  a  small  majority.  Both  Houses  were  almost  equally 
divided  on  partisan  lines. 

Both  Houses  passed  resolutions  appointing  committees  to 
report  suitable  resolutions  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  Mr. 
Garfield. 

On  the  27th  of  February,  1882,  Mr.  Blaine,  in  response  to 
the  resolution  of  the  two  Houses,  delivered  an  address,  in  the 
hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  life  and  character 
of  President  Garfield,  worthy  of  the  occasion,  of  the  distin 
guished  audience  before  him,  and  of  his  reputation  as  an 
orator.  From  the  beginning  to  the  end  it  was  elevated  in 
tone,  eloquent  in  the  highest  sense  of  that  word,  and  warm 
in  expression  of  his  affection  for  the  friend  he  eulogized.  His 
delineation  of  Garfield  as  a  soldier,  an  orator,  and  a  man,  in  all 
the  relations  of  life,  was  without  exaggeration,  but  was  tinged 
with  his  personal  friendship  and  love.  He  described  him  on 
the  2nd  of  July,  the  morning  of  his  wounding,  as  a  contented 
and  happy  man,  not  in  an  ordinary  degree,  but  joyfully,  almost 
boyishly,  happy.  "Great  in  life,  he  was  surpassingly  great  in 
death."  He  pictured  the  long  lingering  illness  that  followed 
the  fatal  wound,  the  patience  of  the  sufferer,  the  unfaltering 
front  with  which  he  faced  death,  and  his  simple  resignation  to 
the  divine  decree.  His  peroration  rose  to  the  full  measure  of 
the  highest  oratory.  It  was  as  follows: 

"  As  the  end  drew  near,  his  early  craving  for  the  sea  returned.  The 
stately  mansion  of  power  had  been  to  him  the  wearisome  hospital  of  pain, 
and  he  begged  to  be  taken  from  its  prison  walls,  from  its  oppressive,  stifling 
air,  from  its  homelessness  and  its  hopelessness.  Gently,  silently,  the  love  of  a 
great  people  bore  the  pale  sufferer  to  the  longed-for  healing  of  the  sea,  to 
live  or  to  die,  as  God  should  will,  within  sight  of  its  heaving  billows,  within 
sound  of  its  manifold  voices.  With  wan,  fevered  face  tenderly  lifted  to  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  661 

cooling  breeze,  lie  looked  out  wistfully  upon  the  ocean's  changing  wonders  ; 
on  its  far  sails,  whitening  in  the  morning  light;  on  its  restless  waves,  rolling 
shoreward  to  break  and  die  beneath  the  noonday  sun  ;  on  the  red  clouds  of 
evening,  arching  low  to  the  horizon  ;  on  the  serene  and  shining  pathway  of 
the  stars.  Let  us  think  that  his  dying  eyes  read  a  mystic  meaning  which 
only  the  rapt  and  parting  soul  may  know.  Let  us  believe  that  in  the  silence 
of  the  receding  world  he  heard  the  great  waves  breaking  on  a  further  shore, 
and  felt  already  upon  his  wasted  brow  the  breath  of  the  eternal  morning." 

Elaine  died  January  27,  1893.  Who  now  living  could  pro 
nounce  such  a  eulogy? 

The  following  resolutions  were  adopted  by  both  Houses  of 
Congress: 

"  Resolved  (the  Senate  concurring}.  That  the  thanks  of  Congress  be  pre 
sented  to  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  for  the  appropriate  memorial  address  deliv 
ered  by  him  on  the  life  and  services  of  James  Abram  Garfield,  late 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  the  Representatives  Hall,  before  both 
Houses  of  Congress  and  their  invited  guests,  on  the  27th  day  of  February, 
1882 ;  and  that  he  be  requested  to  furnish  a  copy  for  publication. 

"JResolved,  That  the  chairmen  of  the  joint  committee  appointed  to  make 
the  necessary  arrangements  to  carry  into  effect  the  resolutions  of  this  Con 
gress,  in  relation  to  the  memorial  exercises  in  honor  of  James  Abram  Gar- 
field,  be  requested  to  communicate  to  Mr.  Blaine  the  foregoing  resolution, 
receive  his  answer  thereto,  and  present  the  same  to  both  Houses  of  Con 
gress." 

At  the  time  of  the  commencement  of  this  session  the  credit 
of  the  United  States  had  reached  high-water  mark.  It  was  ap 
parent  that,  with  judicious  management,  a  three  per  cent,  bond 
of  the  United  States  could  be  sold  at  par.  On  the  first  day  of 
the  session,  December  5,  1881,  I  introduced  a  bill  to  provide  for 
the  issue  of  three  per  cent,  bonds.  It  was  referred  to  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  and  on  the  15th  of  December,  by  direction  of 
that  committee,  I  reported  the  bill  with  certain  amendments, 
and  gave  notice  that  I  was  directed  to  seek  the  action  of  the 
Senate  upon  it  immediately  after  the  holidays.  It  was 
taken  up  for  consideration  on  the  llth  of  January,  and,  much 
to  my  surprise,  met  with  opposition  from  those  who  a  year  be 
fore  had  favored  a  similar  bill.  They  said  it  was  a  mere  ex 
pedient  on  my  part,  that  President  Hayes  had,  at  my  request, 
vetoed  a  similar  bill ;  but  I  was  able  to  truly  answer  that  the 
veto  of  President  Hayes  was  not  against  the  three  per  cent. 


RECOLLECTIONS 

bond,  but  against  the  compulsory  provision  that  no  other  but 
three  per  cent,  bonds  should  be  deposited  in  the  treasury  as  se 
curity  for  the  circulating  notes  of,  and  deposits  with,  national 
banks ;  that  President  Hayes,  in  fact,  approved  of  the  three  per 
cent.  bond. 

I  made  a  speech  in  support  of  this  measure  on  the  26th  of 
January,  reviewing  our  financial  condition,  with  many  details 
in  respect  to  our  different  loans,  and  closed  as  follows : 

"  I  say  now,  as  I  said  at  the  commencement,  that  the  passage  of  this  bill 
seems  to  me  a  matter  of  public  duty.  I  care  nothing  for  it  personally.  I 
have  been  taunted  with  my  inconsistency.  I  feel  like  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  about  an  argument  of  that  kind.  If  I  did  not  sometimes  change 
my  mind  I  should  considered  myself  a  blockhead  or  a  fool.  But  in  this 
matter,  fortunately,  I  have  not  changed  my  mind.  In  1866  I  anticipated 
the  time  when  we  could  sell  three  per  cent,  bonds  and  said  that  was  a  part 
of  the  funding  scheme,  and  so  continued,  year  in  and  year  out,  as  I  could 
show  Senators,  that  that  was  the  ultima  thule,  the  highest  point  of  credit  to 
which  I  looked  in  these  refunding  operations.  I  believed  last  year  it  could 
not  be  done,  because  I  did  not  believe  the  state  of  the  money  market  would 
justify  the  attempt,  and,  besides  that,  the  great  mass  of  the  indebtedness 
was  so  large  that  it  might  prevent  the  sale  of  three  per  cent,  bonds  at  par. 
Therefore,  I  wanted  a  three  and  a  half  per  cent,  bill  then.  But  then  we 
secured  the  three  and  a  half  in  spite  of  Congress,  by  the  operations  of 
the  treasury  department  and  the  consent  of  the  bondholders,  now  we  ought 
to  do  a  little  better.  .  . 

Mr.  Folger,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  annual  report 
of  December  4,  1882,  stated  that  on  July  1, 1882,  the  amount  of 
three  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  outstanding  was  $449,324,- 
000,  and  that  under  the  section  referred  to  he  had  exchanged 
to  the  date  of  his  report  $280,394,750  of  three  per  cent,  bonds 
for  a  like  amount  of  three  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds,  thus 
reducing  the  annual  interest  charge  by  reason  of  these  ex 
changes  $1,401,973.75. 

By  his  report  of  1883,  it  was  shown  that  the  total  amount  of 
such  exchanges  was  $305,581,250,  making  an  annual  saving  of  in 
terest,  effected  by  these  exchanges,  of  $1,527,906.25.  These  bonds 
were  subsequently  paid  from  time  to  time  by  surplus  revenue. 

The  whole  process  of  refunding  was  perhaps  as  favorable  a 
financial  transaction  as  has  ever  been  executed  in  any  country 
in  the  world. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  663 

The  most  important  financial  measure  passed  by  this  Con 
gress  was  the  bill  to  reduce  internal  revenue  taxes,  reported 
March  29, 1882,  by  William  D.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania,  from  the 
committee  of  ways  and  means.  After  a  debate  extending  to 
June  27,  a  motion  to  recommit  was  rejected  and  the  bill  passed 
the  House.  It  was  sent  to  the  Senate  and  reported  with 
amendments  by  Mr.  Morrill,  from  the  committee  on  finance, 
July  6.  On  July  11  it  was  recommitted  to  the  committee 
on  finance  and  immediately  reported  back  with  amendments, 
which  consisted  of  a  change  in  the  tariff  duties  on  sugar  and 
an  increase  of  the  duties  on  cotton, ties  and  a  few  other  things. 
It  was  not  a  general  revision  of  the  tariff.  Mr.  Beck  antago 
nized  the  amendments  proposed  by  the  committee  and  sought  to 
delay  the  passage  of  the  bill.  I  replied  to  him  as  follows : 

"  If  this  Congress  shall  adjourn,  whether  the  weather  be  hot  or  cold, 
without  a  reduction  of  the  taxes  now  imposed  upon  the  people,  it  will  have 
been  derelict  in  its  highest  duty.  There  is  no  sentiment  in  this  country 
stronger  now  than  that  Congress  has  neglected  its  duty  thus  far  in  not  re 
pealing  taxes  that  are  obnoxious  to  the  people  and  unnecessary  for  the  pub 
lic  uses  ;  and  if  we  should  still  neglect  that  duty  we  should  be  properly  held 
responsible  by  our  constituents." 

In  the  course  of  the  long  debate  Mr.  Vance,  of  North  Caro 
lina,  who  was  the  acknowledged  wit  of  the  Senate,  moved  to 
except  playing  cards  from  the  general  repeal  of  stamp  taxes. 
I  objected  to  keeping  up  the  system  of  stamp  taxes  and  said : 

"  If  Senators  want  to  insist  on  a  piece  of  what  I  call  demagogism,  by 
keeping  a  small  stamp  tax  on  playing  cards,  I  am  perfectly  willing  that  they 
should  do  so.  If  it  is  desired  now  to  show  our  virtuous  indignation  against 
card-playing,  to  single  out  this  tax,  which  probably  yields  but  three  or  four 
thousand  dollars  a  year — to  show  our  virtuous  indignation  against  people 
who  play  cards  and  against  card-playing,  let  it  be  done  in  the  name  of 
Heaven.  Let  us  keep  this  as  a  monument  of  our  virtue  and  intelligence  and 
the  horror  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  against  playing  whist  and 
euchre.  I  hope  that  no  such  vote  will  be  given." 

Mr.  Vance  replied  in  his  peculiarly  humorous  way,  and  con 
cluded  by  saying :  "  I  have  no  doubt  that  not  a  man  in  the 
United  States  but  who,  when  he  'stands  pat'  with  three  jacks, 
or  draws  to  two  aces,  will  glorify  the  name  of  the  Senator  from 
Ohio ;  and  if  there  is  gratitude  in  human  nature,  I  expect  to 


664  RECOLLECTIONS 

see  the  next  edition  of  playing  cards  bearing  a  fullsized  por 
trait  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio  as  the  distinguishing  mark  of 
the  '  yerker.' " 

The  Senate  was  equally  divided  on  this  question  of  retain 
ing  the  tax  on  playing  cards,  the  vote  being  28  for  and  28 
against.  As  there  was  not  a  majority  in  favor  of  the  amend 
ment  of  Mr.  Vance  it  was  rejected  and  the  tax  was  repealed. 

Mr.  Beck  undertook  to  amend  the  bill  by  a  general  revision 
and  reduction  of  the  tariff  duties  in  long  schedules  introduced 
by  him.  I  took  an  active  part  in  the  discussion  of  this  bill  in 
the  hope  that  by  it  we  might  secure  a  logical  and  desirable 
revenue  law.  No  final  action  was  taken  on  it  before  the 
adjournment  of  Congress  on  the  8th  of  August,  after  an  eight 
months'  session,  and  it  went  over  to  the  next  session. 

After  the  long  and  wearisome  session  I  returned  to  Mans 
field.  The  congressional  canvass  in  Ohio  was  then  in  full  oper 
ation.  The  failure  of  Congress  to  pass  the  bill  relieving  the 
people  from  the  burden  of  internal  taxes  no  longer  required, 
the  shadow  of  the  murder  of  Garfield,  the  dislike  and  prejudice 
against  Arthur's  administration,  the  temporary  stringency  in 
money  matters,  the  liquor  or  license  question,  the  Sunday  ob 
servance,  and  the  discontent  of  German  Republicans,  greatly 
weakened  the  Republican  party  in  the  state  and  foreboded  de 
feat.  R.  A.  Horr  was  the  Republican  candidate  for  Congress 
in  the  district  in  which  I  reside,  and  on  the  17th  of  August  he 
spoke  at  Mansfield.  I  also  made  a  brief  speech  covering  the 
chief  subjects  under  discussion.  I  explained  the  causes  of  the 
failure  to  pass  the  revenue  reduction  bill,  blaming  it,  as  a  mat 
ter  of  course,  on  the  Democratic  party,  but  assured  my  hearers 
that  it  would  pass  at  the  next  session,  and  that  the  surplus 
revenue  would  not  be  wasted,  but  would  be  applied  to  the 
reduction  of  the  public  debt,  and  to  increase  pensions  to  Union 
soldiers,  their  widows  and  orphans.  The  opposition  to  the 
immigration  of  Chinese  into  this  country  was  then  strong.  I 
could  only  promise  that  Congress  would  do  all  it  could  to  ex 
clude  them  consistently  with  treaty  stipulations.  I  favored 
the  proper  observance  of  the  Sabbath  day,  claiming  that  it  was 
a  day  of  rest  and  should  not  be  desecrated,  but  each  congrega- 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN,  665 

tion  and  each  citizen  should  be  at  liberty  to  observe  it  in  any 
way,  consistent  with  good  order  and  noninterference  with 
others.  Touching  on  the  liquor  question,  I  said  that  many  of 
our  young  men  were  brought  to  disgrace  and  crime  by  indul 
gence  in  intoxicating  liquors,  and  I  therefore  believed  in  regulat 
ing  the  evil.  Why  should  all  other  business  be  suspended,  and 
saloons  only  be  open  ?  I  was  in  favor  of  a  law  imposing  a  large 
tax  on  all  dealers  in  liquor,  which  would  tend  to  prevent  its 
use.  I  believed  in  a  policy  that  would  protect  our  own  laborers 
from  undue  competition  with  foreign  labor,  and  would  increase 
and  develop  our  home  industries.  This  position  was  chiefly  a 
defensive  one,  and  experience  has  proven  that  it  is  not  a  safe 
one.  The  Republican  party  is  stronger  when  it  is  aggressive. 

On  the  31st  of  August  I  attended  the  state  fair  as  usual,  and 
on  the  morning  of  that  day  made  a  full  and  formal  political 
address  covering  both  state  and  national  interests. 

After  I  closed  Governor  Foster  and  Speaker  Keifer  spoke 
briefly.  The  general  canvass  then  continued  over  the  state 
until  the  election.  As  the  only  state  officers  to  be  elected 
were  the  secretary  of  state,  a  supreme  judge  and  a  member 
of  the  board  of  public  works,  the  chief  interest  centered  in 
the  liquor  question  and  in  the  election  of  Members  of  Congress 
in  doubtful  districts.  I  spoke  in  several  districts,  especially  in 
Elyria,  Warren,  Wauseon,  Tiffin  and  Zanesville.  I  spent  sev 
eral  days  in  Cincinnati,  socially,  and  in  speaking  in  different 
parts  of  the  city.  The  result  of  the  election  was  that  James 
W.  Newman,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  secretary  of  state, 
received  a  majority  of  19,000  over  Charles  Townsend,  the  Re 
publican  candidate.  This  was  heralded  as  a  Democratic  vic 
tory.  In  one  sense  this  was  true,  but  it  was  properly  attributed 
by  the  Republicans  to  the  opposition  to  prohibition.  It  grew 
out  of  the  demand  of  a  portion  of  our  people  for  free  whisky 
and  no  Sunday.  They  were  opposed  to  the  liquor  law,  and 
believed  it  went  too  far  and  voted  the  Democratic  ticket. 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 
STEPS  TOWARDS  MUCH  NEEDED  TARIFF  LEGISLATION. 

Necessity  of  Relief  from  Unnecessary  Taxation  —  Views  of  the  President  as  Presented 
to  Congress  in  December,  1882  —  Views   of  the  Tariff  Commission  Appointed 
by  the  President  — Great  Changes  Made  by  the  Senate  — Regret  That  I  did 
Not  Defeat  the  Bill  — Wherein  Many  Sections  Were  Defective  or  Unjust  — 
Bill  to  Regulate  and  Improve  the  Civil  Service  — A  Mandatory  Provi 
sion  That  Should  be  Added  to  the  Existing  Law—  Further  Talk 
of  Nominating  Me  for  Governor  of  Ohio  — Reasons  Why  I 
Could  Not  Accept  — Selected  as  Chairman  of  the  State  Con 
vention—Refusal  to  Be  Nominated  — J.  B.  Foraker 
Nominated  by  Acclamation  — His  Career  —  Issues  of 
the  Campaign  —  My  Trip  to  Montana — Resum 
ing  the  Canvass  —  Hoadley  Elected  Gov 
ernor—Retirement  of  General  Sherman. 

THE  President  was  able  to  present,  in  his  annual  message 
to  Congress  on  the  4th  of  December,  1882,  a  very  favor 
able  statement  of  the  condition  of  the  United  States 
during  the  preceding  year.  He  recalled  the  attention 
of  Congress  to  the  recommendation  in  his  previous  message  on 
the  importance  of  relieving  the  industry  and  enterprise  of  the 
country  from  the  pressure  of  unnecessary  taxation,  and  to  the 
fact  that  the  public  revenues  had  far  exceeded  the  expendi 
tures,  and,  unless  checked  by  appropriate  legislation,  such  ex 
cess  would  continue  to  increase  from  year  to  year.  The  sur 
plus  revenue  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30, 1881,  amounted 
to  $100,000,000,  and  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1882,  it 
amounted  to  more  than  $145,000,000.  This  was  applied  to 
the  payment  of  the  public  debt.  He  renewed  the  expres 
sion  of  his  conviction  that  such  rapid  extinguishment  of  the 
national  indebtedness  as  was  taking  place  was  by  no  means  a 
cause  for  congratulation,  but  rather  for  serious  apprehension. 
He  therefore  urged  upon  Congress  the  policy  of  diminishing 
the  revenue  by  reducing  taxation.  He  then  stated  at  length 
his  opinion  of  the  reductions  that  ought  to  be  made.  He  felt 

(666) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN   SHERMAN.  667 

justified  in  recommending  the  abolition  of  all  internal  taxes 
except  those  upon  tobacco  in  its  various  forms,  and  upon  dis 
tilled  spirits  and  fermented  liquors.  The  message  was  a  clear 
and  comprehensive  statement  of  the  existing  tariff  system, 
and  the  unequal  distribution  of  both  its  burdens  and  its  bene 
fits.  He  called  attention  to  the  creation  of  the  tariff  commis 
sion,  and  to  the  report  of  that  commission  as  to  the  condition 
and  prospects  of  the  various  commercial,  manufacturing,  agri 
cultural,  mining  and  other  interests  of  the  country,  and  recom 
mended  an  enlargement  of  the  free  list,  so  as  to  include  within 
it  the  numerous  articles  which  yielded  inconsiderable  revenue, 
a  simplification  of  the  complex  and  inconsistent  schedule  of 
duties  upon  certain  manufactures,  particularly  those  of  cotton, 
iron,  and  steel,  and  a  substantial  reduction  of  the  duties  upon 
those  and  various  other  articles.  The  subsequent  action  of 
Congress  did  not,  in  my  opinion,  conform  to  this,  in  some 
respects,  wise  recommendation  of  the  President.  In  his  closing 
paragraph  he  stated : 

"  The  closing  year  has  been  replete  with  blessings  for  which  we  owe  to 
the  Giver  of  all  good  our  reverent  acknowledgment.  For  the  uninterrupted 
harmony  of  our  foreign  relations,  for  the  decay  of  sectional  animosities,  for 
the  exuberance  of  our  harvests  and  the  triumphs  of  our  mining  and  manu 
facturing  industries,  for  the  prevalence  of  health,  the  spread  of  intelligence 
and  the  conservation  of  the  public  credit,  for  the  growth  of  the  country  in 
all  the  elements  of  national  greatness — for  these  and  countless  other  bless 
ings — we  should  rejoice  and  be  glad.  I  trust  that  under  the  inspiration  of 
this  great  prosperity  our  counsels  may  be  harmonious,  and  that  the  dictates 
of  prudence,  patriotism,  justice,  and  economy  may  lead  to  the  adoption  of 
measures  in  which  the  Congress  and  the  Executive  may  heartily  unite." 

The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  emphasized  and 
elaborated  the  recommendations  of  the  President. 

The  real  cause  of  the  delay  of  the  Senate  at  the  previous  ses 
sion,  in  acting  upon  the  internal  revenue  bill,  was  the  desire  to 
await  the  action  of  the  tariff  commission  appointed  under  the  act 
approved  May  15,  1882.  To  secure  a  comprehensive  scheme  of 
taxation  it  was  necessary  to  include  in  a  revenue  bill  duties  on 
imported  goods  as  well  as  taxes  on  internal  productions.  The 
members  of  the  tariff  commission  appointed  by  the  President, 
and  who  signed  the  report,  were  John  L.  Hayes,  Henry  W. 


RECOLLECTIONS 

Oliver,  A.  M.  Garland,  J.  A.  Ambler,  Robert  P.  Porter,  J.  W.  H. 
Underwood,  Alexander  R.  Boteler,  and  Duncan  F.  Kenner. 
These  gentlemen  were  of  high  standing,  representing  different 
parts  of  the  country,  of  both  political  parties,  and  notably 
familiar  with  our  internal  and  external  commerce  and  produc 
tions.  In  their  report  they  said : 

"  In  performance  of  the  duty  devolved  upon  them,  all  the  members  of 
the  commission  have  aimed,  and,  as  they  believe,  with  success,  to  divest  them 
selves  of  political  bias,  sectional  prejudice,  or  considerations  of  personal 
interest.  It  is  their  desire  that  their  recommendations  shall  serve  no  par 
ticular  party,  class,  section,  or  school  of  political  economy." 

They  transmitted  their  report  to  the  speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  on  the  4th  of  December,  1882.  It  was  a 
clear  and  business-like  statement  of  their  action,  accompanied 
with  schedules  of  duties  on  imported  goods  recommended  by 
them,  with  suggested  amendments  to  existing  customs  laws, 
with  testimony  taken  by  them,  and  with  tables  and  reports  cov 
ering,  in  all,  over  2,500  printed  pages.  It  was  by  far  the  most 
comprehensive  exposition  of  our  customs  laws  and  rates  of  duty 
that,  so  far  as  I  know,  had  been  published.  It  was  quickly 
printed  for  the  use  of  the  finance  committee  of  the  Senate, 
before  whom  the  bill  to  reduce  internal  revenue  taxation 
was  pending.  If  the  committee  had  embodied,  in  this  bill, 
the  recommendations  of  the  tariff  commission,  including  the 
schedules  without  amendment  or  change,  the  tariff  would 
have  been  settled  for  many  years.  Unfortunately  this  was 
not  done,  but  the  schedules  prescribing  the  rates  of  duty 
and  their  classification  were  so  radically  changed  by  the  com 
mittee  that  the  scheme  of  the  tariff  commission  was  prac 
tically  defeated.  Many  persons  wishing  to  advance  their  par 
ticular  industries  appeared  before  the  committee  and  succeeded 
in  having  their  views  adopted.  The  Democratic  members 
seemed  to  take  little  interest  in  the  proceeding,  as  they  were 
opposed  to  the  adoption  of  the  tariff  as  a  part  of  the  bill.  I 
did  all  I  could  to  prevent  these  changes,  was  very  much 
discouraged  by  the  action  of  the  committee,  and  doubted  the 
propriety  of  voting  for  the  bill  with  the  tariff  provisions  as 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN  669 

proposed  by  the  committee  and  adopted  by  the  Senate.  I  have 
always  regretted  that  I  did  not  defeat  the  bill,  which  I  could 
readily  have  done  by  voting  with  the  Democrats  against  the 
adoption  of  the  conference  report,  which  passed  the  Senate  by 
the  vote  of  yeas  32,  nays  30.  However,  the  propriety  and  neces 
sity  of  a  reduction  of  internal  taxes  proposed  by  the  bill  were 
so  urgent  that  I  did  not  feel  justified  in  denying  relief  from 
burdensome  and  unnecessary  taxes  on  account  of  provisions 
in  the  bill  that  I  did  not  approve.  With  great  reluctance  I 
voted  for  it. 

One  reduction  made  by  the  committee  against  my  most  stren 
uous  efforts  was  by  a  change  in  the  classification  and  rates  of 
duty  on  wool.  When  I  returned  to  Ohio  I  was  violently  assailed 
by  the  Democratic  newspapers  for  voting  for  a  bill  that  reduced 
the  existing  duty  on  wool  about  twenty  per  cent.,  and  I  had  much 
difficulty  in  explaining  to  my  constituents  that  I  opposed  the 
reduction,  but,  when  the  Senate  refused  to  adopt  my  view,  did 
not  feel  justified,  on  account  of  my  opposition  to  this  one  item, 
in  voting  against  the  bill  as  a  whole.  The  conference  report 
was  agreed  to  by  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  2nd  of 
March,  and  the  bill  was  approved  by  the  President  on  the  3rd. 

I  did  not  conceal  my  opposition  to  the  tariff  sections  of  the 
revenue  bill.  I  expressed  it  in  debate,  in  interviews  and  in  let 
ters.  When  the  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  it  was  met  by 
two  kinds  of  opposition,  one  the  blind  party  opposition  of  free 
traders,  led  by  Senators  Beck  and  Vance,  the  other  (much 
more  dangerous),  the  conflict  of  selfish  and  local  interests, 
mainly  on  the  part  of  manufacturers,  who  regarded  all  articles 
which  they  purchased  as  raw  material,  on  which  they  wished 
the  lowest  possible  rate  of  duty,  or  none  at  all,  and  their  work, 
as  the  finished  article,  on  which  they  wished  the  highest  rate 
of  duty.  In  other  words,  what  they  had  to  buy  they  called  raw 
material  to  be  admitted  without  protection,  and  what  they  had 
to  sell  they  wanted  protected.  It  was  a  combination  of  the 
two  kinds  of  opposition  that  made  the  trouble. 

The  Democratic  Senators,  with  a  few  exceptions,  voted 
steadily  and  blindly  for  any  reduction  of  duty  proposed ;  but 
they  alone  could  not  carry  their  amendments,  and  only  did 


670  RECOLLECTIONS 

so  when  reenforced  by  Republican  Senators,  who,  influenced 
by  local  interest,  could  reduce  any  duty  at  their  pleasure.  In 
this  way,  often  by  a  majority  of  one,  amendments  w^ere  adopted 
that  destroyed  the  harmony  of  the  bill.  In  this  way  iron  ore, 
pig  iron,  scrap  iron  and  wool  were  sacrificed  in  the  Senate. 
They  were  classed  as  raw  materials  for  manufactures  and  not 
as  manufactures.  For  selfish  and  local  reasons  tin  plates,  cot 
ton,  ties  and  iron  and  steel  rods  for  wire  were  put  at  exception 
ally  low  rates,  and  thus  were  stricken  from  the  list  of  articles 
that  could  be  manufactured  in  this  country.  This  local  and 
selfish  appeal  was  the  great  defect  of  the  tariff  bill.  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  say  that  the  iron  and  wool  sections  of  the  bill,  as 
it  passed  the  Senate,  were  unjust,  incongruous  and  absurd. 
They  would  have  reduced  the  iron  and  steel  industries  of  the 
United  States  to  their  condition  before  the  war,  and  have 
closed  up  two-thirds  of  the  furnaces  and  rolling  mills  in  this 
country.  They  were  somewhat  changed  in  committee  of  con 
ference,  but  if  they  had  not  been,  the  only  alternative  to  the 
manufacturers  would  have  been  to  close  up  or  largely  reduce 
the  wages  of  labor. 

Another  mistake  made  in  the  Senate  was  to  strike  out  all 
the  carefully  prepared  legislative  provisions  simplifying  the 
mode  of  collecting  customs  duties,  and  the  provisions  for  the 
trial  of  customs  cases.  The  tariff  commission  proposed  to  re 
peal  the  ad  valorem  duty  on  wool,  an,d  leave  on  it  only  the 
specific  duty  of  ten  and  twelve  cents  per  pound.  The  chair 
man  of  the  tariff  commission  was  himself  the  president  or 
agent  of  the  woolen  manufacturers  and  made  the  report.  The 
manufacturers  of  woolens,  however,  were  dissatisfied,  and  de 
manded  an  entire  change  in  the  classification  of  woolens,  and, 
on  some  important  grades,  a  large  increase  of  rates,  but  insisted 
upon  a  reduction  of  the  duty  on  wool. 

I  hoped  when  the  bill  passed  the  Senate  that  a  conference 
committee  would  amend  it,  but,  unfortunately,  Senators  Bayard 
and  Beck  withdrew  from  the  conference  and  the  Senate  was 
represented  by  Senators  Morrill,  Aldrich  and  Sherman.  My 
colleagues  on  the  conference  were  part  of  the  majority  in  the 
Senate,  and  favored  the  bill,  and  the  House  conferees  seemed 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  671 

concerned  chiefly  in  getting  some  bill  of  relief,  some  reduction 
of  taxes,  before  the  close  of  the  session. 

On  the  13th  of  March,  1883,  in  reply  to  a  question  of  a  cor 
respondent  whether  I  had  any  objection  to  having  my  views 
reported,  I  said : 

"No,  sir;  the  contest  is  now  over,  and  I  see  no  reason  why  the  merits 
and  demerits  of  the  law  should  not  be  stated.  I  worked  at  it  with  the  finance 
committee  for  three  months,  to  the  exclusion  of  other  business.  Taken  as  a 
whole.  1  think  the  law  will  do  a  great  deal  of  good  and  some  harm.  The 
great  body  of  it  is  wise  and  just,  but  it  contains  some  serious  defects.  The 
metallic  and  wool  schedules  are  unequal  and  unjust.  The  great  merit  of  the 
bill  is  that  it  reduces  taxes.  1  would  not  have  voted  for  it,  if  any  other  way 
had  been  open  to  reduce  taxes." 

Senator  Morrill,  in  a  long  letter  to  the  New  York  "Tribune" 
of  the  date  of  April  28,  1883,  made  a  reply  to  my  objections  to 
the  tariff  amendment,  but  it  did  not  change  my  opinion,  and 
now,  after  the  lapse  of  many  years,  I  am  still  of  the  same  opin 
ion.  The  tariff  act  of  1883  laid  the  foundation  of  all  the  tariff 
complications  since  that  time. 

During  this  session  a  bill  to  regulate  and  improve  the  civil 
service  of  the  United  States  was  reported  by  my  colleague,  Mr, 
Pendleton,  and  was  made  the  subject  of  an  interesting  debate 
in  the  Senate,  which  continued  most  of  the  month  of  Decem 
ber,  1882.  It  passed  the  Senate  by  the  decisive  vote  of  38  yeaa 
to  5  nays. 

The  tendency  of  all  parties  is  to  include  under  civil  service 
rules  all  employments  in  the  executive  branch  of  the  govern 
ment,  except  those  that,  by  the  constitution,  are  appointed  by 
the  President  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate. 
If  to  this  should  be  added  an  imperative  provision  of  law  for 
bidding  any  Member  of  Congress  from  applying  for  the  ap 
pointment  of  any  person  to  an  executive  office,  the  abuses  of 
the  old  system  would  be  corrected  and  the  separate  depart 
ments  of  the  government  would  be  independent  of  each  other. 
My  experience  as  an  executive  officer  convinced  me  that  such 
a  mandatory  provision  would  not  only  break  up  the  "  spoils 
system,"  but  would  relieve  the  President  and  heads  of  depart 
ments,  as  well  as  Members  of  Congress,  from  much  of  the 


672  RECOLLECTIONS 

friction  that  often  disturbs  them  in  the  discharge  of  their  sep 
arate  duties. 

Before  I  returned  home  in  the  spring  of  1883,  the  nomina 
tion  of  a  candidate  for  governor  was  being  canvassed  in  the 
press  and  among  the  people  of  Ohio.  My  name,  among  others, 
was  mentioned,  but  I  did  not  take  any  interest  in  the  sugges 
tion  of  my  nomination,  supposing  it  was  a  passing  thought 
that,  upon  reflection,  would  be  abandoned.  No  one  could  then 
foresee  how  the  legislature  to  be  elected  in  the  fall  would  stand 
politically,  and  my  friends  would  hardly  risk  the  loss  of  a  Re 
publican  Senator,  through  my  resignation,  to  compliment  me 
with  an  election  as  governor. 

I  returned  to  Ohio  early  in  April,  and,  as  usual,  paid  my 
respects  to  the  general  assembly,  then  in  session  at  Columbus. 
I  was  kindly  received  and  expressed  my  thanks  as  follows : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  general  assembly,  I  thank  you  for  this  hearty  recep 
tion.  In  this  house  of  speechmakers  I  will  be  pardoned  for  not  making  an 
address.  You  are  the  representatives  of  the  people,  and  to  you  I  owe  my 
first  allegiance,  doing  as  best  I  can  the  will  of  the  people  of  Ohio  and  of  the 
United  States,  without  respect  to  party,  creed  or  condition.  In  the  closing 
hours  of  your  session  you  are  too  much  engaged  for  me  to  indulge  in  any 
remarks,  and  so  I  bid  you  good-bye.  Again,  gentlemen,  I  return  my 
warmest  thanks." 

I  was  received  in  the  same  manner  in  the  senate.  I  found 
a  much  stronger  feeling  in  favor  of  my  nomination  for  gov 
ernor  than  I  expected.  I  therefore  stated  definitely  that  I 
could  not  be  a  candidate,  and  a  few  days  afterwards,  in  reply 
to  an  editor  who  was  entitled  to  a  frank  answer,  as  to  whether 
my  name  was  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  state  ticket,  I  said : 

"  I  am  not  a  candidate,  never  have  been,  and  could  not  accept  the  gu 
bernatorial  nomination  under  any  circumstances.  It  is  out  of  the  question. 
There  was  a  manifest  disposition  at  one  time  to  run  me  nolens  volens,  but 
my  friends  now  understand  my  position  fully,  and  will  not  press  the  point. 
It  is  as  though  the  possibility  had  never  been  suggested,  and  the  less  said 
about  it  the  better." 

This  declaration  was  variously  regarded  by  the  newspapers ; 
by  one  as  a  proclamation  of  a  panic,  by  another  as  a  doubt  of 
success,  by  another  as  a  selfish  desire  to  hold  on  to  a  better 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  673 

office,  neither  of  which  was  true.  While  I  did  not  wish  the  nom 
ination,  I  would  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  accept  if  the  convention 
had  determined  that  my  acceptance  was  necessary  for  suc 
cess.  Upon  my  return  to  Mansfield  in  May,  in  an  interview 
with  a  reporter,  I  mentioned  several  able  men  in  the  state  who 
were  well  qualified  for  that  office.  I  spoke  of  Judge  Foraker  as 
one  who  would  make  an  acceptable  candidate.  I  did  not  then 
know  him  personally,  but  from  what  I  heard  of  him  I  preferred 
him  to  any  other  person  named.  He  was  young,  active,  elo 
quent  and  would  make  a  good  canvass.  At  that  time  there  was 
a  movement  to  push  the  nomination  of  Thurman  and  Sherman 
as  competing  candidates.  The  state  convention  was  approach 
ing  and  I  had  been  invited  to  attend.  I  went  to  Columbus  on 
the  5th  of  June.  All  sorts  of  rumors  were  being  circulated. 
The  general  trend  of  them  was  thus  stated  by  a  leading  Repub 
lican  journal: 

"  The  question  is  being  quietly  discussed  by  a  number  of  prominent 
Republicans,  and  the  movement  promises  to  assume  such  proportions  before 
the  day  of  the  convention,  that  it  will  result  in  the  nomination  of  Senator 
Sherman  for  governor.  It  has  been  stated  that  Mr.  Sherman  would  not 
accept,  yet  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  Ohio  Republicans  says,  with  em 
phasis:  '  Mr.  John  Sherman  has  been  honored  for  the  last  thirty  years  by  the 
Republican  party,  and  he  could  not  afford  to  decline  the  nomination,  and  he 
would  not.'  The  great  interest  manifested  throughout  the  country  in  Ohio, 
is  such  that  it  is  deemed  wise,  owing  to  existing  circumstances,  to  insist  on 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Sherman,  thereby  avoiding  all  contest  in  the  conven 
tion,  and  giving  a  national  prominence  to  the  campaign.  Should  this  be 
done,  as  it  is  now  believed  that  it  will  be,  the  nomination  of  ex-Senator 
Thurman,  by  the  Democrats,  would  be  a  foregone  conclusion." 

As  the  delegates  arrived  it  was  apparent  that  there  was  a 
general  desire  that  I  should  be  nominated,  and  several  delega 
tions  came  to  my  room  to  urge  me  to  accept.  Among  others 
who  came  to  me  were  Messrs.  Jones,  Johnson  and  Fassett,  of 
the  Mahoning  county  delegation.  After  some  general  conver 
sation  they  said  that  in  order  that  they  might  act  with  a  full 
knowledge  of  the  situation,  and  with  reference  to  the  best 
interests  of  the  party,  they  desired  to  ask  me  if  I  was  or  would 
be  a  candidate  for  the  nomination  of  governor.  I  answered 
directly,  and  plainly,  that  I  was  not  a  candidate  ;  would  not 

S.— 43 


674  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  could  not  become  one.  I  said  I  was  sorry  that  matters 
had  shaped  themselves  as  they  had,  as  I  was  put  in  the  posi 
tion  of  refusing  to  obey  the  call  of  my  party,  that  I  believed  it 
was  the  place  of  every  man  to  take  any  responsibility  that 
could  be  put  upon  him,  but  that,  in  this  case,  my  duty  was  in 
another  direction,  that  I  thought  my  place  then  was  in  the 
Senate,  and  that  the  possible  danger  of  a  Democratic  successor 
there  ought  to  be  avoided. 

The  convention  met  on  the  morning  after  my  arrival,  and  I 
was  selected  as  chairman.  I  was  not  aware  until  I  arrived  in 
Columbus  that  I  was  to  preside  over  the  convention,  but,  as 
customary  on  taking  the  chair,  I  made  an  address  thanking 
the  convention  for  the  honor  conferred  upon  me,  briefly  re 
viewed  the  history  of  the  Republican  party,  spoke  of  the  tariff, 
the  liquor  and  other  questions  which  would  have  to  be  met  in 
the  canvass,  and  appealed  to  all  present  to  unite  and  use  their 
utmost  endeavors  for  success. 

Notwithstanding  my  repeated  statements  that  I  could 
not  accept  the  nomination,  J.  M.  Dalzell  arose  from  the 
ranks  of  the  delegation  from  his  district,  in  the  rear  part 
of  the  hall,  and,  mounting  his  seat,  made  an  enthusiastic 
speech  nominating  me  for  governor.  I  declined  in  a  brief 
address. 

The  convention  then  nominated  Joseph  B.  Foraker  for 
governor  by  acclamation.  He  was  introduced  to  the  con 
vention  and  made  a  long  and  pleasant  address.  His  speech 
was  well  received  and  he  was  often  interrupted  with  cheers. 
He  was  then  about  thirty-seven  years  old,  and  was  but  little 
known  throughout  the  state,  but  his  appearance,  manner,  and 
address  satisfied  the  convention  and  he  was  at  once  recognized 
as  a  man  of  ability,  who  would  take  and  hold  a  prominent 
place  in  the  political  history  of  the  state.  He  had  enlisted  as 
a  boy  at  Camp  Dennison  at  the  early  age  of  sixteen,  and 
rapidly  rose  through  the  military  grades  until,  at  Mission 
Ridge,  he  commanded  two  companies  and  led  them  over  the 
ridge  into  the  enemy's  works,  being  the  first  man  of  his  regi 
ment  over  the  ridge.  -  He  was  with  Sherman  in  his  celebrated 
march  to  the  sea. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  675 

As  to  the  status  of  the  legislation  in  Ohio  in  1883,  I  said 
during  this  canvass  that,  under  this  provision,  the  legislature 
of  Ohio  for  thirty  years  had,  from  time  to  time,  passed  laws  to 
prevent  the  evils  that  arose  from  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors,  but  without  effect.  The  constitution  so  limited  the 
powers  of  the  general  assembly  that  it  could  only  pass  pro 
hibitory  and  punitive  laws.  It  could  not  regulate  by  money 
license  the  sale  of  liquors.  Both  parties  joined  in  this  kind  of 
legislation,  but  it  was  safe  to  say  that  all  the  laws  on  the  sub 
ject  were  substantially  nullified  by  popular  opinion,  or  by  in 
ability  in  cities  and  large  towns  to  enforce  them.  Thus,  in 
Ohio,  we  had,  for  more  than  thirty  years,  free  whisky,  with 
out  restraint,  without  taxation,  to  a  degree  that  probably  did 
not  exist  in  any  other  state  of  the  Union,  or  any  other  Chris 
tian  or  civilized  country.  Two  years  before,  the  Republican 
party,  in  convention  at  Cleveland,  declared  itself  in  favor  of 
an  amendment  to  the  constitution  which  would  give  the 
general  assembly  full  legislative  power  over  the  traffic,  free 
from  the  restraint  of  the  old  constitution.  The  legislature,  in 
stead  of  acting  upon  this  proposition,  postponed  it,  and  passed 
what  was  known  as  the  Pond  bill.  The  supreme  court  de 
clared  that  law  unconstitutional,  as  being  within  the  mean 
ing  of  the  inhibition  of  the  constitution.  Thus,  at  the  previous 
election,  the  Republican  party  appeared  before  the  people  of 
the  state  when  they  were  discontented  alike  with  the  action 
of  the  general  assembly  and  of  Congress  for  its  failure  to  re 
duce  taxes,  and  so  we  were  badly  beaten  by  the  staying  from 
the  polls  of  70,000  Republican  voters. 

The  causes  of  this  defeat  were  apparent  to  every  intel 
ligent  man.  The  general  assembly,  however,  at  the  next 
session,  met  the  temperance  question  in  a  different  spirit. 
It  submitted  to  the  people  two  proposed  amendments  to  the 
constitution,  one  providing  for  full  legislative  control  over 
the  traffic  in  spirits,  and  the  other  providing  for  the  absolute 
prohibition  of  the  traffic.  Pending  the  action  of  the  people  on 
these  two  amendments,  the  legislature  provided  by  a  law,  called 
the  Scott  law,  for  a  tax  of  $200  annually  on  the  sale  of  spirituous 
liquors  and  $100  on  the  sale  of  beer.  This  law  was  held  to 


678  RECOLLECTIONS 

cities,  destined,  in  some  not  far  distant  day,  to  be  a  single  city. 
From  St.  Paul  we  went  to  Helena,  then  the  terminus  of  the 
Northern  Pacific  railroad,  and  the  newly  made  capital  of  Mon 
tana.  This  was  the  second  time  I  had  visited  this  territory, 
now  a  state.  I  studied,  as  well  as  I  could,  its  wonderful  re 
sources,  both  mineral  and  agricultural.  It  is  properly  named 
Montana.  Its  mountains  are  not  only  filled  with  minerals  of 
every  grade  from  gold  to  iron,  but  they  contain,  more  than  any 
other  part  of  the  country,  the  freaks  of  nature  and  in  bolder 
form,  such  as  geysers,  sink  pots,  mountain  lakes,  deep  ravines, 
and  they  are  surrounded  by  vast  valleys  and  plains,  the  native 
home  of  the  buffalo,  now  the  feeding  ground  of  vast  droves  of 
horses,  herds  of  cattle,  and  flocks  of  sheep. 

The  strangely  varied  surface  of  the  different  states  of  the 
Union  would,  in  case  of  war  with  any  power,  enable  us,  from 
our  own  soil  and  from  the  riches  buried  under  it,  to  support 
and  maintain  our  population.  Already  more  than  nine-tenths 
of  the  articles  needed  for  life  and  luxury  in  the  United  States 
are  the  product  of  the  industry  of  our  countrymen.  The  re 
maining  tenth  consists  mainly  of  tea,  coffee  and  other  tropical 
or  semi-tropical  productions,  the  products  of  nations  with 
whom  we  can  have  no  occasion  for  war.  Articles  of  luxury 
and  virtu  are  mainly  the  production  of  European  nations. 

Our  partial  state  of  isolation  is  our  greatest  strength,  our 
varied  resources  and  productions  are  our  greatest  wealth,  and 
unity  in  national  matters,  independence  in  local  matters,  are 
the  central  ideas  of  our  system  of  government. 

On  our  return  we  stopped  for  a  day  at  Bismarck,  Dakota, 
then  a  scattered  village,  but  already  putting  on  airs  as  the 
prospective  capital.  We  passed  through  St.  Paul,  Milwaukee, 
Grand  Rapids  and  Detroit  on  our  way  to  Mansfield.  This  trip, 
leisurely  taken,  occupied  about  one  month. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  summer,  until  the  canvass  com 
menced,  I  had  a  period  of  rest  and  recuperation.  It  was  inter 
rupted  only  by  the  necessity  of  making  some  preparation  for  the 
canvass,  which  it  was  understood  was  to  commence  on  the  25th 
of  August.  I  carefully  dictated  my  opening  speech,  which  was 
delivered  at  Findlay  on  that  day  to  a  large  audience.  It  was 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  679 

printed  and  circulated,  but  most  of  the  points  discussed  have 
been  settled  by  the  march  of  time. 

After  the  Findlay  meeting  I  went  to  Cincinnati  and  at 
tended  the  harvest  home  festival  in  Green  township,  and  read 
an  address  on  the  life  and  work  of  A.  J.  Downing,  a  noted  hor- 
ticulturalist  and  writer  on  rural  architecture.  I  have  always 
been  interested  in  such  subjects  and  was  conversant  with  Down- 
ing's  writings  and  works,  especially  with  his  improvement  of 
the  public  parks  in  and  about  Washington.  He  was  employed 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States  in  1851,  to  lay  out  and 
superintend  the  improvement  of  the  extensive  public  grounds 
between  the  capitol  and  the  executive  mansion  at  Washing 
ton,  commonly  known  as  the  "Mall."  This  important  work 
was  entered  upon  by  him,  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm. 
Elaborate  plans  of  the  Mall  and  other  public  squares  were 
made  by  him,  walks  and  drives  laid  out ;  the  place  for  each 
tree,  with  its  kind  and  variety  determined,  and  the  work  of 
planting  mainly  executed.  He,  with  an  artist's  eye,  saw 
the  then  unadorned  beauties  of  the  location  of  the  capital; 
the  broad  sweep  of  the  Potomac,  the  valley  and  the  plain  envi 
roned  by  its  rim  of  varied  hills,  broken  here  and  there  by  glens 
and  ravines.  He  spoke  of  it  with  enthusiasm,  and  no  doubt, 
above  all  other  hopes,  wished,  by  his  skill,  to  aid  in  making  the 
city  of  Washington  as  magnificent  in  its  views  and  surround 
ings  as  any  city  in  Europe.  But  man  proposes  and  God  dis 
poses.  It  was  not  to  be  the  good  fortune  of  Mr.  Downing  to 
complete  his  magnificent  plans  for  converting  the  filthy,  waste 
commons  of  the  capital  into  gardens  of  delight ;  but  they  have 
been  executed  by  others,  and  have  contributed  largely  to  mak 
ing  Washington  what  he  wished  it  to  be,  a  beautiful  city, 
parked  and  planted  with  specimens  of  every  American  tree 
worthy  of  propagation,  and  becoming  adorned  with  the  best 
models  of  architecture,  not  only  of  public  edifices,  fitted  for 
the  great  offices  of  the  nation,  but  of  many  elegant  private 
houses. 

I  had  been  invited  by  the  Lincoln  club,  of  Cincinnati,  to 
attend  a  reception  at  their  clubhouse  on  the  evening  of  the  1st 
of  September.  It  is  a  political  as  well  as  a  social  club,  and  I 


680  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  expected  to  make  a  political  speech.  I  did  so,  and  was  fol 
lowed  by  Foraker  and  H.  L.  Morey.  The  usual  "refreshments" 
were  not  forgotten.  I  take  this  occasion  to  express  my  hearty 
approval  of  the  organization  and  maintenance  of  political  clubs 
in  every  city  containing  10,000  or  more  inhabitants.  The  Re 
publicans  of  Cincinnati  have  for  many  years  maintained  two 
notable  organizations,  the  Lincoln  and  the  Elaine  clubs,  which 
have  been  places  of  social  intercourse,  as  well  as  centers  for  po 
litical  discussion.  Both  have  had  a  beneficial  influence,  not 
only  in  instructing  their  members  on  political  topics,  but  in 
disseminating  sound  opinions  throughout  the  state. 

During  this  visit  I  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Chamber  of 
Commerce  of  Cincinnati.  I  regarded  this  as  an  honor,  and  re 
turned  to  its  members  my  sincere  thanks.  Although  I  have 
not  been  engaged  in  commercial  pursuits,  yet  in  my  public 
duties  I  have  often  been  called  upon  to  act  upon  commercial 
questions  and  interests.  I  have  habitually,  in  my  annual  visits 
to  that  city,  visited  the  chamber  of  commerce,  and  said  a  few 
words  on  the  topic  of  the  times  in  which  its  members  were  in 
terested,  but  never  on  politics.  Every  diversity  of  opinion  was 
there  represented. 

Cincinnati,  situated  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Ohio  River, 
with  Kentucky  on  the  other  side,  and  Indiana  near  by,  with  a 
large  part  of  its  population  of  German  birth  or  descent,  with 
every  variety  of  race,  creed  and  color,  is  thoroughly  a  cosmo 
politan  city,  subject  to  sudden  outbreaks  and  notable  changes. 
At  the  time  of  my  visit  it  was  especially  disturbed  by  the  agi 
tation  of  the  temperance  question.  In  discussing  this,  I  took 
the  same  position  as  at  Findlay,  and  found  but  little  objection 
to  it,  but  the  opinions  expressed  by  speakers  in  other  parts  of 
the  state  in  favor  of  prohibition  had,  as  the  election  proved, 
a  very  bad  effect  upon  the  Republican  ticket. 

On  the  6th  of  September  I  attended  the  state  fair  at  Co 
lumbus.  It  was  estimated  that  there  were  at  least  40,000 
people  on  the  ground  that  day.  It  has  been  the  habit  to  gath 
er  around  the  headquarters  and  press  any  public  man  who 
appeared  to  make  a  speech.  Governor  Foster  and  I  were 
together.  Mr.  Cowden,  the  president  of  the  fair,  introduced 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  681 

Foster  and  he  made  a  brief  address.     I  was  then  introduced 
and  said  : 

"  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — It  has  been  my  good  fortune  to  be  able 
to  visit  the  state  fair  for  many  years  in  succession,  but,  from  the  great  multi 
tude  of  people,  and  the  vast  concourse  before  me,  I  should  say  that  Ohio  is 
rapidly  pressing  onward  in  the  march  of  progress.  The  gray  beards  I  see 
before  me,  and  I  am  among  them  now,  remind  me  of  the  time  when  we 
were  boys  together ;  when,  after  a  season's  weary  labor,  we  were  compelled 
to  utilize  our  surplus  crops  to  pay  our  taxes." 

I  contrasted  the  early  days  of  Ohio  with  its  condition  then, 
and  closed  as  follows  : 

"  But  this  is  no  time  for  speechmaking,  nor  the  occasion  for  further 
remarks.  We  have  come  out  to  show  ourselves,  and  you  do  not  desire 
speeches,  but  you  do  most  want  to  see  the  horses,  cattle,  sheep,  hogs,  and  the 
implements  that  make  the  life  of  a  farmer  easier.  This  is  a  progress  that  I 
love  to  see.  My  countrymen,  you  are  crowned  with  blessings.  Enjoy  them 
freely  and  gratefully,  returning  thanks  to  the  Giver  of  all  good  gifts.  This 
is  a  free  land,  and  the  agricultural  masses  are  the  freest,  the  noblest,  and  the 
best  of  all  our  race.  Enjoy  your  privileges  to  the  highest  point,  and  be 
worthy  followers  of  the  great  race  of  pioneers  who  came  before  you." 

During  the  remainder  of  this  canvass  I  spoke  nearly  every 
week  day  until  the  election,  and  in  most  of  the  congressional 
districts  of  the  state.  Some  of  these  speeches  were  reported 
and  circulated  as  campaign  documents.  As  the  election  day 
approached  the  interest  increased,  and  the  meetings  grew  to  be 
immense  gatherings.  This  was  notably  so  at  Toledo,  Dayton, 
Portsmouth,  Cleveland,  Circleville  and  Zanesville.  I  believed 
the  Republican  state  ticket  would  be  elected,  but  feared  that 
the  prohibition  amendment  would  prevent  the  election  of  a 
Republican  legislature.  The  result  of  the  election  for  governor 
was  Hoadley  359,693,  Foraker  347,164,  and  the  general  assem 
bly  elected  contained  a  majority  of  Democrats  in  each  branch. 
Henry  B.  Payne  was,  on  the  meeting  of  the  legislature,  elected 
Senator  in  the  place  then  held  by  Geo.  H.  Pendleton. 

After  the  election  I  went  to  New  York  and  was  met  every 
where  with  inquiries  as  to  the  causes  of  Republican  defeat  in 
Ohio.  I  said  the  Republicans  were  defeated  because  of  the 
prohibition  question  and  the  law  reducing  the  tariff  on  wool ; 


680  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  expected  to  make  a  political  speech.  I  did  so,  and  was  fol 
lowed  by  Foraker  and  H.  L.  Morey.  The  usual  " refreshments" 
were  not  forgotten.  I  take  this  occasion  to  express  my  hearty 
approval  of  the  organization  and  maintenance  of  political  clubs 
in  every  city  containing  10,000  or  more  inhabitants.  The  Re 
publicans  of  Cincinnati  have  for  many  years  maintained  two 
notable  organizations,  the  Lincoln  and  the  Elaine  clubs,  which 
have  been  places  of  social  intercourse,  as  well  as  centers  for  po 
litical  discussion.  Both  have  had  a  beneficial  influence,  not 
only  in  instructing  their  members  on  political  topics,  but  in 
disseminating  sound  opinions  throughout  the  state. 

During  this  visit  I  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Chamber  of 
Commerce  of  Cincinnati.  I  regarded  this  as  an  honor,  and  re 
turned  to  its  members  my  sincere  thanks.  Although  I  have 
not  been  engaged  in  commercial  pursuits,  yet  in  my  public 
duties  I  have  often  been  called  upon  to  act  upon  commercial 
questions  and  interests.  I  have  habitually,  in  my  annual  visits 
to  that  city,  visited  the  chamber  of  commerce,  and  said  a  few 
words  on  the  topic  of  the  times  in  which  its  members  were  in 
terested,  but  never  on  politics.  Every  diversity  of  opinion  was 
there  represented. 

Cincinnati,  situated  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Ohio  River, 
with  Kentucky  on  the  other  side,  and  Indiana  near  by,  with  a 
large  part  of  its  population  of  German  birth  or  descent,  with 
every  variety  of  race,  creed  and  color,  is  thoroughly  a  cosmo 
politan  city,  subject  to  sudden  outbreaks  and  notable  changes. 
At  the  time  of  my  visit  it  was  especially  disturbed  by  the  agi 
tation  of  the  temperance  question.  In  discussing  this,  I  took 
the  same  position  as  at  Findlay,  and  found  but  little  objection 
to  it,  but  the  opinions  expressed  by  speakers  in  other  parts  of 
the  state  in  favor  of  prohibition  had,  as  the  election  proved, 
a  very  bad  effect  upon  the  Republican  ticket. 

On  the  6th  of  September  I  attended  the  state  fair  at  Co 
lumbus.  It  was  estimated  that  there  were  at  least  40,000 
people  on  the  ground  that  day.  It  has  been  the  habit  to  gath 
er  around  the  headquarters  and  press  any  public  man  who 
appeared  to  make  a  speech.  Governor  Foster  and  I  were 
together.  Mr.  Cowden,  the  president  of  the  fair,  introduced 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  681 

Foster  and  he  made  a  brief  address.     I  was  then  introduced 
and  said  : 

"  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — It  has  been  my  good  fortune  to  be  able 
to  visit  the  state  fair  for  many  years  in  succession,  but,  from  the  great  multi 
tude  of  people,  and  the  vast  concourse  before  me,  I  should  say  that  Ohio  is 
rapidly  pressing  onward  in  the  march  of  progress.  The  gray  beards  I  see 
before  me,  and  I  am  among  them  now,  remind  me  of  the  time  when  we 
were  boys  together ;  when,  after  a  season's  weary  labor,  we  were  compelled 
to  utilize  our  surplus  crops  to  pay  our  taxes." 

I  contrasted  the  early  days  of  Ohio  with  its  condition  then, 
and  closed  as  follows  : 

"  But  this  is  no  time  for  speechmaking,  nor  the  occasion  for  further 
remarks.  We  have  come  out  to  show  ourselves,  and  you  do  not  desire 
speeches,  but  you  do  most  want  to  see  the  horses,  cattle,  sheep,  hogs,  and  the 
implements  that  make  the  life  of  a  farmer  easier.  This  is  a  progress  that  I 
love  to  see.  My  countrymen,  you  are  crowned  with  blessings.  Enjoy  them 
freely  and  gratefully,  returning  thanks  to  the  Giver  of  all  good  gifts.  This 
is  a  free  land,  and  the  agricultural  masses  are  the  freest,  the  noblesc.  and  the 
best  of  all  our  race.  Enjoy  your  privileges  to  the  highest  point,  :md  be 
worthy  followers  of  the  great  race  of  pioneers  who  came  before  you." 

During  the  remainder  of  this  canvass  I  spoke  nearly  every 
week  day  until  the  election,  and  in  most  of  the  congressional 
districts  of  the  state.  Some  of  these  speeches  were  reported 
and  circulated  as  campaign  documents.  As  the  election  day 
approached  the  interest  increased,  and  the  meetings  grew  to  be 
immense  gatherings.  This  was  notably  so  at  Toledo,  Dayton, 
Portsmouth,  Cleveland,  Circleville  and  Zanesville.  I  believed 
the  Republican  state  ticket  would  be  elected,  but  feared  that 
the  prohibition  amendment  would  prevent  the  election  of  a 
Republican  legislature.  The  result  of  the  election  for  governor 
was  Hoadley  359,693,  Foraker  347,164,  and  the  general  assem 
bly  elected  contained  a  majority  of  Democrats  in  each  branch. 
Henry  B.  Payne  was,  on  the  meeting  of  the  legislature,  elected 
Senator  in  the  place  then  held  by  Geo.  H.  Pendleton. 

After  the  election  I  went  to  New  York  and  was  met  every 
where  with  inquiries  as  to  the  causes  of  Republican  defeat  in 
Ohio.  I  said  the  Republicans  were  defeated  because  of  the 
prohibition  question  and  the  law  reducing  the  tariff  on  wool ; 


fiS2  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

that  many  Germans  feared  an  invasion  of  their  rights  and 
an  interference  with  their  habits,  and  the  farmers  objected 
to  the  discrimination  made  by  our  tariff  laws  against  their 
industries. 

On  the  1st  of  November,  1883,  General  Sherman  relinquished 
command  of  the  army,  with  the  same  simplicity  and  lack  of 
display  which  had  characterized  his  official  life  at  army  head 
quarters.  He  wrote  the  following  brief  order : 

HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY,    | 
WASHINGTON,  November  1,  1883.  j 
General  Orders  No.  77. 

By  and  with  the  consent  of  the  President,  as  contained  in  General 
Orders  No.  71,  of  October  16,  1883,  the  undersigned  relinquishes  command 
of  the  army  of  the  United  States. 

In  thus  severing  relations  which  have  hitherto  existed  between  us,  he 
thanks  all  officers  and  men  for  their  fidelity  to  the  high  trust  imposed  on 
them  during  his  official  life,  and  will,  in  his  retirement,  watch  with  parental 
solicitude  their  progress  upward  in  the  noble  profession  to  which  they  have 
devoted  their  lives.  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  General. 

Official :     R.  C.  DRUM,  Adjutant  General. 

He  then  rose  from  his  desk,  gave  his  seat  to  Sheridan, 
who  at  once  issued  his  orders  assuming  his  new  duties,  and  the 
transfer  was  completed.  I  know  that  when  the  bill  for  the 
retirement  of  officers  at  a  specified  age  was  pending,  there  was 
a  strong  desire  in  the  Senate  to  except  General  Sherman  from 
the  operation  of  the  law,  but  the  general,  who  was  absent 
on  the  plains,  telegraphed  me  not  to  allowT  an  exception  to  be 
made  in  his  favor,  insisting  that  it  would  be  a  discrimination 
against  other  officers  of  high  merit.  Thereupon  the  Senate 
reluctantly  yielded,  but  with  a  provision  that  he  should  retain 
his  salary  as  a  general,  notwithstanding  his  retirement. 

At  this  period  mention  was  again  made  in  the  newspapers 
of  my  name  as  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  party  for  Presi 
dent  in  the  next  year.  I  promptly  declared  that  I  was  not  a 
candidate  and  had  no  purpose  or  desire  to  enter  into  the  con 
test.  This  discussion  of  my  name  continued  until  the  decision 
of  the  national  convention,  but  I  took  no  part  or  lot  in  it,  made 
no  requests  of  anyone  to  support  my  nomination,  and  took  no 
steps,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  promote  it. 


CHAPTER   XLV. 
EFFECT  OF  THE  MARINE  NATIONAL  BANK  AND  OTHER  FAILURES. 

Continued  Prosperity  of  the  Nation — Arthur's  Report  to  Congress  —  Resolution  to 
Inquire  Into  Election  Outrages  in  Virginia  and  Mississippi — Reports  of  the  In 
vestigating  Committee —  Financial  Questions  Discussed  During  the  Session  — 
Duties  and  Privileges  of  Senators  — Failure  of  the  Marine  National  Bank 
and  of  Grant  and  Ward  in  New  York  —  Followed  by  a  Panic  in  Which 
Other  Institutions  Are  Wrecked  —  Timely  Assistance  from  the  New 
York  Clearing  House — Debate  in  the  Senate  on  the  National 
Bank  System  —  Dedication  of  the  John  Marshall  Statue 
at  Washington  —  Defeat  of  Ingalls'  Arrears  of  Pen 
sions  Amendment  to  Bill  to  Grant    Pensions  to 
Soldiers  and  Sailors  of  the  Mexican  War — The 
Senate  Listens  to  the  Reading  of  the  Dec 
laration  of  Independence  on  July  4. 

THE  message  of  President  Arthur,  submitted  to  Congress 
on  the  4th  of  December,  1883,  presented  a  condition 
of   remarkable   prosperity  in  the  United  States.     We 
were  at  peace  and  harmony  with  all  nations.     The  sur 
plus  revenue  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30, 1883,  amounted 
to  $134,178,756.96,  all  of  which  was  applied  to  the  reduction  of 
the  public  debt.      It  was  estimated  that  the  surplus  revenue 
for  the  then  fiscal  year  would  be  $85,000,000,  and  for  the  next 
fiscal  year  $60,000,000.     The  President  called  the  attention  of 
Congress  to  the  revenue  act  of  July,  1883,  which  had  reduced 
the  receipts  of  the  government  fifty  or  sixty  million  dollars. 
While  he  had  no  doubt  that  still  further  reductions  might  be 
wisely  made,  he  did  not  advise  at  that  session  a  large  diminu 
tion  of  the  national  revenues.     The  whole  tenor  of  the  message 
was  conservative  and  hopeful. 

During  this  session,  upon  representations  made  to  me  and 
after  full  reflection,  I  felt  compelled,  by  a  sense  of  public 
duty,  to  institute  an  inquiry  into  events  connected  with  recent 
elections  held  in  the  States  of  Virginia  and  Mississippi.  I  did 
so  with  extreme  reluctance,  for  I  did  not  care  to  assume  the 
labor  of  such  an  investigation.  On  the  23rd  of  January,  1884,  I 

(683) 


684  RECOLLECTIONS 

introduced  a  preamble  setting  out  in  detail  the  general  charges 
made  as  to  events  currently  reported  in  the  public  press  prior 
to  the  elections  in  November,  1883,  in  Danville,  Virginia,  and 
Copiah  county,  Mississippi,  with  the  following  resolution  : 

"  Jtesolved,  That  the  committee  on  privileges  and  elections  be,  and  it  is 
hereby,  instructed  to  inquire  into  all  the  circumstances  of,  and  connected 
with,  the  said  alleged  events,  and  into  the  condition  of  the  constitutional 
rights  and  securities  before  named  of  the  people  of  Virginia  and  Mississippi, 
and  that  it  report,  by  bill  or  otherwise,  as  soon  as  may  be  ;  and  that  it  have 
the  power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  to  sit  during  the  sittings  of 
the  Senate,  and  that  it  may  employ  a  stenographer  or  stenographers." 

On  the  29th  of  January  I  called  up  the  resolution,  and  made 
an  extended  address  explaining  why  I  introduced  the  resolu 
tion  and  requested  an  investigation. 

The  resolution  was  adopted  by  a  party  vote,  yeas  33,  nays 
29.  As  the  investigation  ordered  embraced  two  distinct  series 
of  events,  they  were  separately  considered  and  reported  upon 
by  the  committee  on  privileges  and  elections.  Mr.  Hoar  was 
chairman  of  the  committee.  I  was  a  member  of  the  committee 
and  assumed  the  chief  work  in  the  examination  of  witnesses  as 
to  the  events  in  Danville.  Mr.  Lapham  prepared  the  majority 
report,  and  Mr.  Vance  the  report  of  the  minority.  These  re 
ports,  with  the  testimony  taken,  were  printed  in  a  document 
containing  1,300  pages.  The  Copiah  county  matter  was  re 
ferred  to  another  sub-committee.  As  no  affirmative  action 
was  taken  on  these  reports,  I  do  not  care  to  recite  at  any 
length  either  the  report  or  the  evidence,  but  it  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  the  allegations  made  in  the  preamble  of  the  resolution 
were  substantially  sustained  by  the  testimony.  There  was  a 
deliberate  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Democrats  at  Danville,  and 
in  other  parts  of  Virginia,  to  prevent  the  negroes  from  voting, 
and  preceding  the  November  election  this  movement  was  or 
ganized  by  the  formation  of  clubs,  and  every  means  was 
adopted  to  intimidate  and  suppress  the  Republican  vote.  A 
letter,  called  the  Danville  circular,  was  prepared  and  issued  to 
the  southwest  valley  of  Virginia  containing  the  most  inflam 
matory  language,  evidently  intended  to  deter  the  negroes  from 
voting. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  685 

I  do  not  follow  this  investigation  further,  as  no  doubt  the 
condition  of  affairs  which  led  to  it  is  now  changed. 

Among  the  bills  pressed  on  this  Congress  was  one  intro 
duced  by  Mr.  Blair,  of  New  Hampshire,  and  chiefly  advocated 
by  him,  to  aid  in  the  establishment  and  temporary  support  of 
common  schools.  It  provided  for  the  appropriation  of  $120,- 
000,000  to  be  distributed  among  the  states  upon  the  basis  of 
illiteracy,  $15,000,000  for  the  current  fiscal  year,  and  a  smaller 
sum  each  year  for  fifteen  years,  until  the  total  sum  was  ex 
hausted.  The  apportionment  proposed  would  have  given  to 
the  southern  states  $11,318,394  out  of  the  $15,000,000.  The 
money  was  not  to  be  disbursed  by  the  United  States,  but  was 
to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  state  authorities.  The  object  de 
signed  of  diminishing  illiteracy  in  the  south,  especially  among 
the  freedmen,  was  no  doubt  a  laudable  one,  but  the  measure 
proposed  was  so  radical  and  burdensome,  and  so  unequal  in 
its  apportionment  among  the  states,  that  I  assumed  it  would 
be  defeated,  but  it  passed  the  Senate  by  a  large  majority.  The 
advocates  of  a  strict  construction  of  the  constitution  voted  for 
it  in  spite  of  their  theories.  The  bill,  however,  was  defeated 
in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

An  interesting  debate  arose  between  Mr.  Beck  and  myself, 
during  this  session,  upon  the  question  of  the  sinking  fund, 
which  he  seemed  to  regard  as  a  part  of  the  public  debt.  It  is, 
in  fact,  only  a  treasury  statement  of  the  debt  to  be  paid  each 
year,  and  the  amount  actually  paid.  In  1862,  when  the  war 
was  flagrant,  Congress  provided  that  one  per  cent,  of  the  prin 
cipal  of  the  public  debt  should  be  paid  each  year  as  a  "  sinking 
fund."  While  the  United  States  was  borrowing  large  sums 
and  issuing  its  bonds,  it  was  folly  to  pay  outstanding  bonds, 
and  this  was  not  done  until  1868,  when  the  treasury  was  receiv 
ing  more  money  than  it  disbursed.  In  the  meantime,  the 
treasury  charged  to  the  "  sinking  fund,"  annually,  the  sum  of 
one  per  cent,  of  the  amount  of  outstanding  securities  of  the 
United  States.  When  the  receipts  exceeded  expenditures,  so 
much  of  the  balance  on  hand  as  was  not  needed  was  applied  to 
the  purchase  of  bonds,  and  such  bonds  were  canceled  and  the 
amount  paid  was  placed  to  the  credit  of  this  fund.  In  the 


RECOLLECTIONS 

general  prosperity  that  followed,  and  until  1873,  the  sums  thus 
credited  increased  so  that  the  amount  of  bonds  paid  was  equal 
to,  if  not  in  excess  of,  the  annual  charge  against  that  fund,  and 
the  amount  charged  against  it  prior  to  1868.  When  the  finan 
cial  panic  of  1873  occurred,  the  revenues  fell  off  so  that  they  were 
insufficient  to  meet  current  expenditures.  This  prevented  any 
credits  to  the  sinking  fund  until  1878,  when  the  pendulum 
swung  the  other  way,  and  the  fund  was  rapidly  diminished  by 
bonds  purchased  from  the  surplus  revenue,  and  credited  to  the 
fund,  so  that  when  Mr.  Beck  interrogated  me  I  was  able  to  say 
that  the  sinking  fund  had  to  its  credit  a  considerable  sum;  in 
other  words,  the  United  States  had  paid  its  debt  more  rapidly 
than  it  had  agreed  to  pay  it.  The  term  "  sinking  fund,"  as  ap 
plied  to  the  national  accounts,  is  a  misleading  phrase.  It  is  a 
mere  statement  of  the  reduction  or  increase  of  the  public  debt, 
showing  whether  we  have  or  have  not  paid  one  per  centum  of 
the  public  debt  each  year.  There  is  no  actual  fund  of  the  kind 
in  existence  for  national  purposes. 

Another  financial  question  was  presented  at  this  session 
and  before  and  since.  The  national  banking  act,  when  it 
passed  in  1863,  provided  that  circulating  notes  of  national 
banks  should  be  issued  for  only  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  amount 
of  United  States  bonds  deposited  in  the  treasury  for  their  se 
curity.  At  that  time  bonds  were  worth  in  the  market  about 
fifty  per  cent,  in  coin,  or  par  in  United  States  notes.  Soon  after 
the  war,  bonds  advanced  far  above  par  in  coin  and  have  been 
worth  thirty  per  cent,  premium.  Yet,  in  spite  of  this,  Congress 
has  repeatedly  refused  to  allow  notes  to  be  issued  by  national 
banks,  to  the  par  value  of  bonds  deposited  on  security,  thus 
limiting  the  amount  of  bank  notes  unreasonably.  I  introduced  a 
bill  early  at  this  session  to  correct  this.  It  passed  the  Senate, 
but  was  ignored  in  the  House.  The  same  result  has  happened 
at  nearly  every  Congress  since,  even  when  the  bonds  were  so 
high  as  to  deter  the  issue  of  bank  notes  when  they  were  greatly 
needed. 

During  this  session  a  delicate  question  arose  whether  a  Sen 
ator  could  refuse  to  vote  when  his  name  was  called,  and  he  was 
present  in  the  Senate.  The  Senate  being  so  closely  divided  a 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN  687 

few  Senators  might,  by  refusing  to  answer  their  names,  suspend 
the  business  of  the  Senate  when  a  quorum  was  present.  Mr. 
Bayard  and  myself  agreed  that  such  a  practice  would  be  a 
breach  of  public  duty,  which  the  Senate  might  punish.  Sen 
ators  may  retire  from  the  Chamber,  but  the  Senate  can  com 
pel  their  attendance.  If  a  case  should  arise  where  a  Senator, 
being  present,  and  not  paired,  should,  without  good  reason, 
refuse  to  vote,  he  should  be  censured.  The  increase  in  the 
number  of  Senators  makes  this  question  one  of  importance, 
but  I  hope  the  time  will  never  come  when  it  practically  shall 
arise. 

The  Senate  is  properly  a  very  conservative  body,  and  never 
yields  a  custom  until  it  is  demonstrated  to  be  an  abuse.  The 
committee  on  appropriations  is  a  very  important  one.  It  is 
always  composed  of  experienced  Senators,  who  are  careful  in 
making  appropriations,  but  there  are  appropriations  which 
ought  not  to  be  referred  to  them.  Their  chief  duty  is  per 
formed  in  the  closing  days  of  the  session,  when  all  business  is 
hurried,  and  they  have  little  time  to  enter  into  details.  They 
are  entirely  familiar  with  the  great  appropriations  for  the  sup 
port  of  the  government,  and  can  best  judge  in  respect  to  them, 
but  there  are  other  appropriations  which  ought  to  be  passed 
upon  by  committees  specially  appointed  for  specific  duties,  like 
that  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  No  reason  can  be  given  why 
these  appropriations  should  not  be  acted  upon  by  such  com 
mittees.  It  is  true  that  the  appropriation  committee  ought  to 
simply  report  such  sums  as  are  necessary  to  carry  into  execu 
tion  existing  laws.  That  is  their  function,  according  to  the 
rules,  and  that  function  they  can  perform  very  well  in  re 
gard  to  such  expenditures ;  but  the  expenditures  of  the  govern 
ment  for  the  District,  rivers  and  harbors,  fortifications,  pensions, 
and  certain  other  objects,  are  not  defined  or  regulated  by  law. 
In  the  case  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  a  few  officers  named  in 
the  appropriation  bill  are  provided  for  by  law,  but  the  great 
body  of  the  expenditures  is  for  streets,  alleys  and  public  im 
provements,  nine-tenths  of  all  the  appropriations  made  for  the 
District  being,  in  their  nature,  new  items  not  fixed  by  existing 
law. 


f,S8  RECOLLECTIONS 

On  the  6th  of  May,  1884,  the  country  was  startled  by  the 
failure  of  the  Marine  National  Bank  of  New  York,  an  institu 
tion  that  had  been  in  high  credit  and  standing.  The  circum 
stances  connected  with  the  failure  excited  a  great  deal  of 
interest  and  profound  surprise.  Immediately  in  connection  with 
the  failure  of  this  bank  the  banking  firm  of  Grant  &  Ward,  in 
the  city  of  New  York,  failed  for  a  large  amount.  Their  business 
was  complicated  with  that  of  the  Marine  National  Bank,  and 
disclosures  were  made  which  not  only  aroused  indignation  but 
almost  created  a  panic  in  the  city  of  New  York. 

Almost  contemporaneous  with  this  the  insolvency  of  the 
Second  National  Bank  of  New  York,  for  a  very  large  sum,  be 
came  public,  and  the  alleged  gross  misconduct  of  the  president 
of  that  bank,  John  C.  Eno,  became  a  matter  of  public  noto 
riety.  Steps  were  taken  by  the  officers  and  stockholders  of  the 
bank,  including  the  father  of  the  president,  to  relieve  it  from 
bankruptcy. 

Also,  and  in  connection  with  the  failure  of  the  Marine 
National  Bank,  there  were  disclosed  financial  operations  of 
a  strange  and  extraordinary  character  of  the  president  of 
that  bank,  James  D.  Fish.  All  these  events  coming  together 
caused  much  excitement  and  disturbance  in  New  York.  They 
led  to  a  great  fall  of  securities,  to  a  want  of  confidence, 
and  to  a  general  run,  as  it  is  called,  upon  banks  and  banking 
institutions,  including  the  savings  banks.  It  appeared  as  if 
there  were  to  be  a  general  panic,  a  financial  revulsion,  and  wide- 
reaching  distress. 

At  that  time  also,  and  in  connection  with  the  other  events, 
came  the  temporary  suspension  of  the  Metropolitan  National 
Bank,  one  of  the  oldest,  largest,  and  in  former  times  considered 
among  the  best,  of  all  the  banks  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
This  was  partly  caused  by  rumors  and  stories  of  large  rail 
road  operations  and  indebtedness  of  Mr.  Seney,  the  president  of 
the  bank,  which  resulted  in  a  gradual  drawing  upon  the  bank. 

At  once  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  did  what  he  could  to 
relieve  the  money  market,  by  prepaying  bonds  which  had  been 
called  in  the  process  of  the  payment  of  the  public  debt ;  but 
the  principal  relief  given  to  the  market  at  that  time  was  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  689 

action  of  the  Clearing  House  Association  of  New  York,  by  the 
issue  of  over  $24,000,000  of  clearing  house  certificates.  This 
was  purely  a  defensive  operation  adopted  by  the  associated 
banks  of  New  York,  fifteen  of  which  are  state  institutions  and 
the  balance  national  banks. 

All  that  was  done  in  New  York  to  prevent  a  panic  was  done 
by  the  banks  themselves.  The  government  of  the  United  States 
had  no  lot  or  parcel  in  it  except  so  far  as  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  prepaid  bonds  that  had  already  been  called,  a  trans 
action  which  has  been  done  a  hundred  times.  So  far  as  the  gov 
ernment  was  concerned  it  had  nothing  to  do  with  these  banks ; 
the  measures  of  relief  were  furnished  by  the  banks  themselves. 

This  condition  of  financial  affairs  led  to  a  long  debate  in  the 
Senate,  commencing  on  the  17th  of  June,  on  the  merits  and 
demerits  of  the  system  of  national  banks,  and  especially  of  the 
clearing  house  of  the  city  of  New  York.  The  comptroller  of 
the  currency  had  taken  active  and  efficient  measures  to  protect 
the  interests  of  the  United  States.  He  was  called  before  the 
committee  on  finance  and  gave  a  full  statement  of  these 
measures.  It  was  apparent  that  the  temporary  panic  grew  out 
of  the  reckless  and  criminal  conduct  of  a  few  men  and  not 
from  defects  in  the  national  bank  system  or  the  clearinghouse. 
The  debate  that  followed,  in  the  Senate,  was  mainly  between 
Morgan,  Beck  and  myself.  I  stated  fully  the  methods  of  con 
ducting  the  business  of  the  clearing  house,  a  corporation  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  and  closed  as  follows : 

"It  is  a  matter  of  satisfaction  that  with  the  single  exception  of  the 
Marine  Bank,  of  New  York,  no  national  bank  has  been  overwhelmed  by  this 
disaster.  It  is  true  that  the  Second  National  Bank  was  bankrupted  by  the 
crimes  and  wrongs  of  John  C.  Eno,  but  his  father,  with  a  sensitive  pride  not 
to  allow  innocent  persons  to  suffer  from  the  misconduct  of  his  son,  with  a 
spirit  really  worthy  of  commendation,  here  or  anywhere  else,  threw  a  large 
sum  of  money  into  the  maelstrom  and  saved  not  only  the  credit  of  the  bank 
and  advanced  his  own  credit,  but  to  some  extent,  so  far  as  he  could  at  least, 
expiated  the  fault,  the  folly,  and  the  crime  of  his  son.  The  Metropolitan 
Bank  is  relieved  from  its  embarrassments  by  its  associate  banks.  The  losses 
caused  by  the  speculations  of  its  president  did  not  entirely  fall  upon  the 
bank.  That  bank,  now  relieved  from  the  pressure  of  unexpected  demands, 
is  pursuing  its  even  tenor.  It  seems  to  me  that  all  these  facts  taken  to- 


690  RECOLLECTIONS 

Aether  show  the  strength  and  confidence  that  may  well  be  reposed  in  the 
national  banking  system.  The  law  cannot  entirely  prevent  fraud  and  crime, 
but  it  has  guarded  the  public  from  the  results  of  such  offenses  far  better 
than  any  previous  system." 

On  the  10th  of  May,  1884,  which  happened  to  be  my  birth 
day,  the  statue  of  John  Marshall,  formerly  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States,  was  dedicated.  This  is  a  bronze  statue  in  a 
sitting  posture,  erected  by  the  bar  of  Philadelphia  and  the  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States.  A  fund  had  been  collected  shortly 
after  the  death  of  Marshall,  but  it  was  insufficient  to  erect  a 
suitable  monument,  and  it  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  trustees 
and  invested  as  "  The  Marshall  Memorial  Fund."  On  the  death 
of  the  last  of  the  trustees,  Peter  McCall,  it  was  found  that  the 
fund  had,  by  honest  stewardship,  increased  sevenfold  its  origi 
nal  amount.  This  sum,  with  an  equal  amount  appropriated  by 
Congress,  was  applied  to  the  erection  of  a  statue  to  the  mem 
ory  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  to  be  placed  in  a  suitable  reser 
vation  in  the  city  of  Washington.  The  artist  who  executed 
this  work  was  W.  W.  Story,  a  son  of  the  late  Justice  Story  of 
the  Supreme  Court.  I  was  chairman  of  the  joint  committee 
on  the  library  and  presided  on  the  occasion.  Chief  Justice 
Waite  delivered  an  appropriate  address.  He  was  followed  by 
William  Henry  Rawle,  of  Philadelphia,  in  an  eloquent  oration. 

During  this  session  Mr.  Ingalls  offered  to  a  House  bill  grant 
ing  a  pension  to  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Mexican  War,  the 
following  amendment: 

"  That  all  pensions  which  have  been  or  which  may  hereafter  be  granted 
in  consequence  of  death  occurring  from  a  cause  which  originated  in  the  serv 
ice  since  the  4th  day  of  March,  1861,  or  in  consequence  of  wounds  or  in 
juries  received  or  disease  contracted  since  that  date  in  the  service  and  in  the 
line  of  duty,  shall  commence  from  the  death  or  discharge  of  the  person  on 
whose  account  the  claim  has  been  or  is  hereafter  granted,  if  the  disability  oc 
curred  prior  to  discharge,  and  if  such  disability  occurred  after  the  dis 
charge,  then  from  the  date  of  actual  disability,  or  from  the  termination  of 
the  right  of  the  party  having  prior  title  to  such  pension." 

I  opposed  this  sweeping  provision  with  much  reluctance,  as 
I  have  always  favored  the  granting  of  the  most  liberal  pensions 
consistent  with  the  public  interests. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  691 

Mr.  Ingalls  made  a  sturdy  effort  for  his  amendment,  and 
quoted  a  declaration  of  the  Republican  national  convention  in 
favor  of  arrears  of  pensions,  to  which  I  replied  that,  when  I 
remembered  that  the  platform  of  the  last  Republican  conven 
tion  had  been  made  up  in  a  few  hours,  on  a  sweltering  hot  day, 
by  forty-two  men  hastily  called  together,  most  of  whom  never 
saw  each  other  before,  1  did  not  think  it  ought  to  be  taken  as 
a  guide  for  Senators  in  the  performance  of  their  public  duties. 

After  full  discussion  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

My  position  was  highly  commended  by  the  public  press  and 
by  many  distinguished  soldiers,  including  Governor  Foraker, 
who  wrote  me,  saying :  "  It  may  be  some  gratification  to  you  to 
know  that  your  course,  in  regard  to  the  pension  bill,  meets 
with  the  earnest  approval  of  all  right-minded  men  in  this  part 
of  the  state." 

On  the  3rd  of  July  the  following  resolution  was  adopted  by 
the  Senate  on  my  motion : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Senate  will  meet  at  the  usual  hour  on  Friday,  the 
4th  day  of  July  instant,  and,  after  the  reading  of  the  journal  and  before 
other  business  is  done,  the  secretary  of  the  Senate  shall  read  the  Declaration 
of  American  Independence." 

On  introducing  the  resolution,  I  said : 

"  Never  till  during  our  Civil  War,  so  far  as  the  records  show  or  as  is 
known  or  is  recollected,  did  Congress  meet  on  the  4th  of  July.  During 
the  Civil  War  we  did  meet  habitually  on  the  4th  of  July,  but  it  was  only  on 
the  ground  that  those  who  had  control  then  believed  that  the  business  then 
requiring  attention  was  proper  to  be  done  on  the  4th  of  July.  We  have 
only  met  once  since  on  the  4th  of  July,  and  that  was  in  1870,  at  a  time  of 
great  political  excitement.  An  effort  was  made  to  adjourn  when  the  Senate 
met  that  day,  but  the  session  was  continued — a  long,  exciting,  and  unpleas 
ant  session — on  the  4th  of  July,  1870. 

"  I  do  not  doubt  that  to-morrow  it  will  be  well  to  sit,  because  the  com 
mittees  of  conference  are  carrying  on  their  business  and  I  have  no  objection 
to  sitting ;  but  I  think  we  ought  to  recognize,  by  common  consent,  the  im 
portance  of  the  day  and  the  fact  that  it  is  a  national  anniversary  celebrated 
all  over  the  United  States,  by  reading  that  immortal  paper  which  is  the 
foundation  of  American  independence." 

Congress  adjourned  July  7,  1884. 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 
MY  PARTICIPATION  IN  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 

Again  Talked  of  as  a  Republican  Candidate  for  the  Presidency  —  I  Have  no  Desire  for 
the  Nomination —  Elaine  the  Natural  Candidate  of  the  Party  —  My  Belief  that 
Arthur  Would  Be  Defeated  if  Nominated —  Speech  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  for 
Blaine  and  Logan  —  Opening  of  the  Ohio  Campaign  at  Ashland  —  Success 
of  the  Republican  State  Ticket  in    October  —  Speeches  in  Boston, 
Springfield,  Mass.,  New  York  and  Brooklyn  —  Address  to  Business 
Men  in  Faneuil  Hall  —  Success  of  the  National  Democratic 
Ticket — Arthur's  Annual  Message  to  Congress — Secretary 
McCulloclrs    Recommendations    Concerning  the    Fur 
ther  Coinage  of  Silver  Dollars  —  Statement  of  My 
Views  at  This  Time — Statue  to  the  Memory  of 
General  Lafayette  —  Controversy  Between 
General  Sherman  and  Jefferson  Davis. 

ON  the  3rd  of  June,  1884,  during  the  session  of  Con 
gress,  the  national  Republican  convention  to  nomi 
nate  Republican  candidates  for  President  and  Vice 
President,  was  held  at  Chicago.     Prior  to  that  time 
the  papers  had  been  full  of  the  merits  and  demerits  of  candi 
dates,  and  my  name  was  mentioned  among  them.     I  had  early 
announced,  in  interviews  and  letters,  that  I  was  not  a  candi 
date.    The   following  statement  was  generally   published  in 
Ohio. 

"  I  am  in  no  sense  a  candidate,  and  would  not  make  an  effort  for  the 
nomination.  I  would  not  even  express  my  opinion  as  to  who  should  be  del 
egates  from  my  own  district  or  what  their  action  should  be.  Four  years 
ago  I  thought  it  best  to  be  a  candidate.  I  believed  that  the  logic  of  events 
at  that  time  justified  such  action.  The  reasons  I  need  not  state.  Now  there 
is  no  such  condition  and  I  would  not  enter  a  contest  even  for  the  indorse 
ment  of  my  own  constituency.  Many  of  my  friends  write  me  complaining 
letters  because  I  refuse  to  make  such  an  issue.  Believing  that  the  conven 
tion,  when  it  meets,  should  be  free,  uninstructed,  and  in  shape  to  do  the 
very  best  thing  for  the  whole  party,  I  have  counseled  my  friends  to  that  end. 
A  united  and  enthusiastic  party  is  more  important  than  one  man,  and  hence 
T  am  for  bending  every  energy  to  the  first  purpose,  and  am  not  a  candidate." 
(692) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  693 

I  had  not  expressed  the  slightest  desire  to  make  such  a  con 
test.  When  approached  by  personal  friends  I  dissuaded  them 
from  using  my  name  as  a  candidate.  I  neither  asked  nor  sought 
anyone  to  be  a  delegate.  When  the  convention  met,  the  Ohio 
delegation  was  divided  between  Elaine  and  myself,  and  this 
necessarily  prevented  any  considerable  support  of  me  outside  of 
the  state.  I  was  not  sorry  for  it.  I  regarded  the  nomination 
of  Elaine  as  the  natural  result  under  the  circumstances. 

The  strength  of  Arthur,  his  principal  competitor,  grew  out 
of  his  power  and  patronage  as  President.  He  was  a  gentleman 
of  pleasing  manners,  but  I  thought  unequal  to  the  great  office 
he  held.  He  had  never  been  distinguished  in  political  life. 
The  only  office  he  had  held  of  any  importance  was  that  of  col 
lector  of  the  port  of  New  York,  from  which  he  was  removed 
for  good  causes  already  stated.  His  nomination  as  Vice  Presi 
dent  was  the  whim  of  Roscoe  Conkling  to  strike  at  President 
Hayes.  If  nominated  he  would  surely  have  been  defeated.  In 
the  then  condition  of  political  affairs  it  is  not  certain  that  any 
Republican  would  have  been  elected. 

The  weakness  of  the  nomination  of  Elaine  was  the  strong 
opposition  to  him  in  the  State  of  New  York.  The  selection  by 
the  Democratic  convention  of  Grover  Cleveland  as  the  candi 
date  for  President,  and  of  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  for  Vice  Presi 
dent,  was  made  in  view  of  the  necessity  of  carrying  the  two 
doubtful  States  of  New  York  and  Indiana,  which  it  was  well 
understood  would  determine  the  election. 

I  promptly  took  an  active  part  in  support  of  the  Republican 
ticket.  A  meeting  to  ratify  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Elaine 
and  John  A.  Logan  was  held  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  on  the  19th 
of  June,  at  which  I  made  a  speech,  which,  as  reported,  was  as 
follows:  .  .  . 

"  It  is  said  that  Blaine  is  bold  and  aggressive  ;  that  he  will  obstruct  the 
business  interests  of  the  country.  I  would  like  to  try  such  a  President. 
He  might  shake  off  some  of  the  cobwebs  of  diplomacy  and  invite  the  atten 
tion  of  mankind  to  the  existence  of  this  country.  There  will  always  be  con 
servatism  enough  in  Congress,  and  inertness  enough  in  the  Democratic  party, 
to  hold  in  check  even  as  brilliant  a  man  as  James  G.  Blaine.  What  we 
v/ant  now  is  an  American  policy  broad  enough  to  embrace  the  continent, 
conservative  enough  to  protect  the  rights  of  every  man,  poor  as  well  as  rich, 
and  brave  enough  to  do  what  is  right,  whatever  stands  in  the  way.  We 


694  RECOLLECTIONS 

want  protection  to  American  citizens  and  protection  to  American  laborers,  a 
free  vote  and  a  fair  count,  an  assertion  of  all  the  powers  of  the  government 
in  doing  what  is  right.  It  is  because  I  believe  that  the  administration  of 
Elaine  and  Logan  will  give  us  such  a  policy,  and  that  I  know  the  Democratic 
pa'rty  is  not  capable  of  it,  that  I  invoke  your  aid  and  promise  you  mine  to 
secure  the  election  of  the  Republican  ticket." 

Upon  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  I  took  an  active  part  in 
the  campaign,  commencing  with  a  speech  at  Ashland,  Ohio,  on 
the  30th  of  August,  and  from  that  time  until  the  close  of  the 
canvass  I  spoke  daily.  The  meetings  of  both  parties  were 
largely  attended,  notably  those. at  Springfield,  Cincinnati,  Co 
lumbus,  and  Cleveland. 

After  the  October  election  in  Ohio,  which  resulted  in  the 
success  of  the  Eepublican  ticket,  I  engaged  in  the  canvass  in 
other  states,  speaking  in  many  places,  among  others  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  Boston,  in  Springfield,  Massachusetts,  in  Chickering  Hall, 
New  York,  and  in  the  Brooklyn  Grand  Opera  House. 

I  felt  greater  timidity  in  speaking  in  Faneuil  Hall  than  any 
where  else.  The  time,  place,  and  manner  of  the  meeting  were 
so  novel,  that  a  strong  impression  was  made  upon  my  mind. 
In  the  middle  of  the  day,  when  the  streets  were  crowded,  I  was 
conducted  up  a  narrow,  spiral  passageway  that  led  directly  to 
a  low  platform  on  one  side  of  the  hall,  where  were  the  officers 
of  the  meeting,  and  there  I  faced  an  audience  of  men  with 
their  hats  and  overcoats  on,  all  standing  closely  packed,  with 
no  room  for  any  more.  It  was  a  meeting  of  business  men  of 
marked  intelligence,  who  had  no  time  to  waste,  and  whose 
countenances  expressed  the  demand,  "  Say  what  you  have  to 
say,  and  say  it  quickly."  I  was  deeply  impressed  with  the  his 
torical  associations  of  the  place,  recalling  the  Revolutionary 
scenes  that  had  occurred  there,  and  Daniel  Webster  and  the 
great  men  whose  voices  had  been  heard  within  its  walls.  I 
condensed  my  speech  into  less  than  an  hour,  and,  I  believe,  gave 
the  assemblage  satisfaction.  I  was  followed  by  brief  addresses 
from  Theodore  Roosevelt  and  others,  and  then  the  meeting 
quietly  dispersed. 

While  in  Springfield,  I  heard  of  the  unfortunate  remark  of 
Dr.  Burchard  to  Blaine  about  "  Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion/' 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  695 

and  felt  that  the  effect  would  be  to  offend  a  considerable  por 
tion  of  the  Irish  voters,  who  had  been  very  friendly  to  Elaine. 
After  that  incident,  I  met  Mr.  Elaine  at  the  Chickering  Hall 
meeting,  and  went  with  him  to  Brooklyn,  where  we  spoke  to 
gether  at  the  Academy  of  Music. 

The  election,  a  few  days  afterward,  resulted  in  the  success 
of  the  Democratic  ticket.  The  electoral  vote  of  New  York  was 
cast  for  Cleveland  and  Hendricks.  It  was  believed  at  the  time 
that  this  result  was  produced  by  fraudulent  voting  in  New 
York  city,  but  the  returns  were  formal,  and  there  was  no  way 
in  which  the  election  could  be  contested. 

Congress  met  on  the  1st  of  December,  1884.  President  Ar 
thur  promptly  sent  his  message  to  each  House.  He  congratu 
lated  the  country  upon  the  quiet  acquiescence  in  the  result  of 
an  election  when  it  had  been  determined  by  a  slight  prepon 
derance.  Our  relations  with  foreign  nations  had  been  friendly 
and  cordial.  The  revenues  of  the  government  for  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June  30,  1884,  had  been  $348,519,869.92.  The  ex 
penditures  for  the  same  period,  including  the  sinking  fund, 
were  $290,916,473.83,  leaving  a  surplus  of  $57,603,396.09.  He 
recommended  the  immediate  suspension  of  the  coinage  of 
silver  dollars  and  of  the  issuance  of  silver  certificates,  a  further 
reduction  of  internal  taxes  and  customs  duties,  and  that  na 
tional  banks  be  allowed  to  issue  circulating  notes  to  the  par 
amount  of  bonds  deposited  for  their  security.  He  closed  with 
these  words : 

"  As  the  time  draws  nigh  when  I  am  to  retire  from  the  public  service, 
I  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  to  the  Members  of  the  national  legisla 
ture,  with  whom  I  have  been  brought  into  personal  and  official  intercourse, 
my  sincere  appreciation  of  their  unfailing  courtesy,  and  of  their  harmonious 
cooperation  with  the  Executive  in  so  many  measures  calculated  to  promote 
the  best  interests  of  the  nation. 

"  And  to  my  fellow-citizens  generally,  I  acknowledge  a  deep  sense  of 
obligation  for  the  support  which  they  have  accorded  me  in  my  administra 
tion  of  the  executive  department  of  this  government." 

Hugh  McCulloch,  upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Folger,  had  become 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  His  report  contained  the  usual 
statements  in  regard  to  government  receipts  and  expenditures 


RECOLLECTIONS 

and  tne  public  debt,  but  the  chief  subject  discussed  was  the 
coinage  of  silver  dollars.     He  said : 

"  There  are  some  financial  dangers  ahead  which  can  only  be  avoided  by 
changes  in  our  financial  legislation.  The  most  imminent  of  these  dangers, 
and  the  only  one  to  which  I  now  ask  the  attention  of  Congress,  arises  from 
the  continued  coinage  of  silver  and  the  increasing  representation  of  it  by 
silver  certificates.  I  believe  that  the  world  is  not  in  a  condition,  and  never 
will  be,  for  the  demonetization  of  one-third  of  its  metallic  money ;  that  both 
gold  and  silver  are  absolutely  necessary  for  a  circulating  medium  ;  and  that 
neither  can  be  disused  without  materially  increasing  the  burden  of  debt,  nor 
even  temporarily  degraded  by  artificial  means  without  injurious  effect  upon 
home  and  international  trade.  But  I  also  believe  that  gold  and  silver  can 
only  be  made  to  maintain  their  comparative  value  by  the  joint  action  of 
commercial  nations.  Not  only  is  there  now  no  joint  action  taken  by  these 
nations  to  place  and  keep  silver  on  an  equality  with  gold,  according  to  ex 
isting  standards,  but  it  has  been  by  the  treatment  it  has  received  from  Euro 
pean  nations  greatly  lessened  in  commercial  value. 

#-x-#**#-x-## 

"  After  giving  the  subject  careful  consideration,  I  have  been  forced  to 
the  conclusion  that  unless  both  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars  and  the  issue  of 
silver  certificates  are  suspended,  there  is  danger  that  silver,  and  not  gold, 
may  become  our  metallic  standard.  This  danger  may  not  be  imminent,  but 
it  is  of  so  serious  a  character  that  there  ought  not  to  be  delay  in  providing 
against  it.  Not  only  would  the  national  credit  be  seriously  impaired  if  the 
government  should  be  under  the  necessity  of  using  silver  dollars  or  certifi 
cates  in  payment  of  gold  obligations,  but  business  of  all  kinds  would  be 
greatly  disturbed  ;  not  only  so,  but  gold  would  at  once  cease  to  be  a  circu 
lating  medium,  and  severe  contraction  would  be  the  result." 

The  first  important  subject  considered  by  the  Senate  was 
the  coinage  of  silver  dollars  and  the  consequent  issue  of  silver 
certificates.  The  debate  was  founded  upon  a  resolution  offered 
by  Senator  Hill,  of  Colorado,  against  the  views  expressed  by 
the  President  in  his  message  and  by  Secretary  McCulloch  in  his 
report. 

On  the  15th  of  December  I  made  a  speech  covering,  as  I 
thought,  the  silver  question,  not  only  of  the  past  but  of  the 
probable  results  in  the  future.  The  amount  of  silver  dollars 
then  in  the  treasury  was  $184,730,829,  and  of  silver  certificates 
outstanding  $131,556,531.  These  certificates  were  maintained 
at  par  in  gold  by  being  received  for  customs  duties.  They 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  697 

were  redeemable  in  silver  dollars,  but  were  in  fact  never  pre 
sented  for  redemption.  The  silver  dollars  could  only  be  used  in 
redemption  of  certificates  or  by  issue  in  payment  of  current  lia 
bilities.  With  the  utmost  exertions  to  put  the  silver  dollars 
in  circulation  only  fifty  million  could  be  used  in  this  way.  To 
have  forced  more  into  circulation  would  have  excited  a  doubt 
whether  any  of  our  paper  money  could  be  maintained  at  par 
with  gold. 

When  urged  to  express  a  remedy  for  this  condition  I  said 
that  if  I  had  the  power  to  dictate  a  law  I  would  ascertain  by 
the  best  means  the  exact  market  value  of  the  two  metals,  and 
then  put  into  each  silver  dollar  as  many  grains  of  standard  sil 
ver  as  would  be  equal  in  market  value  to  25.8  grains  of  standard 
gold.  It  was  said  that  the  relative  price  of  gold  and  silver 
would  vary.  I  said  that  if  the  price  of  silver  fell  the  coin 
would  still  circulate  upon  the  fiat  of  the  government.  If  silver 
advanced  in  relative  value  the  amount  of  silver  in  the  coin 
could,  at  stated  periods,  be  decreased.  Bimetallism  could  only 
exist  where  the  market  value  of  the  two  metals  approached  the 
coinage  value,  or  where  a  strong  government,  with  a  good 
credit,  received  and  paid  out  coins  of  each  metal  at  parity  with 
each  other.  The  only  way  to  prevent  a  variation  in  the  value 
of  the  two  metals,  and  the  exportation  of  the  dearer  metal, 
would  be,  by  an  international  agreement  between  commercial 
nations,  to  adopt  a  common  ratio  somewhat  similar  in  sub 
stance  to  that  of  the  Latin  Union,  each  nation  to  receive  as 
current  money  the  coins  of  the  other  and  each  to  redeem  its 
own  coins  in  gold. 

Mr.  Beck  replied  to  my  argument,  and  the  debate  between 
us  continued  during  two  or  three  days.  The  weakness  of  the 
silver  advocates  was  that  they  were  not  content  with  the  coin 
age  of  more  silver  coin  than  ever  before,  but  were  determined 
that  the  holder  of  silver  in  any  form  might  deposit  it  in  the  mint 
and  have  it  coined  into  dollars  for  his  benefit  at  the  ratio  of 
sixteen  to  one  *  when  its  market  value  had  then  fallen  so  that 
twenty  ounces  of  silver  were  worth  but  one  ounce  in  gold,  and 
since  has  fallen  in  value  so  that  thirty  ounces  of  silver  are 
worth  but  one  ounce  in  gold. 


698  RECOLLECTIONS 

With  free  coinage  in  these  conditions  no  gold  coins  would 
be  minted  and  all  the  money  of  the  United  States  would  be  re 
duced  in  value  to  the  sole  silver  standard,  and  gold  would  be 
hoarded  and  exported.  This  debate  has  been  continued  from 
that  date  to  this,  not  only  in  Congress,  but  in  every  school- 
house  in  the  United  States,  and  in  all  the  commercial  nations 
of  the  world.  I  shall  have  occasion  hereafter  to  recur  to  it. 

On  the  18th  of  December  I  reported,  from  the  joint  commit 
tee  on  the  library,  an  amendment  to  an  appropriation  bill  pro 
viding  for  the  construction  of  a  statue  to  the  memory  of 
General  Lafayette,  in  the  following  words  : 

"That  the  president  pro  tempo-re  of  the  Senate  and  the  speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  do  appoint  a  joint  committee  of  three  Senators 
and  three  Representatives,  with  authority  to  contract  for  and  erect  a  statue 
to  the  memory  of  General  Lafayette  and  his  compatriots  ;  and  said  statue 
shall  be  placed  in  a  suitable  public  reservation  in  the  city  of  Washington,  to 
be  designated  by  said  joint  committee." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to  by  both  Houses.  The  result 
was  the  erection,  on  the  southeast  corner  of  Lafayette  Square 
in  Washington,  of  the  most  beautiful  and  artistic  bronze  monu 
ment  in  that  city. 

A  somewhat  sharp  and  combative  controversy  had  taken 
place  in  the  newspapers  between  General  Sherman  and  Jeffer 
son  Davis,  in  regard  to  the  position  of  the  latter  on  the  rights 
of  the  Confederate  states  in  the  spring  of  1865.  General  Sher 
man,  in  a  letter  to  me  dated  December  4, 1884,  published  in  the 
"  Sherman  Letters,"  narrated  his  remarks  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Frank  Blair  Post,  G.  A.  R.,  No.  1,  in  St.  Louis,  in  which  he  said 
that  he  had  noticed  the  tendency  to  gloss  over  old  names  and 
facts  by  speaking  of  the  Rebellion  as  a  war  of  secession,  while 
in  fact  it  was  a  conspiracy  up  to  the  firing  on  TFort  Sumter,  and 
a  rebellion  afterwards.  He  described  the  conspiracy  between 
Slidell,  Benjamin  and  Davis,  and  the  seizure  of  the  United 
States  arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge,  and  other  acts  of  war,  and  then 
said: 

"  I  had  seen  a  letter  of  Mr.  Davis  showing  that  he  was  not  sincere  in  his 
doctrine  of  secession,  for  when  some  of  the  states  of  the  Confederacy,  in 
1865,  talked  of  '  a  separate  state  action,'  another  name  for  *  secession,'  he 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  699 

stated  that  he,  as  president  of  the  Confederacy,  would  resist  it,  even  if  he 
had  to  turn  Lee's  army  against  it.  I  did  see  such  a  letter,  or  its  copy,  in 
a  captured  letter  book  at  Raleigh,  just  about  as  the  war  was  closing." 

Davis  called  for  the  production  of  the  identical  letter. 
General  Sherman  said  he  could  not  enter  into  a  statement  of 
the  controversy,  but  he  believed  the  truth  of  his  statement 
could  be  established,  and  that  he  would  collect  evidence  to 
make  good  his  statement.  I  replied  to  his  letter  as  follows: 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  December  10,  1884.  J 

DEAR  BROTHER  : — •  ...  I  can  see  how  naturally  you  spoke  of  Jeff. 
Davis  as  you  did,  and  you  did  not  say  a  word  more  than  he  deserved.  Still, 
he  scarcely  deserves  to  be  brought  into  notice.  He  was  not  only  a  con 
spirator,  but  a  traitor.  His  reply  was  a  specimen  of  impotent  rage.  It  is 
•scarcely  worth  your  notice,  nor  should  you  dignify  it  by  a  direct  rejoinder. 
A  clear,  strong  statement  of  the  historical  facts  that  justified  the  use  of  the 
word  '  conspirator,'  which  you  know  very  well  how  to  write,  is  all  the 
notice  required.  Do  not  attempt  to  fortify  it  by  an  affidavit,  as  some  papers 
?ay  you  intend  to  do,  but  your  statement  of  the  letters  seen  by  you,  and  the 
historical  facts  known  by  you,  are  enough.  I  have  had  occasion,  since  your 
letter  was  received,  to  speak  to  several  Senators  about  the  matter,  and  they 
all  agree  with  me  that  you  ought  to  avoid  placing  the  controversy  on  letters 
which  cannot  now  be  produced.  The  records  have  been  pretty  well  sifted 
by  friendly  rebels,  and  under  the  new  administration  it  is  likely  their 
further  publication  will  be  edited  by  men  who  will  gladly  shield  Davis  at 
the  expense  of  a  Union  soldier.  The  letter  of  Stephens  to  Johnson  is  an 
extraordinary  one.  Its  publication  will  be  a  bombshell  in  the  Confederate 
camp.  I  will  deliver  the  copy  to  Colonel  Scott  to-morrow.  One  or  two  par 
agraphs  from  it  go  far  to  sustain  your  stated  opinion  of  Jeff.  Davis. 

Very  affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

This  controversy  came  before  the  Senate  by  a  resolution  of 
fered  by  Senator  Hawley,  calling  upon  the  President  to  commu 
nicate  to  the  Senate  an  historical  statement  concerning  the  pub 
lic  policy  of  the  executive  department  of  the  Confederate  states 
during  the  late  War  of  the  Eebellion,  reported  to  have  been 
lately  filed  in  the  war  department  by  General  William  T.  Sher 
man.  Upon  this  resolution  a  somewhat  acrimonious  debate 
occurred,  participated  in  by  Senators  Harris,  Hawley,  Vest, 
George,  Ingalls  and  others.  During  the  debate  I  felt  con 
strained,  on  account  of  my  relationship  with  General  Sherman, 


700  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN/ 

to  give  his  version  of  the  controversy  between  himself  and 
Jefferson  Davis. 

I  disliked  the  introduction  of  such  a  controversy  twenty 
years  after  the  war  was  over,  but  still,  as  the  matter  was  be 
fore  us,  I  entered  at  considerable  length  into  a  history  of  the 
controversy,  and  expressed  my  decided  opinion  that  General 
Sherman  was  entirely  justified  in  denouncing  Davis  and  his 
associates,  before  the  Civil  War  commenced,  as  conspirators. 

Senator  Lamar  answered  my  speech  with  some  heat,  and 
closed  as  follows : 

"  One  other  thing.  We,  of  the  south,  have  surrendered  upon  all  the 
questions  which  divided  the  two  sides  in  that  controversy.  We  have  given 
up  the  right  of  the  people  to  secede  from  this  Union  ;  we  have  given  up  the 
right  of  each  state  to  judge  for  itself  of  the  infractions  of  the  constitution 
and  the  mode  of  redress  ;  we  have  given  up  the  right  to  control  our  own 
domestic  institutions.  We  fouerht  for  all  these,  and  we  lost  in  that  contro- 

o 

versy  ;  but  no  man  shall,  in  my  presence,  call  Jefferson  Davis  a  traitor,  with 
out  my  responding  with  a  stern  and  emphatic  denial." 

Senator  Vest  closed  the  debate  in  a  few  remarks,  and  the 
subject-matter  was  displaced  by  the  regular  order.  While  I 
regretted  this  debate,  I  believed  that  the  speeches  made  by  the 
Republican  Senators  properly  defined  the  Rebellion  as,  first, 
a  conspiracy  ;  second,  treason  ;  third,  a  rebellion  subdued  by 
force,  finally  followed  by  the  most  generous  treatment  of  those 
engaged  in  the  Rebellion  that  is  found  in  the  history  of  man 
kind. 

During  this  session  there  was  a  very  full  debate  upon  the 
subject  of  regulating  interstate  commerce,  in  which  I  partici 
pated.  The  contest  was  between  what  was  known  as  the  Rea 
gan  bill,  which  passed  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  the 
Senate  bill.  I  expressed  my  opinion  that  the  Senate  bill  was 
better  than  the  Reagan  bill,  and,  although  much  popular  favor 
had  been  enlisted  from  time  to  time  in  favor  of  the  Reagan 
bill,  because  it  grappled  with  and  dealt  with  the  railroad  cor 
porations,  the  Senate  bill  did  more  ;  it  not  only  grappled  with 
them,  but  laid  a  broad  and  deep  foundation  for  an  admirable 
system  of  railroad  law,  which  should  govern  all  the  railroads  of 
the  country. 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 
DEDICATION  OF  THE  WASHINGTON  MONUMENT. 

Resolution  of  Senator  Mori-ill  Providing  for  Appropriate  Dedicatory  Ceremonies — 
I  Am  Made  Chairman  of  the  Commission  —  Robert  C.  Winthrop's  Letter  Stating 
His  Inability  to  Attend  the  Exercises  —  Letters  of  Regret  from  General  Grant 
and  John  G.   Whittier  — Unfavorable  Weather  for  the  Dedication  —  My 
Address  as  Presiding  Officer  —  The  President's  Acceptance  of  the  Mon 
ument  for  the  Nation  —  Mr.   Winthrop's  Address    Read    in    the 
House  by  John  D.  Long — Inauguration  of  the  First  Democratic 
President  Since  Buchanan's    Time — Visit  to    Cincinnati 
and  Address  on  the  Election  Frauds  —  Respects  to  the 
Ohio  Legislature  —  A  Trip  to  the  West  and  South 
west  —  Address  on    American    Independence. 

ON  the  13th  of  May,  1884,  the  President  approved  the 
following  joint  resolution,  introduced  by  Mr.  Mor- 
rill,  from  the  committee  on  public  buildings  and 
grounds: 

"WHEREAS,  The  shaft  of  the  Washington  monument  is  approaching 
completion,  and  it  is  proper  that  it  should  be  dedicated  with  appropriate 
ceremonies,  calculated  to  perpetuate  the  fame  of  the  illustrious  man  who  was 
'  first  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen  : ' 
Therefore, 

"  Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  a  commission  to  consist  of 
five  Senators  appointed  by  the  president  of  the  Senate,  eight  Representatives 
appointed  by  the  speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  three  members  of 
the  Washington  Monument  Society,  and  the  United  States  engineer  in 
charge  of  the  work,  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby,  created,  with  full  powers  to 
make  arrangements  for, — 

" '  First.  The  dedication  of  the  monument  to  the  name  and  memory  of 
George  Washington,  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  with  appropri 
ate  ceremonies. 

" '  Second.  A  procession  from  the  monument  to  the  capitol,  escorted  by 
regular  and  volunteer  corps,  the  Washington  Monument  Society,  represent 
atives  of  cities,  states,  and  organizations  which  have  contributed  blocks  of 
stone,  and  such  bodies  of  citizens  as  may  desire  to  appear. 

'"Third.  An  oration  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives, on  the 
twenty-second  day  of  February,  anno  Domini  eighteen  hundred  and  eighty- 
five,  by  the  Honorable  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  who  delivered  the  oration  at 

(701) 


702  RECOLLECTIONS 

the   laying  of  the  corner  stone  of  the  monument  in  eighteen  hundred  and 
forty-eight,  with  music  by  the  Marine  Band. 

"'Fourth.  Salutes  of  one  hundred  guns  from  the  navy  yard,  the  artil 
lery  headquarters,  and  such  men-of-war  as  can  be  anchored  in  the  Potomac.'" 

I  was  chairman  of  the  commission  appointed  under  this  res 
olution,  and,  in  compliance  with  it,  invited  Mr.  Winthrop  to 
deliver  the  oration.  He  expressed  his  deep  sense  of  the  honor 
conferred  upon  him,  but  had  a  doubt  whether  he  ought  not  to 
decline  on  account  of  his  failing  health.  Mr.  Morrill  and  I 
strongly  insisted  upon  his  acceptance  and  he  eventually  con 
sented,  though  not  without  misgivings  which  were  unhappily 
justified. 

A  short  time  before  the  day  appointed  for  the  dedication  I 
received  from  him  the  following  autograph  letter,  which  is  in 
teresting,  not  only  on  account  of  the  eminence  of  its  author, 
but  of  the  important  event  about  to  be  celebrated: 

90  MARLBOROUGH  STREET,  BOSTON,  February  13.  1885. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Chairman,  etc. 

DEAR  SENATOR  SHERMAN:  —  It  is  with  deep  regret  that  I  find  myself 
compelled  to  abandon  all  further  hope  of  being  at  the  dedication  of  the 
Washington  monument  on  the  21st  instant.  I  have  been  looking  forward  to 
the  possibility  of  being  able  to  run  on  at  the  last  moment,  and  to  pronounce 
a  few  sentences  of  my  oration  before  handing  it  to  Governor  Long,  who  has 
so  kindly  consented  to  read  it.  But  my  recovery  from  dangerous  illness 
has  been  slower  than  I  anticipated,  and  my  physician  concurs  with  my  fam 
ily  in  forbidding  me  from  any  attempt  to  leave  home  at  present. 

I  need  not  assure  the  commissioners  how  great  a  disappointment  it  is  to 
me  to  be  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  being  present  on  this  most  interesting 
occasion.  I  am  sure  of  their  sympathy  without  asking  for  it. 

Please  present  my  respectful  apologies  to  your  associates,  and  believe 
me,  With  great  regard,  very  faithfully  yours, 

ROBT.  C.  WINTHROP. 

P.  S. —  This  is  the  first  letter  I  have  attempted  to  write  with  my  own 
pen  since  my  illness. 

Among  the  numerous  regrets  received  by  the  commission 
was  the  following: 

OAK  KNOLL,  DANVERS,  MASS.,  Second  Month  8,  1885. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Chairman  of  Committee. 

DEAR  FRIEND: — The  state  of  my  health  will  scarcely  permit  me  to  avail 
myself  of  the  invitation  of  the  commission  to  attend  the  ceremonies  of  the 
dedication  of  the  Washington  monument. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  793 

In  common  with  my  fellow-citizens  I  rejoice  at  the  successful  comple 
tion  of  this  majestic  testimonial  of  the  reverence  and  affection  which  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  irrespective  of  party,  section,  or  race,  cherish 
for  the  *  Father  of  his  Country.'  Grand,  however,  and  imposing  as  that  testi 
monial  may  seem,  it  is,  after  all,  but  an  inadequate  outward  representation 
of  that  mightier  monument,  unseen  and  immeasurable,  builded  of  the  living 
stones  of  a  nation's  love  and  gratitude,  the  hearts  of  forty  millions  of  peo 
ple.  But  the  world  has  not  outlived  its  need  of  picture  writing  and  sym 
bolism,  and  the  great  object  lesson  of  the  Washington  monument  will 
doubtless  prove  a  large  factor  in  the  moral  and  political  education  of  pres 
ent  and  future  generations.  Let  us  hope  that  it  will  be  a  warning  as  well 
as  a  benediction  ;  and  that  while  its  sunlit  altitude  may  fitly  symbolize  the 
truth  that  ;  righteousness  exalteth  a  nation,'  its  shadow  falling  on  the  dome 
of  the  capitol  may  be  a  daily  reminder  that '  sin  is  a  reproach  to  any  people.' 
Surely  it  will  not  have  been  reared  in  vain  if,  on  the  day  of  its  dedication, 
its  mighty  shaft  shall  serve  to  lift  heavenward  the  voice  of  a  united  people 
that  the  principles  for  which  the  fathers  toiled  and  suffered  shall  be  main 
tained  inviolate  by  their  children. 

With  sincere  respect,  I  am  thy  friend,        JOHN  G.  WHITTIER. 

Another  letter,  received  about  two  weeks  earlier  from  Gen 
eral  Grant,  seems  to  me  worthy  of  a  reproduction.  It  is  as 
follows : 

NEW  YORK  CITY,  January  27,  1885. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAR  SIR  : — -I  regret  very  much  that  my  physical  condition  prevents 
my  accepting  the  invitation  of  the  commissioners,  appointed  by  Congress  to 
provide  suitable  ceremonies  for  the  dedication  of  the  Washington  monu 
ment,  to  be  present  to  witness  the  same  on  the  21st  of  February  next.  My 
throat  still  requires  the  attention  of  the  physician  daily,  though  I  am  en 
couraged  to  believe  that  it  is  improving.  Very  respectfully  yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

An  engraved  card  of  invitation  was  sent  to  a  great  number 
of  civil  and  military  organizations  throughout  the  United 
States,  the  regents  of  Mount  Vernon,  relatives  of  General 
Washington  and  other  distinguished  persons. 

The  commission  invited  Lieutenant  General  Sheridan  to  act 
as  marshal  of  the  day,  with  an  aid-de-camp  from  each  state 
and  territory.  This  invitation  was  accepted,  and  arrangements 
were  made  for  a  procession  from  the  monument  to  the  capi 
tol  and  proceedings  there  after  the  dedication  by  the  Presi 
dent. 


704  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  joint  resolution  prescribed  that  the  monument  be  dedi 
cated  "to  the  name  and  memory  of  George  Washington,  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  with  appropriate  ceremonies," 
on  the  22nd  of  February.  I  was  directed  to  preside  over  the 
proceedings  at  the  base  of  the  monument,  and  in  the  perform 
ance  of  this  duty  made  an  address  closing  with  these  words: 

"  It  is  a  fit  memorial  of  the  greatest  character  in  human  history.  It 
looks  down  upon  scenes  most  loved  by  him  on  earth,  the  most  conspicuous 
object  in  a  landscape  full  of  objects  deeply  interesting  to  the  American  peo 
ple.  All  eyes  turn  to  it,  and  all  hearts  feel  the  inspiration  of  its  beauty, 
symmetry  and  grandeur.  Strong  as  it  is,  it  will  not  endure  so  long  as  the 
memory  of  him  in  whose  honor  it  was  built,  but  while  it  stands  it  will  be  the 
evidence  to  many  succeeding  generations  of  the  love  and  reverence  of  this 
generation  for  the  name  and  fame  of  George  Washington,  '  first  in  war,  first 
in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen  ' — more  even  than  this, 
the  prototype  of  purity,  manhood  and  patriotism  for  all  lands  and  for  all 
time.  Without  further  preface,  I  proceed  to  discharge  the  duty  assigned  me." 

After  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Henderson  Suter,  Dr.  James  C. 
Welling  read  an  address  which  had  been  prepared  by  W.  W. 
Corcoran,  first  vice  president  of  the  Washington  National 
Monument  Society,  giving  a  detailed  history  of  the  structure 
in  its  various  stages.  Washington  having  been  a  Freemason, 
appropriate  Masonic  ceremonies  were  performed,  the  address 
being  delivered  by  Grand  Master  Myron  M.  Parker.  Colonel 
Thomas  L.  Casey,  of  the  engineer  corps,  United  States  army, 
the  chief  engineer  and  architect  of  the  monument,  then  form 
ally  delivered  the  structure  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  in  an  address  describing  the  work  done  by  him  on  it. 
President  Arthur  received  the  monument. 

The  Congress  expired  by  limitation  March  4,  1885. 

Thus  this  Congress  celebrated  the  completion  of  monuments 
in  enduring  form  to  two  of  the  greatest  men  in  American  his 
tory,  Washington  and  Marshall. 

On  the  same  day,  there  was  inaugurated  the  first  Democratic 
President  of  the  United  States  since  the  time  of  James  Bu 
chanan.  The  election  of  Cleveland,  though  not  disputed,  turned 
upon  a  very  narrow  majority  in  New  York,  and  the  practical 
exclusion  of  the  majority  of  the  legal  voters  in  several  of  the 
southern  states.  This  naturally  led  to  the  inquiry,  u  What  will 
you  do  about  it? "  My  answer  was  that  we  must  quietly 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  795 

acquiesce  in  the  result  of  the  official  returns  and  give  to  Mr. 
Cleveland  such  fair  treatment  as  we  asked  for  Hayes.  I  said 
that  we  should  confirm  his  appointments  made  in  pursuance  of 
the  law  and  custom.  I  was  a  member  of  the  committee  that 
conducted  him  to  the  stand  where  he  was  inaugurated.  I  heard 
his  inaugural  address,  carefully  studied  it,  and  felt  sure  that  if 
he  faithfully  observed  the  policy  he  defined,  the  bitterness  of 
party  strife  would  be  greatly  diminished. 

The  usual  call  for  an  executive  session  at  the  close  of  a 
presidential  term  was  issued  by  President  Arthur,  and  the  Sen 
ate  met  on  the  4th  of  March,  Vice  President  Hendricks  presid 
ing.  But  little  business  of  general  interest  was  done  during 
that  session  except  action  on  presidential  appointments,  few 
in  number,  which  were  confirmed  without  objection.  The 
Senate  adjourned  on  the  2nd  of  April. 

In  the  early  part  of  April,  1885,  I  arranged  for  a  trip  via 
Chicago,  Des  Moines,  St.  Louis,  Texas  and  California,  thence 
along  the  Pacific  coast  to  Tacoma  and  Seattle,  and  thence  by 
the  Northern  Pacific  railroad  to  St.  Paul,  and  home  again.  The 
party  was  composed  of  Henry  C.  Hedges,  George  F.  Carpenter, 
both  citizens  of  Mansfield,  my  nephew  Frank  Sherman,  of  Des 
Moines,  and  myself.  It  was  arranged  that  we  were  to  meet  in 
St.  Louis.  In  the  meantime  I  proceeded  to  Des  Moines,  where 
I  met  my  brother  Hoyt,  and  his  son  Frank.  Here  I  met  a 
reporter  of  the  " Register"  published  in  that  city.  He  said  in 
his  report  that  I  seemed  to  feel  happy  at  the  prospect  that  for 
two  months  at  least  I  was  going  to  be  free  from  public  cares, 
and  that  I  acted  like  a  man  who  had  absolutely  thrown  worry 
aside  for  the  time  being.  I  told  him  my  business  was  purely 
of  a  private  character,  and  that  I  had  dismissed  all  politics 
from  my  mind.  I  declined  to  answer  his  questions  about  Mr. 
Cleveland.  He  made  out  of  small  materials  an  interview 
which  answered  his  purpose.  He  asked  my  view  of  the  silver 
question.  I  told  him  I  hoped  to  see  the  people  abandon  the 
idea,  which  prevailed  a  few  years  previous,  of  having  silver 
money  of  less  value  than  gold.  We  had  gone  through  a  strug 
gle  of  some  years  to  make  our  paper  money  equal  to  gold,  and 
the  next  struggle  ought  to  be  to  do  the  same  with  silver  money. 


S.— 45 


706  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  said  we  should  have  all  kinds  of  money  of  equal  value  whether 
United  States  notes,  bank  bills,  silver  or  gold;  that  if  we  had 
this  our  silver  would  circulate  in  all  parts  of  the  world  the 
same  as  our  gold,  that  we  could  use  both  silver  and  gold  as  the 
basis  of  our  certificates,  which  would  then  be  regarded  as 
money  by  every  commercial  nation  of  the  world.  I  said  I  was 
in  favor  of  both  silver  and  gold,  and  of  using  both  to  be  coined 
upon  the  basis  of  market  value,  that  in  this  way  the  volume 
of  money  would  be  increased  instead  of  being  diminished,  and 
our  money  would  become  the  standard  money  of  the  world. 
In  his  report  he  said  that  I  spoke  very  feelingly  of  General 
Grant,  expressing  a  hope  for  his  recovery,  but  that  I  feared 
his  apparent  improvement  was  only  characteristic  of  the 
disease  and  not  substantial. 

I  was  surprised  as  well  as  gratified  at  the  rapid  growth  of 
Des  Moines,  which  I  first  knew  as  an  insignificant  village. 
From  Des  Moines  Frank  Sherman  and  I  went  to  St.  Louis,  and 
there  met  Messrs.  Hedges  and  Carpenter.  During  the  two  or 
three  days  we  remained  in  St.  Louis  I  stayed  at  the  house  of 
General  Sherman,  who  then  resided  in  that  city.  He  took  great 
interest  in  my  proposed  trip,  and  one  evening  wrote  out,  with 
out  change  or  erasure  of  a  single  word,  on  three  pages  of  fools 
cap,  and  under  the  head  of  "Memorandum  for  John  Sherman," 
a  complete  and  detailed  statement  of  the  route  I  was  to  follow, 
and  the  names  of  the  cities  and  places  I  was  to  visit,  includ 
ing  the  persons  whom  I  ought  to  see,  to  several  of  whom  he 
gave  me  letters  of  introduction.  I  have  regarded  this  "  memo 
randum,"  which  we  found  accurate  in  every  particular,  as  a 
striking  evidence  of  his  mastery  of  details.  We  followed  the 
route  with  scarcely  a  change. 

While  in  St.  Louis,  the  "Evening  Chronicle,"  of  May  ^pub 
lished  quite  a  long  interview  with  me.  General  Sherman,  dur 
ing  this  interview,  sat  somewhat  aside,  now  and  then  putting  in 
an  emphatic  assent  or  suggestion.  The  general  inquired  of  me 
if  there  was  any  late  news  from  Washington  concerning  General 
Sheridan.  The  reporter  then  asked  him  what  his  opinion  was 
as  to  the  controversy  between  General  Sheridan  and  Secretary 
of  War  Endicott.  The  general  answered  :  "  There  is  no  con- 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  707 

troversy.  It  is  simply  an  incident  of  the  conflict  of  authority 
which  has  existed  between  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Gen 
eral  of  the  Army  since  the  days  of  Washington.  General  Scott 
had  to  leave  Washington  on  that  account.  I  had  to  leave 
there  for  the  same  reason,  and  Sheridan  will  have  to  go  away." 
Our  party  did  not  reach  Mansfield  again  until  the  24th  of 
June,  having  meantime  traveled  from  San  Francisco  by  way  of 
Portland  and  Tacoma  to  Victoria,  British  Columbia,  thence 
eastward  to  St.  Paul,  and  across  Lake  Michigan  and  home. 


CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

REUNION  OF  THE  "  SHERMAN  BRIGADE." 

Patriotic  Address  Delivered  at  Woodstock,  Conn.,  on  My  Return  from  the  Pacific 
Coast  —  Meeting  of  the  Surviving  Members  of  the  Sherman    Family  at  Mans 
field—We  Attend  the  Reunion  of  the  "  Sherman  Brigade"  at  Odell's  Lake  — 
Addresses  of  General  Sherman  and  Myself  to  the  Old  Soldiers  and  Others 
Present  —  Apathy  of  the  Republican  Party  During  the  Summer  of 
1885 —  Contest  Between  Foraker  and  Hoadley  for  the  Governor 
ship  —  My  Speech  at  Mt.  Gilead  Denounced  as  "  Bitterly  Parti 
san" — Governor  Hoadley  Accuses  Me  of  "Waving  the 
Bloody    Shirt "  —  My    Reply    at    Lebanon  —  Elec 
tion  of   Foraker  —  Frauds  in  Cincinnati   arid 
Columbus  —  Speeches  Made  in  Virginia. 

UPON  my  return  from  the  Pacific  coast  I  found  a  mass 
of  letters  to  be  answered,  and  many  interviewers 
in  search  of  news,  and  I  had  some  engagements  to 
speak  for  which  I  had  made  no  preparations.  Among 
the  latter  was  a  promise  to  attend  a  celebration  of  the  ap 
proaching  4th  of  July  at  Woodstock,  Connecticut,  under  the 
auspices  of  Henry  C.  Bowen  of  the  New  York  "Independent." 
He  had  for  several  years  conducted  these  celebrations  at  his 
country  home  at  much  expense,  and  made  them  specially 
interesting  by  inviting  prominent  men  to  deliver  patriotic 
addresses  suitable  for  Independence  Day.  General  Logan  and 
I  were  to  attend  on  this  occasion.  I  selected  as  my  theme 
''America  of  to-day  as  contrasted  with  America  of  1776."  I 
prepared  an  address  with  as  much  care  as  my  limited  time 
would  allow,  giving  an  outline  of  the  history  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  and  the  prominent  part  taken  by  the 
sons  of  Connecticut  in  this  and  other  great  works  of  the  Amer 
ican  Revolution.  The  address  was  published  in  the  "Inde 
pendent."  I  have  read  it  recently  and  do  not  see  where  it 
could  be  improved  by  me.  The  outline  of  the  growth  of  the 

(708) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  709 

United   States  presents  the  most  remarkable  development  in 
the  history  of  mankind.     I  closed  with  the  following  words : 

"  It  has  been  my  good  fortune,  within  the  last  two  months,  to  traverse 
eleven  states  and  territories,  all  of  which  were  an  unbroken  wilderness  in  the 
possession  of  savage  tribes  when  the  declaration  was  adopted,  now  occupied 
by  15,000,000  people  —  active,  intelligent,  enterprising  citizens,  enjoying  all 
the  advantages  of  modern  civilization.  What  a  change  !  The  hopeful 
dreams  of  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Franklin  could  not  have  pictured, 
as  the  probable  result  of  their  patriotic  efforts,  such  scenes  as  I  saw  ;  cities 
rivaling  in  population  and  construction  the  capitals  of  Europe  ;  towns  and 
villages  without  number  full  of  active  life  and  hope  ;  wheat  fields,  orchards, 
and  gardens  in  place  of  broad  deserts  covered  by  sage  brush ;  miners  in 
the  mountains,  cattle  on  the  plains,  the  fires  of  Vulcan  in  full  blast  in 
thousands  of  workshops  ;  all  forms  of  industry,  all  means  of  locomotion. 

"Who  among  us  would  not  be  impressed  by  such  scenes?  Who  can 
look  over  our  broad  country,  rich  in  every  resource,  a  climate  and  soil 
suited  to  every  production,  a  home  government  for  every  community,  a 
national  government  to  protect  all  alike,  and  not  feel  a  profound  senti 
ment  of  gratitude,  first  of  all  to  the  great  Giver  of  all  gifts,  and  next 
to  our  Revolutionary  fathers  who  secured,  by  their  blood  and  sacrifices, 
the  liberty  we  enjoy,  and  by  their  wisdom  moulded  the  people  of  the 
United  States  into  one  great  nation,  with  a  common  hope  and  destiny? 

"  And  this  generation  may  fairly  claim  that  it  has  strengthened  the 
work  of  the  fathers,  has  made  freedom  universal,  and  disunion  impossible. 
Let  the  young  men  of  to-day,  heirs  of  a  great  heritage,  take  up  the 
burden  of  government,  soon  to  fall  on  their  shoulders,  animated  by  the 
patriotic  fire  of  the  Revolution  and  the  love  of  liberty  and  union  that 
inspired  our  soldiers  in  the  Civil  War,  turning  their  back  upon  all  the 
animosities  of  that  conflict,  but  clinging  with  tenacious  courage  to  all  its 
results,  and  they  will,  in  their  generation,  double  the  population  and 
quadruple  the  wealth  and  resources  of  our  country.  Above  all,  they 
should  keep  the  United  States  of  America  in  the  forefront  of  progress, 
intelligence,  education,  temperance,  religion,  and  in  all  the  virtues  that 
tend  to  elevate,  refine,  and  ennoble  mankind." 

General  Logan  delivered  an  eloquent  and  patriotic  speech 
that  was  received  by  his  audience  with  great  applause.  He 
was  personally  a  stranger  to  the  Connecticut  people,  but  his 
western  style  and  manner,  unlike  the  more  reserved  and  quiet 
tone  of  their  home  orators,  gave  them  great  pleasure.  Senators 
Hawley  and  Platt  also  spoke.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  our 
host  provided  us  with  bountiful  creature  comforts.  On  the 
whole  we  regarded  the  celebration  as  a  great  success. 


710  RECOLLECTIONS 

During  the  last  week  of  August,  1885,  my  surviving  broth 
ers  and  sisters  visited  my  wife  and  myself  at  our  residence  in 
Mansfield.  Colonel  Moulton  and  the  wives  of  General  and 
Hoyt  Sherman  were  also  present.  Several  of  my  numerous 
nephews  and  nieces  visited  us  with  their  parents.  The  then 
surviving  brothers  were  W.  T.  Sherman,  Lampson  P.  Sherman, 
John  Sherman,  and  Hoyt  Sherman,  and  the  surviving  sisters 
were  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Eeese  and  Mrs.  Fanny  B.  Moulton.  The 
brothers  and  sisters  who  died  before  this  meeting  were  Charles 
T.  Sherman,  James  Sherman,  Mrs.  McComb,  Mrs.  Willock  and 
Mrs.  Bartley.  All  of  the  family  attended  with  me  the  reunion 
of  the  "Sherman  Brigade,"  at  its  camp  at  Odell's  Lake.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  train  at  the  lake  we  found  a  great  crowd  of 
soldiers  and  citizens  waiting  to  meet  General  Sherman.  The 
brigade  had  served  under  his  command  from  Chattanooga  to 
Atlanta.  They  received  him  with  great  respect  and  affection 
and  he  was  deeply  moved  by  their  hearty  greetings.  He  shook 
hands  with  all  who  could  reach  him,  but  the  crowd  of  visitors 
was  so  great  that  many  of  them  could  not  do  so.  The  encamp 
ment  was  located  at  the  west  end  of  the  lake,  justly  celebrated 
for  the  natural  beauty  of  its  scenery,  and  a  favorite  resort 
for  picnic  excursions  from  far  and  near.  We  arrived  at  about 
twelve  o'clock  and  were  at  once  conducted  to  a  stand  in  the 
encampment  grounds,  where  again  the  hand-shaking  com 
menced,  and  continued  for  some  time.  General  Sherman  and  I 
were  called  upon  for  speeches.  He  was  disinclined  to  speak,  and 
said  he  preferred  to  wander  around  the  camp  but  insisted  that 
I  should  speak.  I  was  introduced  by  General  Finley,  and  said: 

" SOLDIERS  AND  CITIZENS,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN: — I  saw  in  one  of 
your  published  statements  that  I  was  to  make  an  address  on  this  occasion. 
That  is  not  exactly  according  to  the  fact.  I  did  not  agree  to  make  a  speech. 
One  year  ago,  when  the  Sherman  Brigade  met  at  Shelby,  I  did,  according  to 
promise,  make  a  prepared  speech,  giving  the  history  of  the  organization  of 
the  *  Sherman  Brigade,'  and  a  copy  of  that,  I  understand,  was  sent  to  sur 
viving  members  of  that  brigade.  But  few  will  care  for  this,  but  it  may 
interest  the  wives  or  the  children  of  these  soldiers. 

'*  Now  I  do  not  intend  to  make  a  speech,  but  only  a  few  remarks  prelim 
inary  to  those  that  will  be  made  to  you  by  one  more  worthy  to  speak  to  sol 
diers  than  I  am. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN  711 

"  I  have  always  understood  that  at  soldiers'  reunions  the  most  agreeable 
portion  of  the  proceedings  is  to  have  the  old  soldiers  gather  around  the 
campfire  to  tell  their  stories  of  the  war,  to  exchange  their  recollections  of  the 
trying  period  through  which  they  passed  from  1861  to  1865;  to  exchange 
greetings,  to  exhibit  their  wives  and  children  to  each  other,  and  to  meet  with 
their  neighbors  in  a  social  way  and  thus  recall  the  events  of  a  great  period 
of  American  history.  And  this  is  really  the  object  of  these  reunions. 

"  You  do  not  meet  here  to  hear  speeches  from  those,  who,  like  myself, 
were  engaged  in  civil  pursuits  during  the  war,  and  therefore,  I  never  am 
called  before  a  soldiers'  reunion  but  I  feel  compelled  to  make  an  apology 
for  speaking." 

I  referred  to  General  Grant  and  his  recent  death,  and  then 
to  General  Sherman  as  follows: 

"  There  is  another  of  those  commanders,  who  is  here  before  you  to-day. 
What  is  he?  He  is  now  a  retired  army  officer.  When  the  war  was  over  he 
became  the  General  in  Chief  of  the  army,  served  until  the  time  fixed  by  the 
law  for  his  retirement,  and  now  he  is  a  private  citizen,  as  plain  and  simple  in 
his  bearing  and  manners  as  any  other  of  the  citizens  who  now  surround  him. 
These  are  the  kind  of  heroes  a  republic  makes,  and  these  are  the  kind  of 
heroes  we  worship  as  one  free  man  may  worship  another." 

General  Sherman  was  then  introduced  to  the  vast  audience, 
and  said: 

"COMRADES  AND  FRIENDS:- — A  few  days  ago  I  was  up  on  the  banks  of 
Lake  Minnetonka,  and  was  summoned  here  to  northern  Ohio  to  participate 
in  a  family  reunion.  I  knew  my  brother's  house  in  Mansfield  was  large  and 
commodious,  sufficient  to  receive  the  survivors  of  the  first  generation  of  the 
family,  but  I  also  knew  that  if  he  brought  in  the  second  and  third  generation 
he  would  have  to  pitch  a  camp  somewhere,  and  I  find  he  has  chosen  this  at 
Odell's  Lake.  So,  for  the  time  being,  my  friends,  you  must  pass  as  part  of 
the  Sherman  family,  not  as  '  the  Sherman  Brigade,'  and  you  must  represent 
the  second  and  third  generation  of  a  very  numerous  family. 

"  Of  course,  it  is  not  my  trade  or  vocation  to  make  orations  or  speeches. 
I  see  before  me  many  faces  that  look  to  me  as  though  they  were  once  sol 
diers,  and  to  them  I  feel  competent  to  speak;  to  the  others  I  may  not  be  so 
fortunate. 

"  But,  very  old  comrades  of  the  war,  you  who  claim  to  be  in  *  Sherman's 
Brigade '  or  in  any  other  brigade,  who  took  a  part  in  the  glorious  Civil  War, 
the  fruits  of  which  we  are  now  enjoying,  I  hail  and  thank  you  for  the  privi 
lege  of  being  with  you  this  beautiful  day  in  this  lovely  forest  and  by  the 
banks  of  yonder  lake,  not  that  I  can  say  anything  that  will  please  you  or 
profit  you,  but  there  is  a  great  pleasure  in  breathing  the  same  air,  in  think 
ing  the  same  thoughts,  in  feeling  the  same  inspirations  for  the  future,  which 


712  RECOLLECTIONS 

every  member  of  the  'Sherman  Brigade'  and  the  children  who  have  suc 
ceeded  them  must,  in  contemplating  the  condition  of  our  country  at  this  very 
moment  of  time.  Peace  universal,  not  only  at  home  but  abroad,  and  Amer 
ica  standing  high  up  in  the  niche  of  nations,  envied  of  all  mankind  and  en 
vied  because  we  possess  all  the  powers  of  a  great  nation  vindicated  by  a 
war  of  your  own  making  and  your  own  termination.  Yes,  my  fellow-sol 
diers,  you  have  a  right  to  sit  beneath  your  own  vine  and  fig  tree  and  be 
glad,  for  you  can  be  afraid  of  no  man.  You  have  overcome  all  enemies, 
save  death,  which  we  must  all  meet  as  our  comrades  who  have  gone  before 
us  have  done,  and  submit.  But  as  long  as  we  live  let  us  come  together 
whenever  we  can,  and  if  we  can  bring  back  the  memories  of  those  glorious 
days  it  will  do  us  good,  and,  still  more,  good  to  the  children  who  will  look 
up  to  us  as  examples." 

He  continued  to  speak  for  fifteen  minutes  or  more,  and 
closed  with  these  words : 

"  My  friends,  of  course  I  am  an  old  man  now,  passing  off  the  stage  of 
life.  I  realize  that,  and  I  assure  you  that  I  now  think  more  of  the  days  of 
the  Mexican  War,  the  old  California  days,  and  of  the  early  days  of  the  Civil 
War,  than  I  do  of  what  occurred  last  week,  and  I  assure  you  that,  let  it  come 
when  it  may,  I  would  be  glad  to  welcome  the  old  *  Sherman  Brigade '  to  my 
home  and  my  fireside,  let  it  be  either  in  St.  Louis  or  on  the  banks  of  the 
Columbia  River  in  Oregon.  May  God  smile  upon  you,  and  give  you  his 
choicest  blessings.  You  live  in  a  land  of  plenty.  I  do  not  advise  you  to 
emigrate,  but  I  assure  you,  wherever  you  go,  you  will  find  comrades  and 
soldiers  to  take  you  by  the  hand  and  be  glad  to  aid  you  as  comrades." 

The  gathering  was  a  thoroughly  enjoyable  one,  and  was 
often  recalled  by  those  present. 

During  the  summer  of  1885  there  was  much  languor  appar 
ent  in  the  Republican  party.  President  Cleveland  was  pursu 
ing  a  conservative  policy,  removals  from  office  were  made 
slowly,  and  incumbents  were  allowed  to  serve  out  their  time. 
Foraker  and  Hoadley  were  again  nominated  in  Ohio  for  gov 
ernor  by  their  respective  parties,  and  the  contest  between  them 
was  to  be  repeated. 

There  was  a  feeling  among  Republicans  of  humiliation  and 
shame  that  the  people  had  placed  in  power  the  very  men  who 
waged  war  against  the  country  for  years,  created  a  vast  public 
debt,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  peo 
ple.  This  feeling  was  intensified  by  the  fact  that  Republicans 
in  the  south  were  ostracised  and  deprived  of  all  political  power 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.    '  713 

or  influence.  In  the  Democratic  party  there  were  signs  of  dis 
sension.  Charges  of  corruption  in  Ohio,  in  the  election  of 
Payne  as  Senator  in  the  place  of  Pendleton,  were  openly  made, 
and  the  usual  discontent  as  to  appointments  to  office  that  fol 
lows  a  change  of  administration  was  manifest.  Under  these 
conditions  I  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to  take  a  more  active  part  in 
the  approaching  canvass  than  ever  before.  On  the  13th  of 
August,  I  met  at  Columbus  with  Foraker  and  the  state  Repub 
lican  committee,  of  which  Asa  S.  Bushnell  was  chairman,  and 
we  prepared  for  a  thorough  canvass  in  each  county,  the  distribu 
tion  of  documents  and  the  holding  of  meetings.  In  addition 
to  the  state  ticket  there  were  to  be  elected  members  of  the 
legislature.  There  was  no  contest  as  to  the  selection  of  a 
United  States  Senator,  as,  by  general  acquiescence,  it  was  un 
derstood  that  if  the  legislature  should  be  Democratic  Thurman 
would  be  elected,  and  if  it  should  be  Republican  I  would  be 
elected.  Governor  Foster,  when  spoken  to  upon  this  subject, 
very  kindly  said : 

"As  long  as  John  Sherman  desires  to  be  Senator,  or  is  willing  to  take 
the  office,  there  is  no  use  for  me  or  any  other  man  with  senatorial  aspirations 
to  be  a  candidate  against  him.  Sherman  is  yet  young".  He  is  not  much 
over  sixty,  and  it  would  be  idle  to  dispute  that  he  is  the  best  equipped  man 
in  the  Republican  party  of  Ohio  for  that  position.  He  has  the  learning1,  the 
ability,  the  experience,  and  the  popularity." 

The  organization  of  both  parties  was  completed  and  a  vig 
orous  canvass  inaugurated.  Foraker  soon  after  commenced  a 
series  of  public  meetings  extending  to  nearly  every  county  in 
the  state,  and  everywhere  made  friends  by  his  vigorous  and 
eloquent  speeches. 

On  the  18th  I  attended  a  pioneer  picnic  at  Monroe,  near  the 
division  line  between  the  counties  of  Butler  and  Warren.  This 
mode  of  reunion,  mainly  confined  to  farmers,  is  quite  common 
in  Ohio,  and  is  by  far  the  most  pleasing  and  instructive  popu 
lar  assemblage  held  in  that  state.  The  discussion  of  politics 
is  forbidden.  The  people  of  the  country  for  miles  around 
come  in  wagons,  carriages,  on  horseback  and  on  foot,  men, 
women  and  children,  with  their  baskets  full  of  food  and  fruit, 
and  gather  in  a  well-shaded  grove,  in  families  or  groups,  and 


714  RECOLLECTIONS 

discuss  the  crops  and  the  news,  and  make  new  or  renew  old 
acquaintance.  When  the  scattered  picnic  is  going  on  every 
one  who  approaches  is  invited  to  eat.  When  the  appetite  is 
satisfied  all  gather  around  a  temporary  platform,  and  speeches, 
long  and  short,  upon  every  topic  but  politics,  are  made.  I 
have  attended  many  such  meetings  and  all  with  sincere  pleas 
ure.  This  particular  picnic  was  notable  for  its  large  attend 
ance — estimated  to  be  over  three  thousand — and  the  beauty 
of  the  grove  and  the  surrounding  farms.  I  made  an  address, 
or  rather  talked,  about  the  early  times  in  Ohio,  and  especially  in 
the  Miami  valley,  a  section  which  may  well  be  regarded  as 
among  the  fairest  and  most  fruitful  spots  in  the  world.  The 
substance  of  my  speech  was  reported  and  published.  The 
sketch  I  was  able  to  give  of  incidents  of  Indian  warfare,  of 
the  expeditions  of  St.  Glair  and  Wayne,  of  the  early  settlement 
in  that  neighborhood,  and  of  the  ancestors,  mainly  Revolution 
ary  soldiers,  of  hundreds  of  those  who  heard  me,  seemed  to 
give  great  satisfaction.  At  the  close  of  my  remarks  I  was  re 
quested  by  the  Pioneer  Society  to  write  them  out  for  publica 
tion,  to  be  kept  as  a  memorial,  but  I  never  was  able  to  do  so. 

On  the  26th  of  August  I  made,  at  Mt.  Gilead,  Morrow  county, 
my  first  political  speech  of  the  campaign.  The  people  of  that 
county  were  among  my  first  constituents.  More  than  thirty 
years  before,  in  important  and  stirring  times,  I  had  appeared 
before  them  as  a  candidate  for  Congress.  I  referred  to  the 
early  history  of  the  Republican  party  and  to  the  action  of  Lin 
coln  and  Grant  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  contrasted 
the  opinion  expressed  of  them  by  the  Democratic  party  then 
and  at  the  time  of  my  speech.  During  the  war  our  party  was 
the  "black  abolition  party,"  Lincoln  was  an  "ape,"  Grant  was  a 
"butcher,"  and  Union  soldiers  were  "  Lincoln  hirelings."  I  said : 

"Our  adversaries  now  concede  the  wisdom  and  success  of  all  promi 
nent  Republican  measures,  as  well  as  the  merits  of  the  great  leaders  of 
the  Republican  party.  Only  a  few  days  since  1  heard  my  colleague, 
Senator  Payne,  in  addressing  soldiers  at  Fremont,  extol  Lincoln  and 
Grant  in  the  highest  terms  of  praise  and  say  the  war  was  worth  all  it 
cost  and  he  thanked  God  that  slavery  had  been  abolished.  Only  recently, 
when  the  great  procession  conveyed  the  mortal  remains  of  Grant  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  715 

their  resting  place,  I  heard  active  Confederates  extol  him  in  the  highest 
terms  of  praise,  and  some  of  them  frankly  gloried  in  the  success  of  Repub 
lican  measures,  and,  especially,  in  the  abolition  of  slavery." 

I  said  that  the  Republican  party,  within  six  years  after  its 
organization,  overthrew  the  powerful  dominant  Democratic 
party,  and  for  twenty-four  years  afterwards  conducted  the 
operations  of  a  great  government  in  war  and  in  peace,  with  such 
success  as  to  win  the  support  and  acquiescence  of  its  enemies, 
and  could  fairly  claim  to  be  worthy  of  the  confidence  and  sup 
port  of  the  great  body  of  the  people.  The  defection  of  a  few 
men  in  three  Republican  states  had  raised  our  old  adversaries 
to  power  again  in  the  national  government. 

I  contrasted  the  policy  and  tendencies  of  the  two  parties 
on  the  question  of  protection  to  American  industry,  on  good 
money  redeemable  in  coin,  on  frauds  in  elections,  on  our  pen 
sion  laws,  and  on  all  the  political  questions  of  the  day.  I 
stated  and  approved  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  on  the 
temperance  question.  I  closed  with  an  exhortation  to  support 
Governor  Foraker  and  the  Republican  ticket  and  to  elect  a  leg 
islature  that  would  place  Ohio  where  she  had  usually  stood, 
in  the  fore  front  of  Republican  states,  for  the  Union,  for 
liberty  and  justice  to  all,  without  respect  of  race,  nativity 
and  creed. 

This  speech  was  denounced  by  the  Democratic  press  as 
"  bitterly  partisan ;"  and  so  it  was  and  so  intended.  The  Re 
publican  party  during  its  long  possession  of  power  had  divided 
into  factions,  as  the  Democratic  party  had  in  1860.  We  had 
the  Elaine,  the  Conkling,  and  other  factions,  and  many  so- 
called  third  parties,  and  the  distinctive  principles  upon 
which  the  Republican  party  was  founded  were  in  danger 
of  being  forgotten.  It  was  my  purpose  to  arouse  the  atten 
tion  of  the  Republicans  in  Ohio  to  the  necessity  of  union 
and  organization,  and  I  believe  this  speech  contributed  to 
that  result. 

Early  in  September  Governor  Hoadley,  in  commencing  his 
campaign  at  Hamilton,  assailed  my  speech  at  Mt.  Gilead, 
charging  me  with  waving  the  bloody  shirt,  and  reviving  the 
animosities  of  the  war.  He  claimed  to  be  a  friend  of  the 


716  RECOLLECTIONS 

negro,  but  did  not  deny  the  facts  stated  by  me.  He  allowed 
himself  to  be  turned  from  local  questions,  such  as  temperance, 
schools,  economy,  and  the  government  of  cities,  in  all  of  which 
the  people  of  Ohio  had  a  deep  interest,  and  as  to  which  the 
Democratic  party  had  a  defined  policy,  to  national  questions, 
and,  especially,  to  reconstruction  and  the  treatment  of  freed- 
men  in  the  south.  He  thanked  God  for  the  "solid  south." 
Though  an  Abolitionist  of  the  Chase  school  in  early  life,  and, 
until  recently  an  active  Republican,  he  ignored  or  denied  the 
suppression  of  the  negro  vote,  the  organized  terror  and  cruelty 
of  the  Ku-Klux  Klan,  and  the  almost  daily  outrages  published 
in  the  papers.  On  the  evening  of  the  8th  of  September  I  made 
a  speech  at  Lebanon,  in  which  I  reviewed  his  speech  at  Hamil 
ton  in  the  adjoining  county.  I  said  I  would  wave  the  bloody 
shirt  as  long  as  it  remained  bloody.  I  referred  to  the  copious 
evidence  of  outrage  and  wrong,  including  many  murders  of 
negroes  and  of  white  Kepublicans,  published  in  official  reports, 
and  challenged  him  to  deny  it.  I  said  that  by  these  crimes 
the  south  was  made  solid,  and  the  men  who  had  waged  war 
against  the  United  States,  though  they  failed  in  breaking  up 
the  Union,  then  held  the  political  power  of  the  Confederate 
states,  strengthened  by  counting  all  the  negroes  as  free  men, 
though  practically  denying  them  the  right  of  suffrage.  I  said 
this  was  not  only  unjust  to  the  colored  men  but  unjust  to  the 
white  men  of  the  north. 
In  conclusion  I  said: 

"  Thirty-eight  Members  of  Congress,  and  of  the  electoral  college,  are 
based  upon  the  six  million  of  colored  people  in  the  south.  The  effect  of  the 
crimes  I  have  mentioned  is  to  confer  upon  the  white  people  of  the  south,  not 
only  the  number  of  votes  to  which  they  are  entitled  for  the  white  population, 
but  also  the  thirty-eight  votes  based  upon  the  colored  population,  and,  in 
this  way,  in  some  of  the  southern  states,  every  white  voter  possesses  the  politi 
cal  power  of  two  white  voters  in  the  northern  states.  The  colored  people  have, 
practically,  no  voice  in  Congress  and  no  voice  in  the  electoral  college.  Mr. 
Cleveland  is  new  President  of  the  United  States,  instead  of  James  G.  Elaine, 
by  reason  of  these  crimes.  I  claim  that  this  should  be  corrected.  An  injus 
tice  so  gross  and  palpable  will  not  be  submitted  to  by  the  colored  people  of 
the  south,  nor  by  fair-minded  white  men  in  the  south  who  hate  wrong  and  in 
justice;  nor  by  the  great  northern  people,  by  whose  sacrifices  in  the  Union 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  717 

cause  the  war  was  brought  to  a  successful  termination.  It  will  not  be  sub 
mitted  to,  and  Governor  Hoadley,  from  his  former  position,  ought  to  be  one 
of  the  first  to  demand  and  insist  upon  a  remedy,  and  not  seek  to  avoid 
or  belittle  it  by  cant  phrases." 

After  I  had  spoken  in  the  opera  house  at  Lebanon  I  was 
told  that  the  stage  I  occupied  was  within  a  few  feet  of  the 
place  where  my  father  died.  The  room  in  the  old  hotel  in 
which  he  was  taken  sick,  and  in  which  he  died  within  twenty- 
four  hours,  covered  the  ground  now  occupied  by  the  east  end  of 
the  opera  house.  As  already  stated,  he  died  while  a  member 
of  the  supreme  court  holding  court  at  Lebanon. 

This  debate  at  long  range  continued  through  the  canvass. 
Governor  Hoadley  is  an  able  man  with  many  excellent  traits, 
but  in  his  political  life  he  did  not  add  to  his  reputation,  and 
wisely  chose  a  better  occupation  in  the  practice  of  his  profes 
sion  in  the  city  of  New  York. 

It  is  not  worth  while  to  enter  into  details  as  to  the  many 
speeches  made  by  me  in  this  canvass.  I  spoke  nearly  every 
day  until  the  election  on  the  13th  of  October.  While  Foraker 
and  Hoadley  continued  their  debate  I  filled  such  appointments 
as  were  made  for  me  by  Mr.  Bushnell.  At  Toledo,  when  con 
versing  with  a  gentleman  about  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
south,  I  was  asked  "What  are  you  going  to  do  about  it?"  In 
reply  to  this  inquiry  I  said  in  my  speech,  at  that  place:  "  I  do  not 
exactly  know  how  we  are  going  to  do  it,  but  with  the  help  of 
God  we  are  going  to  arrange  that  the  vote  of  the  man  who  fol 
lowed  Lee  shall  no  longer  have,  in  national  affairs,  three  times 
the  power  of  the  vote  of  the  man  who  followed  Grant.  The 
tendency  of  events  guided  by  a  growing  popular  opinion  will, 
I  believe,  secure  this  condition." 

The  meetings  grew  in  number  and  enthusiasm.  The  largest 
meeting  I  ever  witnessed  within  four  walls  was  at  Music  Hall 
in  Cincinnati,  on  the  22nd  of  September.  The  auditorium,  the 
balcony,  the  gallery,  even  the  windows  were  filled,  and  thou 
sands  outside  were  unable  to  enter.  This  and  similar  scenes 
in  Cleveland  and  other  cities  indicated  the  success  of  the  Re 
publican  ticket.  Great  interest  was  taken  in  the  canvass  in 
Ohio  by  many  other  states,  as  the  vote  in  Ohio  would  indicate 


718  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  current  of  popular  opinion.  The  result  was  the  election  of 
Foraker  by  a  majority  of  17,451,  and  of  Robert  P.  Kennedy  as 
lieutenant  governor.  The  legislature  elected  was  Republican 
by  a  decided  majority,  the  size  of  which  depended  upon  the 
official  returns  from  Hamilton  county,  where  frauds  had  been 
committed  by  the  Democratic  party. 

Soon  after  the  election  I  was  urged  by  Senator  Mahone  to 
take  part  in  the  canvass  in  Virginia  in  which  he  was  interested. 
I  doubted  the  policy  of  accepting,  but,  assuming  that  he  knew 
best,  I  agreed  to  speak  in  Petersburg  and  Richmond.  Governor 
Foraker  accepted  a  like  invitation  and  spoke  in  the  Shenan- 
doah  valley.  On  my  way  I  addressed  a  spontaneous  crowd  in 
Washington,  the  only  place  in  the  United  States  where  no 
elections  are  held,  and  there  I  could  talk  about  frauds  at  elec 
tions.  I  had  denounced  fraud  and  violence  in  elections  in  the 
south,  and  at  Washington  I  had  to  confess  recent  frauds  at 
tempted  or  practiced  in  Cincinnati.  The  worst  feature  was 
that  the  frauds  in  Ohio  were  forgery  and  perjury,  committed  by 
criminals  of  low  degree  for  money,  while  in  the  south  the 
crimes  were  shared  by  the  great  body  of  the  people  and  arose 
from  the  embers  of  a  war  that  had  involved  the  whole  country. 

I  went  from  Washington  to  Petersburg,  where  I  was  hospi 
tably  entertained  by  General  Mahone.  He  had  been  greatly  dis 
tinguished  for  his  courage,  ability  and  success,  as  a  Confederate 
general  in  the  Civil  War,  and  had  long  been  a  popular  favorite 
in  Virginia.  He  took  the  lead  on  questions  affecting  the  debt 
of  Virginia  in  opposition  to  the  Democratic  party,  and  a  legis 
lature  in  favor  of  his  opinions  having  been  elected,  he  became 
a  Senator  of  the  United  States.  He  voted  as  a  rule  with  Re 
publican  Senators,  but  maintained  a  marked  independence  of 
political  parties.  I  admired  him  for  his  courage  and  fidelity, 
and  was  quite  willing  to  speak  a  good  word  for  him  in  the  elec 
tion  of  a  legislature  that  would  designate  his  successor. 

The  meeting  at  Petersburg  was  held  in  a  large  opera  house 
on  the  evening  of  the  29th  of  October.  When  I  faced  my  audi 
ence  the  central  part  of  the  house  and  the  galleries  seemed  to 
be  densely  packed  by  negroes,  while  in  the  rear  was  a  fringe  of 
white  men.  The  line  of  demarkation  was  clearly  indicated  by 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  719 

color,  most  of  the  white  men  standing  and  seeming  ill  at  ease. 
The  speech  was  fairly  well  received.  In  opening  I  said  my 
purpose  was  to  demonstrate  that  what  the  Republican  party 
professed  in  Ohio  as  to  national  questions  was  the  same  that 
it  professed  in  Virginia,  and  that  the  practical  application  of 
the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  would  be  of  vast 
benefit. 

"Not  only  your  newspaper,"  I  said,  "but  the  distinguished 
gentleman  who  is  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor  of 
the  State  of  Virginia,  has  said  to  you  that  I  was  waving  the 
bloody  shirt  while  he  was  contending  under  the  Union  flag.  If 
he  meant,  by  waving  the  bloody  shirt,  that  I  sought,  in  any 
way,  to  renew  the  animosities  of  the  war,  then  he  was  greatly 
mistaken,  for  in  the  speech  to  which  he  refers,  and  in  every 
speech  I  made  in  Ohio,  I  constantly  said  that  the  war  was  over 
and  the  animosities  of  the  war  should  be  buried  out  of  sight ; 
that  I  would  not  hold  any  Confederate  soldier  responsible  for 
what  he  did  during  the  war,  and  that  all  I  wished  was  to  main 
tain  and  preserve  the  acknowledged  results  of  the  war.  Among 
these,  I  claim,  is  the  right  of  every  voter  to  cast  one  honest 
vote,  and  have  it  counted ;  that  every  citizen,  rich  or  poor, 
native  or  naturalized,  white  or  black,  should  have  equal  civil 
and  political  rights,  and  that  every  man  of  lawful  age  should 
be  allowed  to  exercise  his  right  to  vote,  without  distinction  of 
race  or  color  or  previous  condition.  I  charge,  among  other 
things,  that  these  constitutional  rights  and  privileges  had  been 
disregarded  by  the  Democratic  party,  especially  in  the  southern 
states." 

The  speech  was  largely  historical  in  its  character  and  evi 
dently  rather  beyond  the  comprehension  of  the  body  of  my 
audience.  The  scene  and  the  surroundings  made  a  vivid  im 
pression  on  my  mind.  Here,  I  felt,  w^ere  two  antagonistic  races 
widely  differing  in  every  respect,  the  old  relations  of  master 
and  slave  broken,  with  new  conditions  undeveloped,  the  master 
impoverished  and  the  slave  free  without  knowledge  to  direct 
him,  and  with  a  belief  that  liberty  meant  license,  and  freedom 
idleness.  William  McKinley,  then  a  Member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  Green  B.  Raum  then  spoke,  Mr.  McKinley 


720  RECOLLECTIONS 

confining  his  speech  mainly  to  a  simple  exposition  of  the  tariff 
question,  which  his  audience  could  easily  understand. 

The  next  day,  at  the  invitation  of  John  S.  Wise,  then  the 
Republican  candidate  for  Governor  of  Virginia,  I  went  to  Rich 
mond,  and  spent  a  pleasant  day  with  him.  In  the  evening  I 
attended  a  mass  meeting  in  the  open  air,  at  which  there  was  a 
very  large  attendance.  There  was  no  disorder  in  the  large 
crowd  before  me,  but  off  to  the  right,  at  some  distance,  it  was 
evident  that  a  party  of  men  were  endeavoring  to  create  some 
disturbance,  and  to  distract  attention  from  the  speeches. 
While  I  was  speaking  Wise  rose  and,  in  terms  very  far  from 
polite,  denounced  the  people  making  the  noise.  He  succeeded 
in  preventing  any  interruption  of  the  meeting.  The  speech 
made  was  without  preparation,  but,  I  think,  better  for  the  oc 
casion  than  the  one  at  Petersburg.  I  stated  that  I  had  been 
born  and  lived  in  a  region  where  a  large  portion  of  the  popu 
lation  was  from  Virginia  and  Kentucky  ;  that  I  had  always 
been  taught  to  believe  in  the  doctrines  of  the  great  men  illus 
trious  in  Virginia  history.  To  the  charge  made  that  I  was 
engaged  in  waving  the  bloody  shirt  I  said : 

"If  it  means  that  I  said  anything  in  Ohio  with  a  view  to  stir  up  the 
animosities  of  the  Civil  War,  then,  I  say,  it  is  greatly  mistaken.  I  never 
uttered  an  unkind  word  about  the  people  of  Virginia  that  mortal  man  can 
quote.  I  have  always  respected  and  loved  the  State  of  Virginia,  its  mem 
ories,  its  history,  its  record,  and  its  achievements. 

"  Again,  although  I  was  a  Union  man  from  my  heart  and  every  pulsa 
tion,  just  as  my  friend  Wise  was  a  Confederate  soldier,  yet  I  never  heard  in 
Ohio  a  man  call  in  question  either  the  courage  or  purity  of  motive  of  any 
Confederate  soldier  who  fought  in  the  Confederate  ranks.  I  never  uttered 
such  a  sentiment.  I  disclaim  it.  What  I  did  say  was  this — what  I  say  here 
in  Richmond,  and  what  I  said  in  Petersburg  is — that  the  war  is  over  and  all 
animosities  of  the  war  should  be  buried  out  of  sight ;  that  I  would  not  hold 
any  Confederate  soldier  responsible  for  what  he  did  in  the  war,  and  all  I  ask 
of  you  is  to  carry  out  the  acknowledged  results  of  the  war ;  to  do  what  you 
agreed  to,  when  Grant  and  Lee  made  their  famous  arrangement  under  the 
apple  tree  at  Appomattox  ;  to  stand  by  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  land, 
to  see  that  every  man  in  this  country,  rich  and  poor,  native  and  naturalized, 
white  and  black,  shall  have  equal  civil  and  political  rights,  and  the  equal 
protection  of  the  law.  I  said  also,  that  by  constitutional  amendment 
agreed  to  by  Virginia,  every  man  of  proper  age  in  this  country  was  armed 
for  his  protection  with  the  right  to  cast  one  honest  vote,  and  no  more,  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  721 

havft  that  vote   counted,  and  you,  as  well  as  I,  are  bound  to  protect  every 
man  in  the  enjoyment  of  that  right. 

"  There  is  the  ground  I  stood  on  in  Ohio,  and  the  ground  I  stand  on  now." 

I  closed  my  address  as  follows : 

"  And  now  a  wrord  to  the  best  citizens  of  Richmond.  If  the  criminal 
classes  can  deprive  a  colored  man  or  a  white  Republican  of  his  right  to  vote, 
as  soon  as  they  have  accomplished  it,  then  these  rascals  —  because  every 
man  who  resorts  to  this  policy  is  a  rascal — then  these  rascals  will  soon 
undermine  their  own  party.  They  will  begin  to  cheat  each  other  after 
they  have  cheated  the  Republicans  out  of  their  political  power.  My  country 
men,  there  is  no  duty  so  sacred  resting  upon  any  man  among  you,  I  don't 
care  what  his  politics  are.  It  is  honesty  that  I  like  to  appeal  to.  I  say 
there  is  no  man  who  can  be  deprived  of  his  right  to  vote  without  injuring 
you,  from  the  wealthiest  in  the  city  of  Richmond  down  to  the  humblest 
man  among  you,  white  or  black. 

"  There  is  no  crime  that  is  meaner,  there  is  no  crime  that  is  so 
destructive  to  society,  there  is  no  crime  so  prejudicial  to  the  man  who 
commits  it  as  the  crime  of  preventing  a  citizen  from  participating  in  the 
government.  Here  I  intend  to  leave  the  question.  I  appeal  to  you,  of 
whatever  party,  or  color,  or  race,  or  country,  to  give  us  in  Virginia  at 
this  election  an  honest  vote  and  an  honest  count,  and  if  Lee  is  elected, 
well  and  good  ;  if  Wise  is  elected,  better  yet." 

The  Democrats  carried  the  state  and  Wise  was  defeated. 

S.— 4G 


CHAPTER  XLIX. 

ELECTED  PRESIDENT  PRO  TEMPORE  OF  THE  SENATE. 

Death    of   Vice  President    Hendricks  —  I   Am   Chosen  to    Preside  Over  the  United 
States  Senate  —  Letter  of  Congratulation   from   S.  S.   Cox  —  Cleveland's  First 
Annual  Message  to  Congress  —  His  Views  on  the  Tariff  and  Condition  of  Our 
Currency  —  Secretary    Mannings    Report  — Garfield's     Statue    Presented 
to  the  Nation  by  the  State  of  Ohio  —  I  Am  Elected  a  Senator  from 
Ohio  for  the  Fifth  Time —  I  Go  to  Columbus  to  Return  Thanks  to 
the  Legislature  for  the  Honor — Business  of  this  Session  of 
Congress— Attempt    to    Inquire    Into    the    Methods    of 
Electing  Mr.  Payne  to  the  Senate   from   Ohio — Ad 
dress    Before    the    Ohio    Society    of    New    York. 

CONGRESS  convened  on  the  7th  of  December,  1885. 
The  death  of  Vice  President  Thomas  A.  Hendricks, 
on  the  25th  of  November,  was  announced  by  Senator 
Voorhees,   who   offered   appropriate  resolutions,  the 
consideration  of  which  was  postponed  until  January  26,  1886, 
when  eloquent  orations  by  Senators  Voorhees,  Hampton,  Sauls- 
bury,  Evarts,  Ransom,  Spooner  and  Harrison  were  delivered  in 
commemoration  of  his  life  and  death.     I  added  my  sincere  trib 
ute  to  his  marked  ability  and  personal  worth. 

On  the  first  day  of  the  session  after  the  opening  prayer,  Mr. 
Edmunds  offered  the  following  resolution : 

<•-  Resolved,  That  John  Sherman,  a  Senator  from  the  State  of  Ohio,  be 
and  he  hereby  is,  chosen  president  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate." 

Following  the  usual  form  Mr.  Voorhees  moved  to  strike  out 
the  words  "John  Sherman,  a  Senator  from  the  State  of  Ohio," 
and  insert  "  Isham  G.  Harris,  a  Senator  from  the  State  of  Ten 
nessee." 

This  was  decided  in  the  negative  by  the  vote  of  29  yeas  and 
34  nays,  and  thereupon  the  resolution  was  adopted.  I  was 

(722) 


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RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  723 

escorted  to  the  chair  by  Senators  Edmunds  and  Voorhees  and, 
having  taken  the  oath  prescribed  by  law,  said : 

"Senators,  I  return  you  my  grateful  thanks  for  the  high  honor  you 
have  conferred  upon  me. 

"  In  common  with  all  the  people  of  the  United  States  I  share  in  pro 
found  sorrow  for  the  death  of  the  Vice  President,  specially  designated  by  the 
constitution  to  act  as  president  of  the  Senate.  It  is  an  impressive  lesson  of 
the  uncertain  tenure  by  which  we  all  hold  office  and  life.  The  contin 
gency  has  happened  which  compels  you  now,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
session,  to  choose  a  president  pro  tempore. 

"  In  assuming  this  position,  without  special  aptitude  or  experience  as 
a  presiding  officer,  I  feel  that  for  a  time,  at  least,  I  shall  have  often  to 
appeal  to  the  habitual  courtesy  and  forbearance  of  Senators.  Fortunately 
the  rules  of  the  Senate  are  simple  and  clear.  My  aim  will  be  to  secure 
the  ready  and  kindly  obedience  and  enforcement  of  them,  so  that  in  an 
orderly  way  the  sense  of  the  majority  may  be  ascertained  and  the  rights 
of  the  minority  may  be  protected. 

"I  can  only  say,  Senators,  that  while  I  hold  this  position  I  will  en 
deavor,  to  the  utmost  of  my  ability,  to  be  just  and  impartial,  and  1 
invoke  from  each  of  you  assistance  and  forbearance." 

This  honor  was  unsought  by  me.  The  public  prints  had,  as 
usual,  discussed  the  choice  of  president  of  the  Senate,  but  I 
made  no  mention  of  it  to  any  Senator.  I  was  gratified  with 
the  choice,  chiefly  because  it  would,  in  a  measure,  relieve  me 
from  burdensome  details,  and  was  an  evidence  of  the  good  will 
of  my  associates. 

I  received  many  letters  of  congratulation  on  this  event,  one 
of  which,  from  Mr.  Cox,  I  insert : 

UNITED  STATES  LEGATION,          ) 
CONSTANTINOPLE,  January  23,  1886.  \ 

DEAR  MR.  SENATOR  :  —  I  am  reminded  by  my  wife  of  a  courtesy  I  have 
neglected.  It  is  that  of  congratulation  upon  your  accession  to  the  post 
lately  held  by  my  friend  (from  Muskingum  county)  Thomas  A.  Hendricks. 
You  have  associations  with  that  valley  also,  and  they  are  connected  with 
the  best  friend  I  ever  had  in  Congress,  General  Samuel  R.  Curtis,  with 
whom  I  used  to  associate  in  my  callow  congressional  days. 

Besides,  I  never  forget  the  kindness  with  which  my  father  used  to 
regard  C.  R.  Sherman,  your  father,  for  making  him  clerk  of  the  supreme 
court  of  Muskingum,  in  early  days. 

Here  I  am,  aloof  from  all  old  Muskingum  memories,  or  rather,  scenes. 
As  I  look  out  of  my  balcony,  on  this  spring  day  in  midwinter,  I  see  the 
Golden  Horn  brimming  full  of  ships  and  other  evidences  of  interchange  ;  and 


724  RECOLLECTIONS 

far  beyond  it,  «  clear  as  a  fountain  in  July,  when  we  see  each  grain  of  gravel,' 
Mt.  Olympus  lifts  a  double  crown  of  snow. 

But  I  only  meant  to  testify  to  you,  from  these  remote  nations,  the  par 
donable  pride  of  an  Ohioan,  and  a  veteran  Congressman — in  your  elevation. 

When  you  write  to  the  general,  remember  me  to  him  kindly. 

Mrs.  Cox  desires  to  be  kindly  regarded  to  your  wife  and  yourself.  She 
joins  me  in  felicitations.  With  esteem,  etc.,  S.  S.  Cox. 

Hox.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

President  Cleveland's  first  annual  message  was  delivered  to 
the  Senate  on  the  8th  of  December.  He  stated  that : 

"  The  fact  that  our  revenues  are  in  excess  of  the  actual  needs  of  an 
economical  administration  of  the  government  justifies  a  reduction  in  the 
amount  exacted  from  the  people  for  its  support. 

-x-  -x-  ##-#*#*"* 

"The  proposition  with  which  we  have  to  deal  is  the  reduction  of  the 
revenue  received  by  the  government,  and  indirectly  paid  by  the  people  from 
customs  duties.  The  question  of  free  trade  is  not  involved,  nor  is  there  now 
any  occasion  for  the  general  discussion  of  the  wisdom  or  expediency  of  a 
protective  system. 

"  Justice  and  fairness  dictate  that,  in  any  modification  of  our  present  laws 
relating  to  revenue,  the  industries  and  interests  which  have  been  encouraged 
by  such  laws,  and  in  which  our  citizens  have  large  investments,  should  not 
be  ruthlessly  injured  or  destroyed.  We  should  also  deal  with  the  subject  in 
such  manner  as  to  protect  the  interests  of  American  labor,  which  is  the  cap 
ital  of  our  workingmen  ;  its  stability  and  proper  remuneration  furnish  the 
most  justifiable  pretext  for  a  protective  policy." 

This  specific  principle,  if  fairly  and  justly  applied  to  all  in 
dustries  alike,  would  be  a  basis  for  customs  duties  that  all 
would  agree  to,  but,  when  made,  a  struggle  arises  in  determin 
ing  the  articles  to  be  protected,  and  those  to  be  free  of  duty. 
The  President  said  that  the  reduction  should  be  made  of  duties 
upon  the  imported  necessaries  of  life.  Such  articles  are  not 
imported ;  they  are  mainly  produced  by  our  own  people.  By 
common  consent  the  few  articles  that  are  imported,  classed  as 
necessaries  of  life,  and  which  cannot  be  produced  in  this 
country,  are  already  free  of  duty.  When  Congress  undertook  to 
reduce  the  revenues  it  was  found  difficult  to  apply  the  rule 
suggested  by  the  President.  He  said : 

"  Nothing  more  important  than  the  present  condition  of  our  currency  and 
coinage  can  claim  your  attention. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  725 

"Since  February,  1878,  the  government  has,  under  the  compulsory  pro 
visions  of  law,  purchased  silver  bullion  and  coined  the  same  at  the  rate  of 
more  than  $2,000,000  every  month.  By  this  process,  up  to  the  present  date, 
215,759,431  silver  dollars  have  been  coined." 

He  properly  stated  that  the  mere  desire  to  utilize  the  silver 
product  of  the  country  should  not  lead  to  a  coinage  not  needed 
for  a  circulating  medium.  Only  50,000,000  of  the  silver  dol 
lars  so  coined  had  actually  found  their  way  into  circulation, 
leaving  more  than  165,000,000  in  the  possession  of  the  govern 
ment,  the  custody  of  which  had  entailed  a  considerable  expense 
for  the  construction  of  vaults  for  its  safe  deposit.  At  that  time 
the  outstanding  silver  certificates  amounted  to  $93,000,000, 
and  yet  every  month  $2,000,000  of  gold  from  the  public  treas 
ury  was  paid  out  for  two  millions  or  more  silver  dollars  to  be 
added  to  the  idle  mass  already  accumulated.  He  stated  his 
view  of  the  effect  of  this  policy,  and  in  clear  and  forcible  words 
urged  Congress  to  suspend  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  and 
the  coinage  of  silver  dollars  until  they  should  be  required  by 
the  business  of  the  country.  This  is  the  same  question  now 
pending,  but  under  circumstances  of  greater  urgency. 

The  President  enlarged  fully  upon  this  vital  subject  and  has 
adhered  to  his  opinions  tenaciously.  He  was  reflected  with 
full  knowledge  of  these  opinions  and  now,  no  doubt,  will  soon 
again  press  them  upon  Congress.  The  efforts  made  to  carry 
into  effect  the  policy  of  the  President  will  be  more  fully  stated 
hereafter.  He  closed  his  message  by  calling  attention  to  the 
law  relating  to  the  succession  to  the  presidency  in  the  event 
of  the  death,  disability  or  removal  of  both  the  President  and 
Vice  President,  and  his  recommendation  has  been  carried  into 
effect  by  law.  In  conclusion  he  said : 

"I  commend  to  the  wise  care  and  thoughtful  attention  of  Congress  the 
needs,  the  welfare,  and  the  aspirations  of  an  intelligent  and  generous  nation. 
To  subordinate  these  to  the  narrow  advantages  of  partisanship,  or  the  ac 
complishment  of  selfish  aims,  is  to  violate  the  people's  trust  and  betray  the 
people's  interests.  But  an  individual  sense  of  responsibility  on  the  part  of 
each  of  us,  and  a  stern  determination  to  perform  our  duty  well,  must  give  us 
place  among  those  who  have  added,  in  their  day  and  generation,  to  the  glory 
and  prosperity  of  our  beloved  land." 


726  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Daniel  Manning,  in  his  re 
port  to  Congress,  amplified  the  statement  made  of  the  receipts 
and  expenditures  of  the  government  and  gave  estimates  for  the 
then  current  and  the  next  fiscal  year.  He  was  much  more  ex 
plicit  than  the  President  in  his  statement  of  reform  in  taxa 
tion.  He  expressed  more  at  length  than  the  President  the 
objections  to  the  further  coinage  of  the  silver  dollars.  He 
stated  the  superior  convenience  of  paper  money  to  coins  of 
either  gold  or  silver,  but  that  it  should  be  understood  that  a 
sufficient  quantity  of  actual  coin  should  be  honestly  and  safely 
stored  in  the  treasury  to  pay  the  paper  when  presented.  He 
entered  into  an  extended  and  interesting  statement  of  the  coin 
age  of  both  silver  and  gold,  the  history  of  the  two  metals  as 
coined  in  this  country  and  the  necessity  of  a  monetary  unit  as 
the  standard  of  value.  His  history  of  the  coinage  of  the  United 
States  is  as  clear,  explicit  and  accurate  as  any  I  have  read. 

On  the  12th  of  December,  1885,  I  received  from  Governor 
Hoadley  an  official  letter  notifying  me,  as  president  of  the  Sen 
ate,  that  a  marble  statue  of  General  Garfield  had  been  placed 
in  the  hall  of  the  old  House  of  Representatives,  in  pursuance  of 
the  law  inviting  each  state  to  contribute  statues  of  two  of  its 
eminent  citizens,  and  saying: 

"  It  is  hoped  that  it  may  be  found  worthy  of  acceptance  and  approval  as 
a  fit  contribution  from  this  state  to  the  United  States,  in  whose  service  Presi 
dent  Garfield  passed  so  much  of  his  life  and  whose  chief  executive  officer  he 
was  at  the  time  of  his  death." 

On  the  5th  of  January,  1886,  I  submitted  to  the  Senate,  in 
connection  with  Governor  Hoadley's  letter,  concurrent  resolu 
tions  returning  the  thanks  of  Congress  to  the  Governor,  and 
through  him  to  the  people  of  Ohio,  for  the  statue,  and  accept 
ing  it  in  the  name  of  the  nation.  In  presenting  these  resolu 
tions  I  expressed  at  considerable  length  the  estimate  of  the 
people  of  Ohio  of  the  character  and  public  services  of  Garfield, 
and  closed  as  follows: 

"  The  people  of  Ohio,  among  whom  he  was  born  and  bred,  placed  his 
image  in  enduring  marble  in  the  silent  senate  of  the  dead,  among  the  wor 
thies  of  every  period  of  American  history,  not  claiming  for  him  to  have  been 
the  greatest  of  all,  but  only  as  one  of  their  fellow -citizens,  whom,  when 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  727 

living,  they  greatly  loved  and  trusted,  whose  life  was  spent  in  the  service  of 
his  whole  country  at  the  period  of  its  greatest  peril,  and  who,  in  the  high 
est  places  of  trust  and  power,  did  his  full  duty  as  a  soldier,  a  patriot,  and 
a  statesman." 

The  resolutions  were  then  adopted. 

The  legislature  of  Ohio  that  convened  on  the  3rd  of  Janu 
ary,  1886,  was  required  to  elect  a  Senator,  as  my  successor,  to 
serve  for  six  years  following  the  expiration  of  my  term  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1887.  The  Republican  members  of  the  legisla 
ture  held  an  open  joint  caucus  on  the  7th  of  January,  and  nom 
inated  me  for  reelection,  to  be  voted  for  at  the  joint  convention 
of  the  two  houses  on  the  following  Tuesday.  The  vote  in 
the  caucus  was  unanimous,  there  being  no  other  name  sug 
gested.  The  legislature  was  required  to  meet  an  unexampled 
fraud  at  the  recent  election,  practiced  in  Hamilton  county, 
where,  four  Republican  senators  and  eleven  Republican  mem 
bers  had  been  chosen.  A  lawless  and  desperate  band  of  men 
got  possession  of  the  ballot  boxes  in  two  or  three  wards  of  the 
city  of  Cincinnati,  broke  open  the  boxes  and  changed  the  bal 
lots  and  returns  so  as  to  reverse  the  result  of  the  election  of 
members  of  the  legislature.  These  facts  were  ascertained  by 
the  finding  and  judgment  of  the  circuit  and  supreme  courts, 
but  the  supreme  court  held  that  the  power  to  eliminate  such 
frauds  and  forgeries  did  not  reside  in  the  courts  but  only  in 
the  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of  the  state,  respec 
tively.  Each  house  was  the  judge  of  the  election  of  its  mem 
bers.  This  palpable  and  conceded  fraud  had  to  be  acted  upon 
promptly.  The  house  of  representatives,  upon  convening,  ap 
pointed  a  committee  to  examine  the  returns,  and  on  the  fifth 
day  of  the  session  reported  that  the  returns  were  permeated 
with  fraud  and  forgeries,  and  that  the  persons  elected  and 
named  by  the  committee  w^ere  entitled  to  seats  instead  of  those 
who  held  the  fraudulent  certificates  of  election.  Without 
these  changes  the  Republican  majority  was  three  on  joint 
ballot.  The  report  was  adopted  after  a  full  and  ample  hear 
ing,  and  the  Republican  members  were  seated. 

In  the  senate  a  committee  was  also  appointed  and  came  to 
the  same  conclusion.     The  senators   holding  the   fraudulent 


728  RECOLLECTIONS 

certificates  claimed  the  right  to  vote  on  their  own  cases,  which 
was  denied  by  Lieutenant  Governor  Kennedy,  the  presiding  offi 
cer,  and  the  Kepublican  senators  were  awarded  their  seats,  but 
this  did  not  occur  until  some  months  after  the  election  of  United 
States  Senator,  which  took  place  on  the  13th  of  January,  when 
I  was  duly  elected,  receiving  in  the  senate  17  votes  and  Thur- 
man  20,  and  in  the  house  67  votes  and  Thurman  42,  making  a 
majority  of  22  for  me  on  joint  ballot. 

I  was  notified  at  Washington  of  my  election  and  was  in 
vited  to  visit  the  legislature,  members  of  the  senate  and  house 
of  both  parties  concurring.  It  so  happened  that  at  this  time  I 
had  accepted  an  invitation  from  President  Cleveland  to  attend 
a  diplomatic  dinner  at  the  White  House.  I  called  upon  him  to 
withdraw  my  acceptance,  and,  on  explaining  the  cause,  he  con 
gratulated  me  on  my  election. 

The  reception  by  the  two  houses  was  arranged  to  be  at  4 
o'clock  p.  m.  on  the  day  after  the  election.  I  arrived  in  Co 
lumbus  at  3:30,  and,  accompanied  by  Governor  Foraker  and  a 
committee  of  the  two  houses,  proceeded  immediately  to  the 
hall  of  the  house,  where  the  legislature  and  a  great  company 
had  assembled.  I  was  introduced  by  Lieutenant  Governor 
Kennedy.  George  G.  Washburn  delivered  an  eloquent  address 
of  welcome  in  behalf  of  the  legislature,  closing  as  follows: 

"Your  return  to  the  Senate  in  1881  was  only  additional  evidence  of  our 
continued  confidence  and  esteem,  and  on  this,  the  occasion  of  your  fifth  elec 
tion  to  that  honored  position,  I  tender  you  the  hearty  congratulations  of  the 
general  assembly  and  of  the  citizens  of  this  great  commonwealth.  Conscious 
that  you  have  rendered  far  greater  service  to  the  people  of  your  native  state 
than  it  will  be  possible  for  them  to  repay  by  any  honors  they  can  confer 
upon  you,  I  again  bid  you  a  most  cordial  welcome  and  invoke  the  continued 
guidance  and  protection  of  the  same  Almighty  Being  who  has  led  you  thus 
far  to  well  merit  the  exalted  title  of  '  good  and  faithful  servant.'  " 

After  the  applause  which  followed  Mr.  Washburn's  address 
had  subsided,  I  responded  in  part  as  follows: 

;'  My  first  duty  on  this  occasion,  after  the  magnificent  reception  you  have 
given  me,  is  to  express  to  you  my  profound  sense  of  the  high  honor  you  have 
conferred  upon  me.  I  have  often,  in  a  somewhat  busy  life,  felt  how  feeble 
were  words  to  express  the  feelings  of  the  heart.  When  all  has  been  said 
that  one  can  say,  there  is  still  something  wanting  to  convey  an  adequate 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  729 

expression  of  gratitude  and  obligation.  This  I  feel  now  more  than  ever  before, 
when  you  have  selected  me  for  the  fifth  time  to  serve  as  a  Member  of  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States. 

"  Such  trust  and  confidence  reposed  in  me  by  the  people  of  Ohio,  through 
their  chosen  representatives,  imposes  upon  me  an  obligation  of  duty  and 
honor,  more  sacred  than  any  words  or  promises  can  create. 

I  observed  closely  the  course  pursued  by  the  press  of  the 
country  in  respect  to  my  election.  As  a  rule  it  was  received 
with  favor  by  papers  of  both  parties.  The  election  of  a  Senator 
of  the  United  States  by  such  frauds  as  had  been  practiced  by 
Democrats  in  Cincinnati  would  be  a  bad  example  that  might  be 
followed  by  other  crimes,  violence  or  civil  war.  The  weakness 
in  our  system  of  government  is  likely  to  be  developed  by  a  dis 
puted  election.  We  touched  the  line  of  danger  in  the  contest 
between  Hayes  and  Tilden.  Some  guards  against  fraud  at 
elections  have  since  been  adopted,  notably  the  Australian  bal 
lot,  but  the  best  security  is  to  impress  succeeding  generations 
with  the  vital  importance  of  honest  elections,  and  to  punish 
with  relentless  severity  all  violations  of  election  laws. 

During  this  Congress,  by  reason  of  my  position  as  presiding 
officer,  I  participated  only  occasionally  in  the  current  debate, 
introduced  only  private  bills,  and  had  charge  of  no  important 
measure. 

Mr.  Eustis,  on  the  8th  of  February,  introduced  a  resolution 
instructing  the  committee  on  finance  to  inquire  whether  it  had 
been  the  custom  for  the  assistant  treasurer  at  New  Orleans  to 
receive  deposits  of  silver  dollars  and  at  a  future  period  issue 
silver  certificates  therefor.  This  led  to  a  long  and  rambling 
debate,  in  which  I  took  part.  I  stated  my  efforts,  as  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  and  those  of  my  successors  in  that  office,  to 
put  the  silver  dollars  in  circulation;  that  they  were  sent  to  the 
different  sub-treasuries  to  be  used  in  payment  of  current  lia 
bilities,  but  silver  certificates  were  exchanged  for  them  when 
demanded.  Also,  when  gold  coin  or  bullion  came  into  the 
United  States  in  the  course  of  trade,  and  was  inconvenient 
to  transport  or  to  use  in  large  payments  for  cotton  or  other 
products,  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States,  or  his  assistants 
in  all  parts  of  the  country,  issued  silver  certificates  in 


730  RECOLLECTIONS 

exchange  for  gold,  that  in  this  way  the  coin  reserve  in  the 
treasury  was  maintained  and  increased  without  cost,  that  dur 
ing  one  season  $80,000,000  gold  was  in  this  way  acquired  by 
the  treasury.  I  could  have  said  later  on,  that,  until  within 
three  years,  when  the  receipts  of  the  government  were  insuffi 
cient  to  pay  its  current  expenditures,  there  was  no  difficulty  in 
securing  gold  and  silver  coin  in  exchange  for  United  States 
notes,  treasury  notes  and  silver  certificates.  The  greater  con 
venience  of  paper  money  in  large  commercial  transactions 
created  a  demand  for  it,  and  gold  and  silver  were  easily  ob 
tained  at  par  for  all  forms  of  paper  money  issued  by  the 
government.  The  exchange  was  temporarily  discontinued  by 
Secretary  McCulloch.  It  is  a  proper  mode  of  fortifying  the 
gold  reserve  and  ought  to  be  continued,  but  cannot  be  when 
expenditures  exceed  the  revenue,  or  when  there  is  the  slight 
est  fear  that  the  treasury  will  not  be  able  to  pay  its  notes  in 
coin. 

On  the  8th  of  March  John  F.  Miller,  a  Senator  from  Califor 
nia,  died,  and  funeral  services  were  conducted  in  the  Senate 
on  the  13th,  when  I  announced  that, 

"  By  order  of  the  Senate,  the  usual  business  will  be  suspended  this  day, 
to  enable  the  Senate  to  participate  in  the  funeral  ceremonies  deemed  appro 
priate  on  the  death  of  John  F.  Miller,  late  an  honored  Member  of  this  body 
from  the  State  of  California." 

The  services  were  conducted  in  the  Senate  Chamber  by 
Rev.  William  A.  Leonard,  rector  of  St.  John's  church,  the 
chaplain  of  the  Senate,  Dr.  Huntley,  pronouncing  the  benedic 
tion,  after  which  the  following  statement  was  made  by  me,  as 
president  of  the  Senate : 

"  The  funeral  ceremonies  deemed  appropriate  to  this  occasion  in  the  Sen 
ate  Chamber  are  now  terminated.  We  consign  all  that  is  mortal  of  our 
brother  to  the  custody  of  an  officer  of  the  Senate  and  a  committee  of  its 
Members,  to  be  conveyed  to  his  home  on  the  Pacific,  and  there  committed 
for  burial  to  those  who  have  honored  him  and  loved  him  so  much  when  liv 
ing.  The  Senate,  as  a  body,  will  now  attend  the  remains  to  the  station." 

Mr.  Miller  was  highly  esteemed  by  his  associates  in  the  Sen 
ate.  He  was  born  in  Indiana  a  few  miles  from  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 
After  graduating  as  a  lawyer  he  went  to  California,  in  1853, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  731 

but  returned  to  his  native  state,  and  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war 
entered  the  Union  army  with  the  rank  of  colonel.  That  he 
was  a  gallant  soldier  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  on  his  return  to 
Indiana,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  Governor  Morton  presented 
him  a  sword  which  he  had  promised  the  soldier  of  the  state 
who  distinguished  himself  most  and  reflected  the  greatest 
credit  on  his  state  and  country.  At  the  close  of  the  war  he 
returned  to  California,  and,  after  a  few  years,  was  elected,  by  a 
Republican  legislature,  to  the  United  States  Senate.  He  was 
not  a  frequent  or  lengthy  speaker,  but  was  a  man  of  thought, 
of  attention,  of  industry  and  practical  sagacity,  and  brought 
to  every  question  patient  and  persistent  energy  and  intelligence. 
In  his  manner  he  was  quiet,  dignified  and  courteous.  For 
years  he  suffered  greatly  from  wounds  received  in  the  war, 
which  no  doubt  shortened  his  life.  He  held  the  position  of 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  foreign  relations,  to  which  I 
succeeded  him. 

During  April  and  May  interstate  commerce  was  the  subject 
of  an  extended  debate  in  which  I  participated.  Amendments 
to  the  bill  passed  two  years  previously,  involving  "the  long 
haul  and  the  short  haul "  and  whether  Congress  should  attempt 
to  legislate  as  to  transportation  within  a  single  state,  were  de 
bated,  and  no  problems  of  legislation  have  been  more  difficult. 
The  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  organized  under  these 
laws  was  invested  with  extraordinary  powers  and  its  action 
has  been  beneficial  to  the  public,  but  in  many  cases  has  se 
riously  crippled  many  railroad  corporations,  and  bankrupted 
some  of  them. 

During  the  latter  part  of  this  session  I  was  called  upon  to 
perform  a  very  disagreeable  duty.  The  election  of  my  col 
league,  Mr.  Payne,  as  a  Member  of  the  Senate,  after  an  active 
contest  with  Mr.  Pendleton,  gave  rise  to  charges  of  corruption, 
not  against  him  personally,  but  against  those  who  had  charge 
of  his  canvass  in  the  legislature.  The  succeeding  legislature  of 
Ohio  was  Republican  and  undertook  to  examine  these  charges 
by  a  committee  of  its  house  of  representatives.  The  charges 
made  and  the  testimony  taken  were  sent  by  the  house  to  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  with  a  resolution  requesting 


732  RECOLLECTIONS 

further  examination  and  that  the  election  be  vacated.  The 
papers  were  referred  to  the  committee  on  privileges  and  elec 
tions,  the  majority  of  whom  reported  that  the  charges  were 
not  proven,  and  asked  that  the  committee  be  discharged  from 
further  consideration  of  the  matter.  The  minority  of  the 
committee  reported  in  favor  of  the  inquiry  proposed.  1  felt 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  the  people  of  Ohio  to  insist  upon  an  inves 
tigation,  but  in  no  spirit  of  unkindness  to  my  colleague.  It 
was  the  first  and  only  time  I  had  occasion  to  bring  before  the 
Senate  the  politics  of  Ohio.  My  relations  with  Mr.  Payne  were 
friendly.  I  knew  him,  and  respected  him  as  a  prominent 
citizen  of  Cleveland  and  as  regarded  well  by  his  neighbors.  I 
believed  that  whatever  corruption  occurred  at  his  election  he 
had  no  personal  knowledge  of  it,  and  that  his  honor  would 
not  be  touched  by  the  testimony  to  be  produced. 

On  the  22nd  of  July  I  made  a  long  speech  upon  the  report 
of  the  committee,  reviewing  the  evidence  presented  by  the 
Ohio  legislature  and  insisting  that  it  was  ample  to  justify  and 
require  a  full  and  thorough  examination  by  the  committee.  I 
disclaimed  any  desire  to  reflect  upon  the  motives,  or  the  honor, 
or  the  conduct,  or  the  opinions,  of  the  Senators  who  differed 
with  me,  saying: 

"I  believe  from  my  own  knowledge  of  the  history  of  events  in  Ohio,  as 
well  as  from  the  papers  sent  to  us,  that  there  is  a  profound  conviction  in  the 
minds  of  the  body  of  the  people  of  Ohio  of  all  political  parties  that  in  the 
election  of  my  colleague  there  was  gross  corruption,  by  the  use  of  large  sums 
of  money  to  corrupt  and  purchase  the  votes  of  members  of  the  general 
assembly. 

"  Now,  that  is  a  fact.  Whether  sufficient  evidence  has  been  produced 
before  you  to  justify  this  belief  it  is  for  you  to  say.  Whether  sufficient  has 
been  said  here  to  put  you  upon  an  inquiry,  the  fact  remains  that  the  people 
of  Ohio  believe,  that  in  the  election  of  my  colleague,  there  was  the  corrupt 
use  of  money  sufficient  to  change  the  result." 

The  debate  upon  the  report  attracted  much  attention  and 
was  participated  in  by  many  Senators.  The  motion  of  the 
majority  of  the  committee  was  adopted  by  the  vote  of  44  yeas 
and  17  nays.  The  Senate  thus  denied  that  the  case  made  by 
the  legislature  of  Ohio  did  justify  an  inquiry  into  the  election 
of  Senator  Payne. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  733 

I  attended  a  meeting  of  the  members  of  the  Ohio  Society  of 
New  York,  on  the  occasion  of  their  first  annual  dinner  at  Del- 
monico's,  on  the  7th  of  May.  It  was  a  remarkable  assemblage, 
composed  almost  exclusively  of  men  born  in  Ohio,  then  living 
in  New  York,  all  of  whom  had  attained  a  good  standing  there, 
and  many  were  prominent  in  official  or  business  life.  There 
were  over  two  hundred  persons  present.  Thomas  Ewing  was 
president  of  the  society,  and  Mr.  Payne  and  myself  sat  on  either 
side  of  him.  I  insert  the  remarks  of  General  Ewing  and  myself 
as  reported  in  the  papers  the  next  morning.  Many  speeches 
were  made  by  others,  including  Senators  Payne  and  Harrison. 
General  Ewing,  after  the  dinner  had  received  ample  attention, 
called  the  company  to  order  and  made  a  brief  address,  which 
was  repeatedly  applauded.  He  said: 

"I  hail  and  congratulate  you,  guests  and  members  of  the  Ohio  Society 
of  New  York,  on  our  delightful  and  auspicious  reunion.  It  is  good  that  we 
are  here.  This  large  assemblage  of  Ohio's  sons,  coming  from  far  and  near, 
attests  how  strong  and  vital  are  the  ties  that  bind  us  to  our  mother  state.  We 
have  every  reason  to  love  and  be  proud  of  her.  If  American  citizenship  be  a 
patent  of  nobility,  it  adds  to  the  honor  to  have  been  born  of  that  state  which, 
almost  in  the  forenoon  of  the  first  century  of  her  existence,  has  shed  such 
luster  on  the  republic;  which  has  given  to  it  so  long  a  roll  of  Presidents, 
chief  justices,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  statesmen  in  the  cabinet 
and  in  Congress — among  whom  is  found  not  one  dishonored  name,  but  many 
that  will  shine  illustrious  in  our  country's  annals  forever;  a  state  which,  in 
the  supreme  struggle  by  which  the  Union  was  established  as  indissoluble  and 
the  plague  of  human  slavery  destroyed,  gave  to  the  republic  even  more  than 
her  enormous  quota  of  noble  troops,  and  with  them  those  great  captains  of 
the  war  :  Grant,  Sherman,  Rosecrans,  McPherson. 
********* 

"  Gentlemen,  I  now  have  the  pleasure  to  present  you  a  typical  Buckeye 
— the  architect  of  his  own  fame  and  fortune — who  stands  below  only  one 
man  in  the  republic  in  official  station,  and  below  none  in  the  respect  of  his 
countrymen — John  Sherman." 

As  General  Ewing  closed,  there  was  a  tumultuous  scene. 
There  were  repeated  cheers,  and  Colonel  W.  L.  Strong  called 
for  three  cheers  in  my  honor,  which  were  given.  When  I 
could  be  heard,  I  spoke  briefly,  closing  thus : 

"One  word  more,  worthy  fellow-citizens.  We  love  Ohio.  We  love 
Ohio  as  our  mother  who  nurtured  us  and  fed  us  in  our  infancy ;  and,  under 


734  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

any  circumstances,  although  we  may  hear  ill  of  Ohio,  we  never  fail  to  remem 
ber  all  that  is  good  that  can  be  said  of  Ohio,  and  to  be  true  and  honorable 
for  the  love  of  Ohio.  But  we  love  our  country  more,  and  no  man  from  Ohio 
would  ever  be  true  to  his  mother  unless  he  were  more  true  to  his  country  all 
around,  from  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other.  Our  country  forever  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  ;  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  Canada  line, 
and  away  around  this  continent  in  due  time,  when  the  pear  will  ripen  and 
fall  in  this  Federal  Union  ;  in  the  whole  round  of  the  country  ! 


CHAPTER  L. 
A  PERIOD  OF  POLITICAL  SPEECH  MAKING. 

Organization  of  the  "Sherman  Club"   at  Mansfield,  Ohio  — My  Experiences  with 
Newspaper  Reporters  — Address  at  the  State  Fair  in  Columbus  on  Agricultural 
Implements  —  Other  Speeches  Made  in  the  Campaign  of  that  Year  —  Address 
at  Louisville,  Ky.,  —  Courteous  Treatment  by  Henry  Watterson  of  the 
"Courier   Journal"  -Hon.  John    Q.   Smith's    Change  of  Heart  — 
Answering  Questions  Propounded  by  Him  at  a  Gathering  in  Wil 
mington,  Ohio  —  Success  of  the  Republican  Party  —  Second 
Session  of    the   49th  Congress  —  But    Little  Legislation 
Accomplished  —  Death   of  Senator  John  A.  Logan  — 
Tributes  to  His  Memory  —  His  Strong  Characteris 
tics  —  My  Reason  for  Resigning  the  Presidency 
of  the  Senate — Succeeded  by  John  J.  Tngalls. 

AFTER  the  adjournment  of  Congress  I  returned  home. 
I  was  not  fatigued  by  the  labors  of  the  session,  as  the 
duties  of  presiding  officer  were  lighter  than  those 
of  an  active  Member  on  the  floor.  The  usual  canvass 
had  already  commenced  for  state  officers  and  Members  of  Con 
gress.  A  club  called  the  "  Sherman  club  "  had  been  organized 
at  Mansfield,  and  soon  after  my  return  having  been  invited  to 
attend  it,  I  did  so,  and  made  a  brief  political  address.  During 
this  month  I  was  visited  by  many  interviewers,  and  while 
sometimes  their  calls  were  inopportune,  yet  I  uniformly  re 
ceived  them,  answered  their  questions,  and  furnished  them  any 
information  in  my  power.  I  knew  that  they  were  seeking 
information  not  for  their  own  convenience,  but  to  gratify  a 
public  interest,  and,  therefore,  I  was  entirely  willing  to  answer 
such  questions  as  were  put  to  me.  The  case  was  very  rare 
where  I  was  misrepresented,  and  then  it  was  either  uninten 
tional  or  to  brighten  a  story  or  to  exaggerate  a  fact.  I  recall 
one  interview  in  respect  to  courts  of  arbitration  and  the  uni 
versal  labor  question.  My  opinions  were  expressed  offhand, 
and,  although  not  taken  down  at  the  time  by  the  interviewer, 
my  words  uttered  during  an  half  hour's  interview  were  quoted 

(785) 


736  RECOLLECTIONS 

with  great  exactness.  I  know  this  is  not  the  common  opinion 
in  respect  to  the  interviewer,  and  in  some  cases  gross  misrepre 
sentations  are  made,  but  in  the  very  few  instances  where  this 
has  occurred  in  my  experience  I  have  always  carefully  remem 
bered  the  reporters  who  made  them  and  declined  any  further 
interview  with  them. 

The  latter  part  of  August,  Judge  Thurman  and  I  were  in 
vited  to  make  brief  addresses  at  the  state  fair  in  Columbus. 
After  he  had  spoken  with  his  usual  ability  and  directness,  I 
made  a  speech  mainly  about  new  devices  in  agricultural  im 
plements.  I  said : 

"  From  the  fact  that  Judge  Thurman  and  I  have  been  invited  to  address 
you  I  infer  that  you  did  not  expect  us  to  tell  you  what  we  knew  about  farm- 
ino-.  He  has  been  recognized  as  a  standard  authority  as  to  the  law  —  not 
only  as  to  what  it  is,  but  as  to  what  it  ought  to  be — but  I  never  heard  that 
he  was  eminent  as  a  farmer,  either  of  the  theoretical  sort  who  know  how 
things  ought  to  grow,  or  of  the  practical  sort  who  know  how  to  make  them 
grow.  I  have  had  more  experience  as  a  farmer  than  he  has  had,  but  some 
how  my  crops  always  cost  me  more  than  I  could  get  for  them.  If  the  many 
millions  of  farmers  in  the  United  States  have  had  my  experience  in  farming 
they  would  have  to  get  more  than  seventy-five  cents  a  bushel  for  wheat  to 
make  the  two  ends  meet.  Still,  Judge  Thurman  and  I  have  learned  enough 
to  know  that  farming  is  the  chosen  employment  of  a  large  proportion  of  the 
human  race,  and  is,  besides,  the  chosen  recreation  of  nearly  all  who  have 
been  successful  in  other  pursuits.  Every  lawyer,  especially,  from  Cicero  to 
Webster,  has  delighted  in  the  healthful  pleasure  of  rural  pursuits  —  and  if 
they  have  not  made  their  money  by  farming  they  have  spent  their  money  in 
farming  —  and  have  enriched  the  language  of  every  age  and  clime  with  elo 
quent  and  beautiful  tributes  to  this  noblest  occupation  of  man.  .  .  . 

I  spoke  of  the  changed  condition  of  the  farmer  since  Ohio 
was  a  new  state,  covered  by  a  great  forest,  when  the  home  was 
a  cabin,  and  about  the  only  implements  were  the  plow  and  the 
axe,  and  then  said,  referring  to  the  new  grounds : 

"It  is  this  day  dedicated  by  appropriate  ceremonies  for  the  use  of  the 
present  and  future  generations  of  Buckeyes,  and  I  hope,  as  time  rolls  on, 
there  may  be  here  exhibited,  not  only  stock  and  grains  and  vegetables,  not 
only  ingenious  machinery  and  inventions,  but  men,  high-minded  men  and 
noble  women,  and  that  with  the  many  advantages  in  education  and  culture 
secured  to  them  by  their  ancestors  they  will  maintain  and  advance  with 
inanly  vigor  and  sturdy  virtue  the  work  of  the  generations  before  them,  who 
have  planted  and  founded  here  in  Ohio  a  model  republic." 

I  attended  the  Thirteenth  Industrial  Exposition  at  Music 
Hall,  Cincinnati,  on  the  2nd  of  September,  where  fully  six 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  737 

thousand  people  were  gathered.  I  entered  the  building  with 
Governor  Foraker,  and  we  were  received  with  rounds  of  ap 
plause  and  made  brief  remarks,  the  substance  of  which  was 
reported,  but  I  can  only  remember  the  magnitude  of  the 
audience  and  the  difficulty  of  being  heard.  The  city  was 
crowded  with  men,  women  and  children,  all  in  holiday  dress, 
and  everybody  in  good  humor  at  the  success  of  the  exposition. 
During  September,  and  until  the  day  of  the  election,  I  was 
engaged  in  making  speeches.  The  one  at  Portsmouth,  on  the 
28th  of  September,  was  carefully  prepared  and  reported,  and 
contained  the  substance  of  what  I  said  in  that  canvass.  It  was 
a  review  of  the  political  questions  of  the  day.  I  always  feel 
more  at  home  in  that  part  of  Ohio  than  in  any  other.  The  river 
counties  are  associated  with  my  early  recollections  and  the 
people  are  uniformly  generous  and  kind.  With  rare  exceptions 
they  have  heartily  supported  me  during  my  entire  political  life. 

I  attended  a  meeting  conducted  by  the  Elaine  club  in  Cin 
cinnati.  The  procession  that  marched  through  the  streets  was 
an  immense  one,  and  seemed  to  include  all  the  men  and  boys  in 
the  city.  The  clubhouse,  brilliantly  illuminated,  was  sur 
rounded  by  a  great  crowd,  too  large  to  hear  the  speeches,  nor 
did  it  matter,  for  their  enthusiasm  and  cheers  showed  that  they 
needed  no  exhortation. 

I  attended  a  reception  of  the  Sherman  club  of  the  24th 
ward,  at  the  head  of  which  was  my  old  friend,  Governor 
Thomas  L.  Young.  I  there  made  a  strong  appeal  for  the  elec 
tion  of  Benjamin  Butterworth  arid  Charles  Brown  to  Congress, 
the  former  being  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  promising  men  in 
congressional  life,  and  the  latter  a  gallant  soldier,  who  had 
lost  a  leg  in  the  service  of  his  country.  I  said: 

"  Their  election  is  more  important  than  anything  else.  The  election  of 
a  Republican  House  of  Representatives  is  of  vital  importance,  because  if  we 
can  have  not  only  a  Republican  Senate,  but  a  Republican  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  we  will  tie  up  Cleveland  and  his  administration  so  that  he  and  it 
can  do  no  harm  to  anybody.  If  we  can  get  a  good  Republican  House  of 
Representatives  we  will  be  able  to  maintain  the  system  of  protection  of 
American  labor,  wThich  is  the  pride  and  glory  of  the  Republican  party.  We 
will  maintain  all  these  great  measures  of  Republican  policy  which  tend  to 
develop  our  country,  to  increase  its  happiness,  diversify  its  pursuits,  and 

S.— 47 


738  RECOLLECTIONS 

build  up  its  industries  ;  to  give  you  a  good  currency  ;  to  protect  your  labor ; 
and  generally  to  promote  the  common  good  and  welfare  of  our  common 
country." 

At  the  invitation  of  the  Republicans  of  Louisville,  Ky.,  I 
went  to  that  city.  In  the  afternoon  I  made  a  short  address  at 
the  laying  of  the  corner  stone  of  the  new  customhouse,  and  in 
the  evening  made  a  long  political  speech.  It  was  my  first  visit 
there,  and  I  was  much  gratified,  as  well  as  surprised,  at  the 
great  numbers  who  attended  a  Republican  meeting  and  the 
enthusiasm  with  which  I  was  greeted.  I  referred  to  the  long 
and  intimate  association  of  Ohio  and  Kentucky  since  the  days 
of  the  Indian  wars,  when  Kentucky  sent  her  best  and  bravest 
men  to  fight  the  battles  of  Ohio,  under  Harrison  and  Taylor  at 
Fort  Meigs  and  Sandusky.  In  a  later  time,  when  Henry  Clay 
was  their  favorite,  Ohio  steadily  and  heartily  supported  him, 
and  now  that  the  war  was  over,  there  was  no  reason  why  Ken 
tucky  and  Ohio  might  not  stand  side  by  side  in  maintaining  the 
principles  of  the  Republican  party.  I  said: 

"  You  might  naturally  inquire  why  I  came  to  the  city  of  Louisville  to 
make  a  Republican  speech,  when  I  knew  that  the  majority  of  your  popu 
lation  belong  to  a  different  school  of  politics,  and  that  I  could  scarcely 
hope  to  make  any  impression  upon  the  Democratic  vote  of  the  city  of  Louis 
ville  or  the  State  of  Kentucky.  Still,  I  have  always  thought  it  strange  that 
your  people,  who,  through  many  long  years  followed  the  fortunes  and  be 
lieved  in  the  doctrines  of  Henry  Clay,  should  willingly  belong  to  a  party 
opposed  to  all  his  ideas,  and  I  was  curious  to  learn  why  the  same  great 
events  that  led  the  people  of  Ohio  into  the  ranks  of  the  Republican  party 
should  lead  the  people  of  Kentucky  into  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  party. 
It  is  to  make  this  discovery  that  I  come  here  to-night,  and  I  will  speak  to 
you,  not  for  the  purpose  of  reviving  past  controversies,  but  to  see  whether, 
after  all,  the  people  of  Ohio  and  Kentucky  ought  not  now  to  stand  side  by 
side  in  their  political  action,  as  they  did  in  the  days  of  old.  .  .  . 

I  closed  as  follows : 

"  My  heartiest  sympathies  go  with  the  gallant  Republicans  of  Kentucky, 
who,  in  an  unequal  fight,  have  shown  the  courage  of  their  race  and  the  pa 
triotism  of  their  ancestors.  Let  them  persevere  in  appealing  to  their  neigh 
bors  for  cooperation,  and  they  can  fairly  hope  that,  as  the  passions  of  the  war 
pass  away,  Kentucky  will  be,  as  of  old,  on  the  side  of  the  Union,  the  consti 
tution  and  the  impartial  enforcement  of  the  laws. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  739 

"Is  not  this  a  good  time  to  try  the  experiment  of  a  Republican  repre 
sentative  from  the  Louisville  district?  Our  Democratic  friends  seem  to  be 
in  a  bad  way  about  the  choice  of  a  candidate.  If  what  the  opposing  factions 
say  of  their  candidates  is  half  true,  you  had  better  take  shelter  under  a  gen 
uine  and  fearless  Republican. 

The  "Courier  Journal"  was  much  more  fair  to  me  on  this 
occasion  than  the  Democratic  papers  in  Ohio.  In  consequence 
of  this  I  have  always  entertained  a  kindly  feeling  for  its  editor, 
Henry  Watterson,  who,  notwithstanding  his  strong  political 
opinions,  is  always  bold,  frank  and  courteous  in  his  criticisms. 

On  my  return  from  Kentucky  I  spoke  to  a  large  meeting  at 
Wilmington,  Ohio,  on  the  7th  of  October.  I  had  frequently 
addressed  meetings  at  that  place  and  always  received  a  very 
cordial  and  hearty  welcome.  It  so  happened  that  John  Q. 
Smith,  one  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Clinton  county,  who  had 
been  a  Member  of  Congress,  had  changed  his  political  rela 
tions  and  become  a  warm  supporter  of  the  administration  of 
Cleveland.  He  had  prepared  a  large  number  of  questions,  to 
be  put  to  me,  which  were  printed  and  scattered  broadcast  in 
handbill  form.  I  was  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  answer  his 
questions,  as  they  gave  me  a  text  for  a  general  review  of  a 
Democratic  administration.  I  said  that  the  handbill  was  issued 
by  a  gentleman  whom  I  esteemed  very  highly,  and  for  whom  I 
had  the  greatest  good  will  and  friendship,  one  of  their  own 
citizens,  who  had  served  in  the  legislature  and  in  Congress  with 
credit,  and  had  been  a  representative  of  our  government  abroad. 
I  then  read  the  questions  one  by  one  and  answered  them,  and, 
as  I  think,  clearly  showed  to  the  satisfaction  of  my  hearers, 
that,  although  Mr.  Smith  was  generally  sound  on  other  matters, 
he  was  a  little  cracked  on  the  question  of  American  protection. 
My  answers  were  received  with  great  applause  by  the  audience, 
and  I  think  my  old  friend  made  nothing  by  his  questions. 

After  making  a  number  of  other  speeches  in  Ohio,  I  spoke 
in  Grand  Rapids  on  the  18th  of  October;  in  Indianapolis  on 
the  21st ;  at  Fort  Wayne  on  the  24th,  and  at  the  Academy  of 
Music,  Philadelphia,  on  the  27th.  I  closed  my  speaking  in 
this  campaign  at  Toledo  on  the  30th.  The  time  of  the  fall 
elections  had  been  changed  to  the  first  Tuesday  after  the 


740  RECOLLECTIONS 

first  Monday  of  November.  During  the  period  from  my  return 
home  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress  until  the  day  of  elec 
tion,  I  spoke  almost  daily.  The  election  resulted  in  a  victory 
for  the  Republican  party,  the  head  of  the  ticket,  James  S.  Rob 
inson,  Secretary  of  State,  receiving  about  11,000  majority. 

The  second  session  of  the  49th  Congress  passed  but  little 
important  legislation  except  the  appropriation  bills.  The  two 
Houses  were  so  widely  divergent  that  they  could  not  agree 
upon  measures  of  political  importance. 

On  the  9th  of  December  I  made  an  impromptu  speech  on 
the  revision  of  the  tariff,  in  reply  to  Senator  Beck,  but  as  no 
action  was  taken  upon  the  subject  at  that  session,  it  is  useless 
to  quote  what  I  said.  Mr.  Beck  was  a  man  of  great  mental  as 
well  as  physical  power.  A  Scotchman  by  birth,  he  came  at  an 
early  age  to  the  United  States  and  settled  in  Kentucky,  where 
he  practiced  law,  and  in  due  time  became  a  Member  of  Con 
gress,  and  afterwards  a  Senator  of  the  United  States.  He 
was  aggressive,  affirmative  and  dogmatic,  and  seemed  to  take 
special  delight  in  opposing  me  on  all  financial  questions.  He 
and  I  were  members  of  the  committee  on  finance,  and  had 
many  verbal  contests,  but  always  with  good  humor.  On  the 
9th  of  December,  as  I  entered  the  Senate  Chamber  after  a  tem 
porary  absence,  I  heard  the  familiar  voice  of  Beck  begging,  in 
the  name  of  the  Democratic  party,  a  chance  to  reduce  taxation, 
I  promptly  replied  to  him,  and  the  colloquy  between  us  ex 
tended  to  considerable  length.  He  was,  in  fact,  a  free  trader, 
believed  in  the  policy  in  force  in  Great  Britain,  and  opposed 
every  form  of  protection  to  American  industries.  Our  debate 
brought  out  the  salient  arguments  on  both  sides,  though  no 
measure  on  the  subject-matter  was  pending  before  the  Senate. 

During  the  holiday  recess  Senator  John  A.  Logan  died  at 
his  residence,  Calumet  Place,  in  Washington.  This  was  an 
nounced,  in  the  Senate,  by  his  colleague,  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  on 
January  4,  1887,  as  follows : 

'"The  angel  of  death  has  been  abroad  throughout  the  land.'  His  visita 
tion  has  been  most  unexpected  during  the  recent  brief  recess  of  the  Senate, 
and  has  imposed  upon  me  a  duty  which  I  have  scarcely  the  heart  to  perform 
—the  duty  of  announcing  the  death  of  my  late  distinguished  colleague.  At 


JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  741 

his  home,  which  overlooks  this  capital  city,  at  three  minutes  before  three 
o'clock  on  Sunday  afternoon,  the  26th  of  December,  the  spirit  of  John  A. 
Logan  took  its  flight  into  the  unknown  realms  of  eternity.  On  Friday  last, 
the  funeral  ceremonies  were  conducted,  by  the  Senators  and  Representatives 
present,  in  this  Senate  Chamber,  and  his  mortal  remains  were  conveyed  to  the 
silent  tomb. 

"  We  are  called  upon  to  mourn  the  loss  of  one  of  the  bravest  and  noblest 
of  men — a  man  loved  by  the  patriotic  people  of  his  state  and  of  the  nation, 
known  to  his  country  and  to  the  civilized  world  as  great  in  war  and  in  peace, 
and  for  nearly  fourteen  years  a  distinguished  Member  of  this  Senate." 

Logan  is  buried  in  the  cemetery  of  the  Soldiers'  Home  in 
Washington,  in  a  conspicuous  and  beautiful  marble  tomb  erect 
ed  to  his  memory  by  his  widow.  On  the  9th  of  February  the 
business  of  the  Senate  was  suspended,  and  many  Senators,  the 
associates  of  the  deceased,  paid  fitting  and  eloquent  tribute  to 
his  public  and  private  virtues  in  addresses  of  marked  ability 
and  interest. 

He  was  a  striking  character,  bold,  fearless  and  aggressive,  but 
sensitive  as  a  child.  I  knew  him  well  when  he  was  a  Member  of 
the  House  before  the  war.  He  was  a  devoted  friend  and  admirer 
of  Douglas,  and,  like  him,  when  the  war  commenced,  threw  his 
whole  soul  into  the  Union  cause.  He  was  a  good  soldier,  and, 
of  those  who  entered  the  army  from  civil  life,  was  among  the 
most  distinguished.  He  was  a  model  of  the  volunteer  soldiery. 
After  the  war  was  over  he  was  returned  to  Congress  and  served 
in  the  House  and  Senate  until  his  death.  He  was  a  positive 
man ;  there  were  no  negative  qualities  about  him.  Thoroughly 
honest  in  his  convictions  he  was  regarded  as  a  strong  debater, 
though  somewhat  too  urgent  in  presenting  his  opinions,  and 
disposed  to  take  a  personal  view  of  controverted  questions.  I 
had  great  respect  for  Logan,  and  never  had  any  controver 
sies  with  him  except  upon  financial  questions,  upon  which  I 
thought  he  took  at  one  time  erroneous  views.  For  a  long 
time  he  adopted  the  ideas  prevailing  in  the  west  in  regard 
to  paper  money.  Upon  further  reflection  he  became  satisfied 
that  the  policy  of  resumption  was  the  right  one  and  adhered 
to  it.  He  was  a  member  of  the  committee  that  framed  the 
resumption  act,  and  from  the  time  that  measure  was  agreed 
upon,  he  so  far  as  I  know,  supported  it  firmly  and  warmly.  He 


742  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  a  good  party  man ;  he  stood  by  the  judgment  of  his  political 
friends.  I  never  saw  the  slightest  hesitation  or  doubt  on  his 
part  in  supporting  a  measure  which  was  agreed  upon  by  his 
political  associates.  One  interesting  feature  of  Logan's  life 
was  the  interest  felt  by  his  wife  in  his  public  career,  and  her 
helpfulness  to  him.  She  was  the  model  of  a  helpmate.  She  is 
in  every  way  a  good  woman.  She  has  the  very  qualities  that 
he  lacked,  and  I  might  illustrate  by  many  instances  her  great 
aid  to  him  in  his  political  purposes. 

I  had  accepted  an  invitation  of  the  merchants  of  Boston  to 
attend  the  annual  banquet  of  the  Mercantile  Association  on 
the  29th  of  December,  but  was  compelled  to  withdraw  my 
acceptance,  so  that,  as  president  of  the  Senate,  I  could  perform 
certain  duties  in  respect  to  Logan's  funeral  that  I  could  not 
delegate  to  others,  and  which  were  requested  of  me  by  the 
committee  on  arrangements,  through  a  notice  sent  me  by  Sena 
tor  Cullom,  the  chairman,  as  follows,  and  upon  which  I  acted: 

"  The  committee  on  arrangements  at  the  funeral  ceremonies  of  John  A. 
Logan,  late  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  from  the  State  of  Illinois,  re 
spectfully  request  the  Honorable  John  Sherman,  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States  from  the  State  of  Ohio,  to  preside  at  the  funeral  exercises  on  Friday, 
December  31,  1886." 

In  the  Boston  invitation  it  was  intimated  that  some  re 
marks  on  the  national  banking  system  would  be  acceptable. 
In  declining  I  wrote  a  letter  expressing  my  opinion  of  that 
system,  which  I  said  had  realized  all  the  good  that  had  ever 
been  claimed  for  it  by  its  authors,  that  it  had  furnished  the 
best  paper  money  ever  issued  by  banking  corporations,  that 
the  system  was  adopted  only  after  the  fullest  consideration 
and  had  won  its  way  into  public  favor  by  slow  process,  and 
that  I  regarded  it  as  the  best  that  had  ever  been  created  by 
law.  The  remarkable  success  of  this  system,  I  said,  was  not 
appreciated  by  those  not  familiar  with  the  old  state  banks.  It 
had  been  adopted  by  many  countries,  especially  in  the  far  off 
island  of  Japan. 

The  bill  to  regulate  interstate  commerce  became  a  law  on 
the  4th  of  February,  1887.  It  had  passed  both  Houses  at  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  743 

previous  session,  but,  the  Senate  having  disagreed  to  amend 
ments  of  the  House,  the  bill  and  amendments  were  sent  to  a 
committee  of  conference.  The  report  of  the  committee  was 
fully  debated.  I  had  taken  great  interest  in  this  bill,  but  had 
not  participated  in  the  debate  until  the  14th  of  January,  when 
I  supported  the  conference  report,  while  not  agreeing  to  some 
of  the  amendments  made.  Senator  Cullom  is  entitled  to  the 
chief  credit  for  its  passage. 

On  the  22nd  of  February  I  laid  before  the  Senate  the  follow 
ing  communication,  which  was  read: 

To  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

SENATORS: — My  office  as  president  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate  will  neces 
sarily  terminate  on  the  4th  of  March  next,  with  my  present  term  as  Senator. 
It  will  promote  the  convenience  of  the  Senate  and  the  public  service  to  elect 
a  Senator  as  president  pro  tempore  whose  term  extends  beyond  that  date,  so 
that  he  may  administer  the  oath  of  office  to  Senators-elect  and  aid  in  the  or 
ganization.  I,  therefore,  respectfully  resign  that  position,  to  take  effect  at 
one  o'clock  p.  m.,  on  Saturday  next,  February  26. 

Permit  me,  in  doing  so,  to  express  my  heartfelt  thanks  for  the  uniform 
courtesy  and  forbearance  shown  me,  while  in  the  discharge  of  my  duties  as 
presiding  officer,  by  every  Member  of  the  Senate.  Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

I  said  if  there  was  no  objection  the  communication  would 
be  entered  in  the  journal  and  placed  among  the  files  of  the 
Senate.  On  the  25th  John  J.  Ingalls  was  elected  president  pro 
tempore,  to  take  effect  the  next  day.  On  that  day  I  said: 

"  Before  administering  the  oath  of  office  to  his  successor  the  occupant  of 
the  chair  desires  again  to  return  to  his  fellow  Senators  his  grateful 
acknowledgments  for  their  kind  courtesy  and  forbearance  in  the  past. 

"  It  is  not  a  difficult  duty  to  preside  over  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
From  the  establishment  of  our  government  to  this  time  the  Senate  has  always 
been  noted  for  its  order,  decorum,  and  dignity.  We  have  but  few  rules, 
and  they  are  simple  and  plain  ;  but  we  have,  above  all  and  higher  than  all, 
that  which  pervades  all  our  proceedings  —  the  courtesy  of  the  Senate,  which 
enables  us  to  dispose  of  nearly  all  the  business  of  the  Senate  without  ques 
tion  or  without  division.  I  trust  that  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  this  trait 
of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  will  be  preserved  intact,  and  I  invoke  for 
my  successor  the  same  courtesy  and  forbearance  you  have  extended  to  me. 
I  now  invite  him  to  come  forward  and  take  the  oath  of  office  prescribed  by 
law." 


744  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Mr.  Ingalls  advanced  to  the  desk  of  the  president  pro 
tempore,  and,  the  oath  prescribed  by  law  having  been  adminis 
tered  to  him,  he  took  the  chair,  arid  said: 

"  Senators,  I  must  inevitably  suffer  disparagement  in  your  estimation,  by 
contrast  with  the  parliamentary  learning  and  skill,  the  urbanity  and  accom 
plishments  of  my  illustrious  predecessor,  but  I  shall  strive  to  equal  him  in 
devotion  to  your  service,  and  I  shall  endeavor,  if  that  be  possible,  to  excel 
him  in  grateful  appreciation  of  the  distinguished  honor  of  your  suffrages." 

Mr.  Harris  offered  the  following  resolution,  which  was 
unanimously  adopted: 

"Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  Senate  are  hereby  tendered  to  Hon. 
John  Sherman,  for  the  able  and  impartial  manner  in  which  he  has  adminis 
tered  the  duties  of  the  office  of  president  pro  tempore  during  the  present 
Congress." 


CHAPTER  LI. 
VISIT  TO  CUBA  AND  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES. 

Departure  for  Florida  and  Havana  — A  Walk  Through  Jacksonville  —  Impressions 
of  the  Country  —  Visit  to  Cigar  Factories  and  Other  Places  of  Interest  —  Impres 
sions  of  Cuba  —  Experience  with  Colored  Men  at  a  Birmingham  Hotel  — The 
Proprietor  Refuses  to  Allow  a  Delegation  to  Visit  Me  in  My  Rooms  — 
Sudden  Change  of  Quarters  — Journey  to  Nashville  and  the  Hearty 
Reception   Which  Followed  —  Visit  to  the  Widow  of  President " 
Polk  — My  Address  to  Nashville  Citizens  —  Comment   from 
Press  That  Followed  It  — An  Audience  of  Workingmen  at 
Cincinnati  — Return  Home— Trip  to  Woodbury,  Conn., 
the  Home  of  My  Ancestors  —  Invitation  to  Speak 
in    the   Hall    of   the    House   of    Representa 
tives  at  Springfield,  111.  — Again  Charged 
with  "  Waving  the  Bloody  Shirt." 

AT  the  close  of  the  session  of  Congress,  early  in  March,  a 
congenial  party  was  formed  to  visit  Florida  and  Ha 
vana.  It  was  composed  of  Senator  Charles  F.  Mander- 
son,  wife  and  niece,  Senator  T.  W.  Palmer  and  niece, 
General  Anson  G.  McCook  and  wife,  and  myself  and  daughter. 
We  were  accompanied  by  F.  D.  Mussey,  Frank  G.  Carpenter, 
correspondents,  E.  J.  Babcock,  my  secretary,  and  A.  J.  Gallo 
way  and  son,  in  the  employ  of  the  Coast  Line  road,  over  which 
we  were  to  pass.  We  stopped  at  Charleston,  where  the  rava 
ges  of  a  recent  earthquake  were  everywhere  visible.  Fort 
Sumter,  which  we  visited,  was  a  picture  of  desolation.  Such  a 
large  party  naturally  attracted  attention.  At  Jacksonville  we 
encountered  our  first  reporter.  He  showed  me  an  article  in 
which  it  was  stated  that  we  were  on  a  political  trip.  This  I 
disclaimed  and  said  we  had  not  heard  politics  mentioned  since 
WQ  left  Washington,  that  we  were  tired  out  after  Congress 
completed  its  work  and  made  up  a  party  and  started  off  merely 
for  rest  and  recreation.  I  remarked  that  I  had  been  in  every 
state  in  the  Union  but  one,  and  wanted  to  finish  up  the  list  by 

(745) 


746  RECOLLECTIONS 

seeing  Florida.     A  colloquy  as  given  by  the  reporter  was  as 
follows : 

"  Well,  Senator,  my  errand  was  for  the  purpose  of  getting  your  opinion 
on  matters  political." 

"I  am  out  of  politics  just  now.  I  want  to  rest  and  I  do  not  want  politics 
to  enter  my  head  for  two  weeks." 

"  Then  you  say  positively  that  you  are  not  down  here  to  look  after  your 
fences  for  a  presidential  boom  in  1888  ?  " 

"  Most  decidedly  not.  I  will  not  say  a  word  about  politics  until  I  reach 
Nashville  on  my  return.  There  I  take  up  the  political  string  again  and  will 
hold  to  it  for  some  time." 

Manderson  proposed  a  walk  through  the  city,  the  reporter 
being  our  guide.  Orange  trees  were  to  be  seen  on  every  side. 
We  were  surprised  to  find  so  large  and  prosperous  a  city  in 
Florida,  with  so  many  substantial  business  houses  and  residen 
ces.  The  weather  was  delightful,  neither  too  hot  nor  too  cold, 
and  in  striking  contrast  with  the  cold  and  damp  March  air  of 
Washington.  From  Jacksonville  we  went  in  a  steamboat  up 
the  St.  John's  River  to  Enterprise.  Florida  was  the  part  of  the 
United  States  to  be  first  touched  by  the  feet  of  white  men,  and 
yet  it  seemed  to  me  to  be  the  most  backward  in  the  march  of 
progress.  It  was  interesting  chiefly  from  its  weird  and  value 
less  swamps,  its  sandy  reaches  and  its  alligators.  It  is  a  penin 
sula,  dividing  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  from  the  ocean,  and  a  large 
part  of  it  is  almost  unexplored.  The  part  we  traversed  was 
low,  swampy,  with  dense  thickets,  and  apparently  incapable  of 
reclamation  by  drainage.  The  soil  was  sandy  and  poor  and 
the  impression  left  on  my  mind  was  that  it  could  not  be  made 
very  productive.  There  were  occasional  spots  where  the  earth 
was  far  enough  above  the  sea  to  insure  the  growth  of  orange 
trees,  but  even  then  the  soil  was  thin,  and  to  an  Ohio  farmer 
would  appear  to  be  only  a  worthless  sand  bank.  This,  however, 
does  not  apply  to  all  points  in  Florida,  especially  not  to  the 
Indian  River  region,  where  fine  oranges  and  other  semitropical 
fruits  are  raised  in  great  abundance.  The  Indian  River  is  a 
beautiful  body  of  water,  really  an  arm  of  the  sea,  on  the  east 
ern  coast  of  Florida,  separated  from  the  Atlantic  by  a  narrow 
strip  of  land.  The  water  is  salt  and  abounds  in  fish. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  747 

At  Sanford  our  party  was  joined  by  Senator  Aldrich  and  his 
wife,  and  we  proceeded  by  way  of  Tampa  and  Key  West  to  Ha 
vana,  where  we  arrived  on  the  17th  of  March.  The  short  sail 
of  ninety  miles  from  Key  West  transported  us  to  a  country  of 
perpetual  summer,  as  different  from  the  United  States  as  is  old 
Egypt.  After  being  comfortably  installed  in  a  hotel  we  were 
visited  by  Mr.  Williams,  our  consul  general,  who  brought  us  an 
invitation  from  Captain  General  Callejas  to  call  upon  him.  We 
did  so,  Mr.  Williams  accompanying  us  as  interpreter.  We  were 
very  courteously  received  and  hospitably  entertained.  The 
captain  general  introduced  us  to  his  family  and  invited  us  to  a 
reception  in  the  evening,  at  which  dancing  was  indulged  in 
by  the  younger  members  of  the  party.  He  afterwards  re 
turned  our  call.  We  spent  four  very  pleasant  days  in  the  old 
city,  visiting  several  of  the  large  cigar  factories,  a  sugar  plan 
tation  in  the  neighborhood  and  other  scenes  strange  to  our 
northern  eyes.  The  ladies  supplied  themselves  with  fans  gaily 
decorated  with  pictures  of  bull  fights,  and  the  men  with 
Panama  hats,  these  being  products  peculiar  to  the  island. 

Among  the  gentlemen  of  our  party,  as  already  stated,  was 
Frank  G.  Carpenter,  a  bright  young  man  born  at  Mansfield, 
Ohio,  who  has  since  made  an  enviable  reputation  as  a  copious 
and  interesting  letter  writer  for  the  press.  His  description  of 
Havana  is  so  true  that  I  insert  a  few  paragraphs  of  it  here : 

"  Havana  has  about  300,000  inhabitants.  It  was  a  city  when  New  York 
was  still  a  village,  and  it  is  now  100  years  behind  any  American  town  of  its 
size.  It  is  Spanish  and  tropical.  The  houses  are  low  stucco  buildings  put 
together  in  block,  and  resting  close  up  to  narrow  sidewalks.  Most  of  them 
are  of  one  or  two  stories,  and  their  roofs  are  of  red  tile  which  look  like  red 
clay  drain  pipes  cut  in  two  and  so  laid  that  they  overlap  each  other.  The 
residences  are  usually  built  around  a  narrow  court,  and  their  floors  are  of 
marble,  tile  or  stone.  This  court  often  contains  plants  and  flowers,  and  it 
forms  the  loafing  place  of  the  family  in  the  cool  of  the  evening. 

"  These  streets  of  Havana  are  so  narrow  that  in  some  of  them  the  car 
riages  are  compelled  to  go  in  one  direction  only.  When  they  return  they 
must  go  back  by  another  street.  The  sidewalks  are  not  over  three  feet 
wide,  and  it  is  not  possible  for  two  persons  to  walk  abreast  upon  them.  The 
better  class  of  Cubans  seldom  walk,  and  the  cabbys  are  freely  called  upon. 
The  cab  of  Havana  is  a  low  Victoria  holding  two  or  three  persons.  Their 
tops  come  down  so  as  to  shade  the  eyes,  and  they  have  springs  which  keep 


748  RECOLLECTIONS 

every  molecule  of  your  body  in  motion  while  you  ride  in  them.  The  horses 
used  are  hardy  mongrel  little  ponylike  animals,  who  look  as  though  they 
were  seldom  fed  and  never  cleaned. 

"  The  traffic  of  Havana  is  largely  done  by  oxen,  and  the  two-wheeled 
cart  is  used  exclusively.  This  cart  is  roughly  made  and  it  has  a  tongue  as 
thick  as  a  railroad  tie,  nailed  to  the  body  of  the  cart,  and  which  extends  to 
the  heads  of  the  oxen  and  is  there  fastened  by  a  great  yoke  directly  to  the 
horns.  The  Cuban  ox  pulls  by  his  head  and  not  his  shoulders.  This  yoke 
is  strapped  by  ropes  across  the  foreheads  of  the  oxen,  and  they  move  along 
with  their  heads  down,  pushing  great  loads  with  their  foreheads.  They  are 
guided  by  rope  reins  fastened  to  a  ring  in  the  nose  of  the  ox.  Some  of  the 
carts  are  for  a  single  ox,  and  these  have  shafts  of  about  the  same  railroad  tie 
thickness,  which  are  fastened  to  a  yoke  which  is  put  over  the  horns  in  the 
same  manner.  Everything  is  of  the  rudest  construction  and  the  Egyptians 
of  to-day  are  as  well  off  in  this  regard. 

"  Prices  of  everything  here  seem  to  me  to  be  very  high,  and  the  money 
of  the  country  is  dirty,  nasty  paper,  which  is  always  below  par,  and  of  which 
you  get  twelve  dollars  for  five  American  ones.  A  Cuban  dollar  is  worth 
about  forty  American  cents,  and  this  Cuban  scrip  is  ground  out  as  fast  as  the 
presses  can  print  it.  The  lower  denominations  are  five,  ten,  twenty  and  fifty 
cent  pieces,  and  you  get  your  boots  blacked  for  ten  Spanish  cents.  Even  the 
gold  of  Cuba  is  below  par,  about  six  per  cent,  below  the  American  green 
back,  and  most  of  it  and  the  silver  in  use  has  been  punched  or  chipped  to 
make  money  off  of  the  pieces  thus  cut  out.  The  country  is  deeply  in  debt, 
and  the  taxes  are  very  heavy." 

On  the  return  voyage  a  strong  northwest  wind  sprang  up, 
and  most  of  the  party,  especially  the  ladies,  experienced  the  dis 
agreeable  effects  of  being  on  a  small  steamer  in  a  rough  sea. 
They  had,  however,  all  recovered  by  the  time  we  reached 
Tampa,  and  as  soon  as  we  landed  we  started  for  Jacksonville. 

In  an  interview  shortly  after  my  return  from  Cuba,  I  thus 
gave  the  impression  made  upon  my  mind  as  to  its  condition: 

"And  how  did  you  enjoy  your  visit  to  Cuba?" 

"We  spent  four  days  in  Havana.  Nobody  could  be  treated  with  greater 
courtesy.  You  know  Spanish  courtesy  is  never  surpassed  anywhere.  But 
that  cannot  prevent  me  from  saying  that  Cuba  is  in  a  deplorable  condition. 
I  should  judge  from  what  I  heard  from  intelligent  Cuban  Americans  living 
there,  and  even  Spaniards  themselves,  that  the  island  is  in  a  condition  of  ill- 
suppressed  revolt.  Natives  are  nearly  to  a  man  in  favor  of  annexation  to  us. 
I  think  they  have  given  over  the  idea  of  independence,  for  they  begin  to 
recognize  that  they  are  incapable  of  self-government.  Their  condition  is 
indeed  pitiable.  No  serfs  in  Russia  were  ever  greater  slaves  than  the 
Cubans  are  to  Spain.  The  revenue  they  must  raise  yearly  for  Spain,  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  749 

for  which  they  get  no  benefit  whatever,  except  the  name  of  a  national  pro 
tection  and  the  aegis  of  a  flag,  is  $16,000,000.  They  have  no  self-govern 
ment  of  any  kind.  From  captain  general  down  to  tide-waiter  at  the  docks, 
the  official  positions  are  held  by  Spaniards.  I  venture  to  say  not  a  single 
native  Cuban  holds  an  office  or  receives  public  emolument.  In  addition  to 
the  $16,000,000  sent  annually  to  Spain,  Cuba  has  to  pay  the  salaries  of  all 
the  Spanish  horde  fastened  upon  her." 

"  Do  you  think  the  native  planters,  the  wealthier  classes,  that  is,  favor 
annexation  to  the  United  States?" 

"  Yes,  I  am  told  all  of  them  are  anxious  for  it,  but  I  don't  think  we  want 
Cuba  as  an  appendage  of  the  United  States.  I  would  not  favor  annexation. 
In  spite  of  the  drains  upon  her,  Cuba  is  enormously  rich  in  resources,  and  is 
a  large  consumer  of  our  products,  on  which  at  present  the  heavy  Spanish 
duties  rest.  What  I  would  favor  would  be  a  reciprocity  treaty  with  Spain, 
as  to  Cuba,  so  that  we  might  send  our  goods  there  instead  of  forcing  the 
Cubans  to  buy  of  England,  France  and  Germany.  We  could  do  the  island 
much  more  good  by  trading  with  her  on  an  equal  basis  than  we  ever  can  by 
annexing  her.  Cuba,  to  some  extent,  is  under  our  eye,  we  would  probably 
never  let  any  other  nation  than  Spain  own  the  island,  but  so  long  as  Spain 
does  own  it  she  is  welcome  to  it  if  she  will  only  let  us  sell  our  goods  on 
equal  or  better  terms  than  the  Cubans  can  get  them  for  elsewhere." 

T  had  some  time  previously  accepted  an  invitation  of  the 
members  of  the  Tennessee  legislature  to  address  them,  and, 
therefore,  at  Jacksonville  left  the  remainder  of  the  party  to 
pursue  their  way  to  Washington  at  their  leisure,  while  I 
started  for  Nashville,  accompanied  by  Mr.  Babcock  and  Mr. 
Mussey.  Having  a  few  days  to  spare  before  my  appointment 
at  that  place,  and  having  heard  much  of  the  wonderful  prog 
ress  and  development  of  the  iron  industry  at  Birmingham, 
Alabama,  I  determined  to  stop  at  that  place.  On  our  arrival 
we  went  to  the  Hotel  Florence,  and  at  once  met  the  "ubiqui 
tous  reporter. "  My  arrival  was  announced  in  the  papers,  and 
I  was  soon  called  upon  by  many  citizens,  who  proposed  that 
an  informal  reception  be  held  in  the  dining  room  of  the 
hotel  that  evening,  to  which  I  had  no  objection.  Among  those 
present 'were  ex-Senator  Willard  Warner,  and  a  number  of 
the  leading  men  who  had  so  quickly  transformed  an  open  farm 
into  the  active  and  progressive  city  of  Birmingham.  The  re 
ception  was  held  and  was  a  very  pleasant  affair.  Being  called 
upon  for  a  speech  I  made  a  few  remarks,  which  were  well 
received,  and  as  the  gentlemen  present  expressed  a  desire  to 


750  RECOLLECTIONS 

have  a  larger  meeting  I  consented  to  speak  on  the  following 
evening  at  the  opera  house. 

That  afternoon,  when  my  room  was  thronged  with  callers, 
most  of  whom  were  Democrats,  I  was  handed  the  following 

note : 

BIRMINGHAM,  ALA.,  March  20,  1887. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN.  U.  S.  Senator. 

DEAR  SIR: — The  undersigned,  citizens  of  Birmingham,  Alabama,  take 
this  method  of  writing  you  to  extend  your  visit  from  Nashville,  Tennessee, 
to  our  growing  city,  and  bear  witness  to  its  development  and  progress  as 
the  prospective  mining,  manufacturing  and  business  metropolis  of  the  state. 
Feeling  confident  that  you  are  naturally  interested  in  our  welfare  and  hap 
piness,  American  citizens  in  every  capacity  and  relation  in  life,  we  earnestly 
trust  that  you  will  comply  with  our  solicitation. 
Yours  respectfully, 

SAM'L  R.  LOWERY,  Editor  "Southern  Freemen." 
A.  L.  SCOTT,  Real  Estate  Agent. 
W.  R.  PETTIFORD,  J.  M.  GOODLOE,  A.  J.  HEADON, 
A.  D.  JEMISON  and  R.  DONALD,  Pastors  of  Colored 
Churches  in  Birmingham,  Ala. 

The  letter  was  written  to  be  sent  to  me  at  Nashville,  when 
it  was  not  known  that  I  was  at  Birmingham,  and  was  indorsed 
as  follows  : 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  U.  S.  Senator. 

DEAR  SIR: — A  colored  delegation,  as  given  above,  desires  to  call  upon 
you  to-morrow  morning  at  10  o'clock  or  at  3.  Please  do  us  the  kindness  to 
say  if  we  may  see  you,  and  when.  Yours  faithfully  A.  L.  SCOTT. 

I  at  once  sent  word  to  the  delegation  that  I  would  see  them 
in  my  room  the  next  morning  at  10  o'clock,  having  already 
arranged  to  accompany  some  gentlemen  on  an  excursion 
among  the  mines  and  other  evidences  of  Birmingham's  boom 
at  11  a.  m.  The  next  morning  I  waited  in  my  room  with 
General  Warner,  Judge  Craig  and  others  until  11  o'clock,  and, 
the  delegation  not  appearing,  was  about  to  start  on  my  visit 
to  the  mines,  when  the  following  note  was  handed  me  by  one 
of  the  colored  servants  of  the  house: 

BIRMINGHAM,  ALA. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAR  SIR: — In  accordance  with  arrangement,  a  committee  of  colored 
citizens  of  the  United  States  and  the  State  of  Alabama  came  to  see  you  at 
10  o'clock  this  morning.  The  proprietor  of  the  Florence  hotel  declined  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  751 

allow  us  to  visit  your  room,  and  said  if  we  desired  to  see  you  we  must  see 
you  outside  of  the  Florence  hotel.  We  regret  the  occurrence,  as  the  com 
mittee  is  composed  of  the  best  colored  citizens  of  our  community. 

Yours  respectfully, 

A.  L.  SCOTT, 
W.  R.  PETTIFOKD, 
SAMUEL  R.  LOWEEY, 
R.  C.  D.  BENJAMIN, 
ALBERT  BOYD. 

I  requested  General  Warner  and  Judge  Craig  to  go  to  the 
proprietor  of  the  hotel  and  ask  him  if  it  was  true  that  he  had 
forbidden  certain  men  going  to  my  room.  The  proprietor  in 
formed  them  that  it  was  true  ;  that  it  was  against  his  rules  to 
allow  any  colored  people  to  go  upstairs  except  the  servants. 
I  said  I  would  not  allow  a  hotel  proprietor  to  say  whom  I  should 
or  should  not  receive  in  my  room.  That  was  a  question  I 
chose  to  decide  for  myself.  I  therefore  immediately  paid  my 
bill  and  went  to  the  Metropolitan  hotel,  where  the  delegation 
made  their  call.  Their  only  object  was  to  read  to  me  an  ad 
dress  of  welcome  to  the  city  in  behalf  of  the  colored  people. 
Their  address  was  well  expressed  and  they  were  evidently  in 
telligent  and  respectable  men.  They  welcomed  me  cordially 
in  behalf  of  their  race  and  countrymen,  and  said: 

"  While  we  respect  your  political  and  statesmanlike  life,  not  an  event 
has  equaled  your  manly  and  heroic  conduct  in  Birmingham,  Alabama,  in 
respect  to  the  persecuted,  proscribed  and  downtrodden  black  citizens,  on 
account  of  their  race,  color  and  proscription  in  this  city  and  state. 

"  When  you  stated  to  the  tavern  keeper,  if  the  black  citizens  were  not 
permitted  to  visit  you  there,  you  would  go  to  another  tavern,  and  if  not  per 
mitted,  you  would  stop  with  your  baggage  in  the  street  and  receive  them, 
shows  a  sympathy  and  sentiment  that  you,  though  honored  and  able,  feel 
bound  with  them  and  to  them.  And  every  black  man,  woman  and  child 
thenceforward  in  our  state  will  pray  Heaven's  favor  shall  follow  you  and 
yours  to  a  throne  of  grace  for  Sherman,  Ohio's  noblest,  heroic  and  patriotic 
statesman." 

In  reply  I  expressed  pleasure  at  meeting  the  colored  people, 
and,  touching  the  Florence  hotel  affair,  advised  forbearance. 
"Be  true  to  yourselves,"  I  said,  "be  industrious,  maintain  your 
own  manhood,  and  the  day  will  come  wThen  you  can  command 
recognition  as  men  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  free  and 


752  RECOLLECTIONS 

equal  with  all  others."  1  assured  them  that  I  entertained  as 
high  respect  for  colored  people  as  I  did  for  any  other  citizens. 

I  mention  this  incident  at  some  length  because,  at  the  time, 
it  excited  much  comment  in  the  press  throughout  the  United 
States.  It  is  but  fair  to  say  that  the  action  of  the  hotel  pro 
prietor  was  condemned  by  the  leading  Democrats  of  Birming 
ham,  prominent  among  whom  was  the  editor  of  the  "  Iron 
Age." 

In  the  evening  I  spoke  at  the  opera  house,  which  was  well 
filled  with  representative  citizens.  I  was  introduced  by  Rufus 
M.  Rhodes,  president  of  the  News  Publishing  Company.  My 
speech  was  confined  mainly  to  nonpartisan  subjects,  to  the 
industries  in  that  section,  and  the  effect  of  national  legislation 
upon  them.  I  had  read  of  the  vast  deposits  of  coal  and  iron  in 
that  section,  and  had  that  day  seen  them  for  myself.  I  said  : 
"  You  have  stored  in  the  surrounding  hills  elements  of  a  wealth 
greater  than  all  the  banks  of  New  York."  In  speaking  of  the 
effect  of  national  legislation  upon  the  development  of  their 
resources,  I  said  I  would  not  allude  to  politics,  because,  though 
a  strict  party  man,  as  they  all  knew,  I  believed  that  men 
who  differed  with  me  were  as  honest  as  I  was ;  that  whatever 
might  have  occurred  in  the  past,  we  were  a  reunited  people  ; 
that  we  had  had  our  differences,  and  men  of  both  sides  sought  to 
have  their  convictions  prevail,  but  I  would  trust  the  patriotism 
of  an  ex-Confederate  in  Alabama  as  readily  as  an  ex-Unionist  in 
Ohio  ;  that  I  was  not  there  to  speak  of  success  in  war,  but  of 
the  interests  and  prosperity  of  their  people.  My  nonpartisan 
speech  was  heartily  approved.  General  Warner  made  a  brief 
address  to  his  former  constituents,  and  the  meeting  then 
adjourned. 

I  went  the  next  day  to  Nashville,  arriving  early  in  the  even 
ing.  A  committee  of  the  legislature  met  me  on  my  way.  On 
my  arrival  I  met  many  of  the  members  of  both  political  parties, 
and  was  the  recipient  of  a  serenade  at  which  William  C.  Whitt- 
horne,  a  Democratic  Member  of  Congress,  made  a  neat  speech 
welcoming  me  to  the  hospitality  of  the  state.  None  of  the 
speeches  contained  any  political  sentiments,  referring  mainly  to 
the  hopeful  and  prosperous  outlook  of  the  interests  of  Tennessee. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  753 

During  the  next  day  I  visited  with  a  committee,  at  the  head  of 
which  was  Mr.  Kerchival,  the  mayor  of  the  city,  several  manu 
facturing  establishments,  and  the  Fisk  and  Vanderbilt  universi 
ties,  and  also  a  school  for  colored  boys.  Among  the  more 
agreeable  visits  that  day  was  one  made  at  the  residence  of  Mrs. 
Polk,  the  widow  of  President  Polk.  I  remembered  her  when 
she  was  the  honored  occupant  and  mistress  of  the  White  House, 
at  the  time  of  my  first  visit  to  Washington  in  the  winter  of 
1846-47.  She  was  still  in  vigorous  health,  an  elegant  and  dig 
nified  lady. 

I  wish  here  to  express  my  grateful  appreciation  of  the  re 
ception  given  me  by  the  people  of  Nashville  on  this  occasion. 
There  was  no  appearance  of  mere  form  and  courtesy  due  to  a 
stranger  among  them,  but  a  hearty  general  welcome,  such  as 
would  be  extended  to  one  representing  their  opinions  and  iden 
tified  with  their  interests.  I  met  there  several  gentlemen  with 
whom  I  had  served  in  Congress,  most  of  whom  had  been  in  the 
Confederate  service.  One  of  them  paid  me  a  compliment  after 
hearing  my  speech  by  saying :  "  Sherman,  your  speech  will 
trouble  the  boys  some,  but  I  could  answer  you." 

This  speech  was  made  on  the  evening  of  the  24th  of  March, 
1887,  in  the  hall  of  the  house  of  representatives.  It  was  care 
fully  prepared  with  the  expectation  that  it  would  be  delivered 
to  an  unsympathetic  audience  of  able  men.  I  delivered  it  with 
scarcely  a  reference  to  my  notes,  and  substantially  in  the 
language  written.  Tennessee  and  Kentucky  had  been  Whig 
states,  strongly  in  favor  of  protection,  and  before  the  war  were 
represented  by  John  Bell  and  Henry  Clay.  I  claimed  my  fel 
lowship  with  the  people  of  Tennessee  in  the  old  Whig  times, 
and,  aside  from  the  questions  that  grew  out  of  the  wTar,  assumed 
that  they  were  still  in  favor  of  the  policy  of  protection  of 
American  industries  by  tariff  laws.  I  did  not  evade  the  slavery 
question  or  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  but  said  of  them  what 
I  would  have  said  in  Ohio.  I  made  an  appeal  in  behalf 
of  the  negro,  and  quoted  what  Senator  Vest  had  eloquently 
said,  that  "the  southern  man  who  would  wrong  them  deserves 
to  be  blotted  from  the  roll  of  manhood."  All  we  asked 
for  the  negro  was  that  the  people  of  Tennessee  would  secure 

S.— 48 


754  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  him  the  rights  and  privileges  of  an  American  citizen, 
according  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States.  I  then  pre 
sented  the  questions  of  the  hour,  taxation,  currency,  public 
credit,  foreign  and  domestic  commerce,  education  and  in 
ternal  improvements.  On  these  questions  I  said  the  people 
of  Tennessee  had  like  interests  and  opinions  with  the  people 
of  Ohio,  that  the  past  was  beyond  recall,  that  for  evil  or 
good  the  record  was  made  up  and  laid  away.  I  discussed 
each  of  these  subjects,  dwelling  mainly  on  taxation  and  cur 
rency;  in  the  one  was  the  protection  and  promotion  of  home 
industries,  and  in  the  other  was  the  choice  between  bank 
notes  of  the  olden  time,  and  United  States  notes  and  national 
bank  notes  secured  by  the  bonds  of  the  United  States.  I  closed 
with  these  words: 

"But  I  do,  in  the  presence  of  you  all,  claim  for  the  Republican  party,  and 
defy  contradiction,  that  in  the  grandeur  of  its  achievements,  in  the  benefits  it 
has  conferred  upon  the  people,  in  the  patriotic  motives  that  have  animated  it, 
and  the  principles  that  have  guided  it,  in  the  fidelity,  honesty,  and  success  of 
its  administration  of  great  public  trusts,  it  will  compare  favorably  with  the 
record  of  any  administration  of  any  government  in  ancient  or  modern  times. 
We  ask  you  to  aid  us,  to  help  us.  We  make  this  appeal  in  the  same  words 
to  the  Confederate  gray  as  to  the  Union  blue — to  whoever  in  our  great 
country  is  willing  in  the  future  to  lend  a  helping  hand  or  vote  to  advance 
the  honor,  grandeur  and  prosperity  of  this  great  republic." 

The  speech,  being  made  by  a  Republican  at  the  capital  of  a 
southern  Democratic  state,  attracted  great  attention  from  the 
public  press,  and,  much  to  my  surprise,  several  of  the  leading 
Democratic  and  independent  papers  commended  it  highly. 
This  was  notably  the  case  with  the  Louisville  "Courier  Jour 
nal,"  the  Washington  "Evening  Star,"  and  the  New  York 
"  Herald."  A  brief  extract  from  the  latter  is  given  as  an  indi 
cation  of  public  sentiment: 

"  Senator  Sherman's  Nashville  speech  is  the  first  address  on  national 
politics  ever  spoken  by  a  Republican  of  national  reputation  to  a  southern 
audience.  He  was  welcomed  by  the  prominent  citizens  of  the  Tennessee  capital, 
and  spoke  to  a  crowded  and  attentive  audience  in  the  hall  of  representatives. 

"  Both  the  speech  and  the  welcome  the  speaker  received  are  notable  and 
important  events.  Mr.  Sherman  spoke  as  a  Republican  in  favor  of  Repub 
lican  politics,  and  what  he  said  was  frankly  and  forcibly  put.  If  the  Repub 
lican  leaders  are  wise  they  will  take  care  to  circulate  Mr.  Sherman's  Nashville 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  755 

speech  all  over  the  south,  and  through  the  north  as  well.  He  spoke  for  high 
protection,  for  internal  improvements,  for  liberal  expenditures  on  public 
buildings,  for  the  Blair  education  bill,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  present 
currency  system,  and  for  spending  the  surplus  revenues  for  public  purposes. 
"  All  that  is  the  straightest  and  soundest  Republican  doctrine.  He  told 
his  hearers,  also,  that  the  war  is  over,  and  that  the  interests  of  Tennessee  and 
other  southern  states  must  naturally  draw  them  to  the  Republican  party. 
He  spoke  to  attentive  ears. " 

The  speech  was  reprinted  and  had  considerable  circulation, 
but,  like  the  shadows  that  pass,  it  is  probably  forgotten  by  all 
who  heard  or  read  it.  I  consider  it  as  one  of  the  best,  in  temper, 
composition  and  argument,  that  I  ever  made. 

It  had  been  arranged  that  I  was  to  be  driven  to  Saint  Paul's 
chapel  after  the  meeting.  The  occasion  was  the  assemblage  of 
the  educational  association  of  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal 
church,  and  their  friends.  The  chapel  was  a  large,  handsome, 
well-furnished  room,  and  was  crowded  to  the  door  with  well- 
dressed  men  and  women.  Dr.  Bryant  made  an  address  of 
welcome,  and  Bishop  Turner  introduced  me  to  the  audience.  I 
made  a  brief  response  and  excused  myself  from  speaking  further 
on  account  of  fatigue.  General  Grosvenor  and  ex-Senator  War 
ner  made  short  speeches.  Our  party  then  returned  to  the  hotel. 
To  me  this  meeting  was  a  surprise  and  a  gratification.  Here 
was  a  body  of  citizens  but  lately  slaves,  who,  in  attendance  on 
religious  services  and  afterward  remaining  until  a  late  hour 
listening  to  us,  behaved  with  order,  attention  and  intelligence. 
The  report  of  my  remarks,  as  given  in  their  newspaper,  was  as 
follows : 

"  Senator  Sherman  said  that  the  praise  of  himself  had  been  too  high.  He 
had  voted  for  the  emancipation  of  the  negro  race  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
an  event  which  had  preceded  the  emancipation  proclamation  of  Abraham 
Lincoln.  He  supported  it  as  a  great  act  of  national  authority  and  of  justice. 
Therefore,  he  could  appear  as  a  friend  of  the  race  and  of  liberty.  He  had 
not  voted  for  it  because  they  were  negroes,  but  he  had  voted  for  it  because 
they  were  men  and  women.  He  would  have  voted  for  the  whites  as  well. 
He  spoke  of  the  society  and  said  any  measure  that  would  tend  to  elevate  the 
race  he  was  in  favor  of.  What  the  race  wanted  was  not  more  rights  but 
more  education.  Their  rights  were  secured  to  them  by  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  the  time  would  come  when  they  would  enjoy  them  as 
freely  as  anyone.  They  should  not  be  impatient  to  advance.  Prejudice 


756  RECOLLECTIONS 

could  not  be  overcome  in  a  short  period.  He  said  the  best  way  to  overcome 
all  prejudice  was  by  elevating  themselves  ;  but  not  by  gaudy  extravagance, 
groans,  abuse,  war,  or  tumult  of  war.  They  had  the  same  right  to  become 
lawyers,  doctors,  soldiers  and  heroes  as  the  white  man  had. 

""  When  they  became  as  advanced  as  the  whites  around  them  there  would 
be  no  trouble  about  their  franchises.  Now  they  were  free  men  and  they 
should  become  freeholders.  After  they  had  got  education  they  should 
accumulate  property." 

On  the  next  morning  I  left  Nashville  for  Cincinnati,  where 
I  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  25th  of  March  and  took  lodg 
ings  at  the  Gibson  House.  1  was  to  speak  at  Turner  Hall  on 
the  next  evening,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Lincoln  and  Blaine 
clubs.  It  was  a  busy  day  with  me  in  receiving  calls  and  in 
visiting  the  chamber  of  commerce  and  the  two  clubs  where 
speeches  were  made  and  hand-shaking  done.  Still,  I  knew 
what  I  was  to  say  at  the  meeting,  and  the  composition  of  the 
audience  I  was  to  address.  The  hall  is  large,  with  good  acoustic 
qualities,  and  in  it  I  had  spoken  frequently.  It  is  situated  in 
the  midst  of  a  dense  population  of  workingmen,  and  was  so 
crowded  that  night  in  every  part  that  many  of  the  audience 
were  compelled  to  stand  in  the  aisles  and  around  the  walls. 
On  entering  I  mentally  contrasted  my  hearers  with  those  at 
Faneuil  Hall  and  Nashville.  Here  was  a  sober,  attentive  and 
friendly  body  of  workingmen,  who  came  to  hear  and  weigh 
what  was  said,  not  in  the  hurry  of  Boston  or  with  the  criticism 
of  political  opponents  as  in  Nashville,  but  with  an  earnest 
desire  to  learn  and  to  do  what  was  best  for  the  great  body  of 
workingmen,  of  whom  they  were  a  part.  I  was  introduced  in 
a  kindly  way  by  ex-Governor  Noyes.  After  a  brief  reference 
to  my  trip  to  Florida  and  Cuba,  I  described  the  country  lying 
southwest  of  the  Alleghany  mountains,  about  two  hundred 
miles  wide,  extending  from  Detroit  to  Mobile,  destined  to  be 
the  great  workshop  of  the  United  States,  where  coal  and  iron 
could  be  easily  mined,  where  food  was  abundant  and  cheap, 
and  in  a  climate  best  fitted  for  the  development  of  the  human 
race.  In  this  region  workingmen,  whether  farmers,  mechan 
ics  or  laborers,  would  always  possess  political  power  as  the  con 
trolling  majority  of  the  voters.  I  claimed  that  the  Eepublican 
party  was  the  natural  home  of  workingmen,  that  its  policy,  as 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  757 

developed  for  thirty  years,  had  advanced  our  industrial  in 
terests  and  diversified  the  employments  of  the  people.  This 
led  to  a  review  of  our  political  policy,  the  homestead  law,  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  good  money  always  redeemable  in  coin, 
the  development  of  manufactures  and  the  diversity  of  em 
ployments.  I  discussed  the  creation  of  new  parties,  such  as 
the  labor  party  and  the  temperance  party,  and  contended  that 
their  objects  could  better  be  attained  by  the  old  parties.  I  re 
ferred  to  the  organization  of  a  national  bureau  of  labor,  to  a 
bill  providing  for  arbitration,  and  other  measures  in  the  in 
terest- of  labor.  I  stated  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  gov 
ernment  interposing  between  capital  and  labor.  They  were 
like  husband  and  wife  ;  they  must  settle  their  quarrels  between 
them,  but  the  law,  if  practicable,  should  provide  a  mode  of 
adjustment.  I  closed  with  the  following  appeal  to  them  as 
workingmen : 

"  Let  us  stand  by  the  Republican  party,  and  we  will  extend  in  due  time 
our  dominion  and  power  into  other  regions;  not  by  annexation,  not  by  over 
riding  peaceable  and  quiet  people,  but  by  our  commercial  influence,  by  ex 
tending  our  steamboat  lines  into  South  America,  by  making  all  the  Carib 
bean  Sea  one  vast  American  ocean;  by  planting  our  influence  among  the 
sister  republics,  by  aiding  them  from  time  to  time,  and  thus,  by  pursuing 
an  American  policy,  become  the  ruler  of  other  dominions." 

From  Cincinnati,  after  a  brief  visit  to  Mansfield,  I  returned 
to  Washington  to  await  the  opening  of  spring  weather,  which 
rarely  comes  in  the  highlands  of  Ohio  until  the  middle  of  May. 

General  Sherman  and  I  had  been  invited  several  times  to 
visit  Woodbury,  Connecticut,  for  nearly  two  centuries  the  home 
of  our  ancestors.  In  April,  both  being  in  Washington,  we  con 
cluded  to  do  so,  and  advised  Mr.  Cothren,  the  historian  of 
Woodbury,  of  our  purpose.  We  arrived  in  the  evening  at 
Waterbury,  and  there  found  that  our  coming  was  known. 
Several  gentlemen  met  us  at  the  depot  and  conducted  us  to  the 
hotel,  some  of  them  having  served  with  General  Sherman  in 
the  Civil  War.  Among  them  was  a  reporter.  We  explained 
to  him  that  we  were  on  our  way  to  Woodbury,  had  no  plans  to 
execute,  intended  to  erect  no  monuments,  as  was  stated,  and 
only  wished  to  see  where  our  ancestors  had  lived  and  died. 


758  RECOLLECTIONS 

General  Sherman  was  rather  free  in  his  talk  about  the  steep 
hills  and  cliffs  near  High  Kock  grove.  These  he  admired  as 
scenery,  but  he  said :  "  I  cannot  see  how  this  rocky  country  can 
be  converted  into  farming  lands  that  can  be  made  profitable ; " 
also  "I  am  indeed  pleased  to  think  that  my  ancestors  moved 
from  this  region  to  Ohio  in  1810."  Among  the  callers  was 
S.  M.  Kellogg,  who  had  served  with  me  in  Congress. 

The  next  morning  we  went  to  Woodbury,  called  on  William 
Cothren,  and  proceeded  to  the  cemetery  and  other  places  of 
note  in  the  neighborhood.  In  this  way  the  day  was  pleasantly 
spent.  I  thought  there  were  signs  of  decay  in  the  old  village 
since  my  former  visit,  but  this  may  have  been  caused  by  the 
different  seasons  of  the  year  at  which  these  visits  were  made. 
Woodbury  looks  more  like  an  England  shire  town  than  any 
other  in  Connecticut.  Its  past  history  was  full  of  interest,  but 
the  birth  and  growth  of  manufacturing  towns  all  around 
eclipsed  it  and  left  only  its  memories.  After  visiting  the  site 
of  the  old  Sherman  homestead,  about  a  mile  from  town,  and 
the  famous  Stoddard  house,  in  which  my  grandmother  was 
born,  we  returned  to  New  York. 

I  had  been  invited  by  the  officers  and  members  of  the  Illi 
nois  legislature,  then  in  session  at  Springfield,  to  speak  in  the 
hall  of  the  house  of  representatives  on  the  political  issues  of 
the  day.  I  accepted  with  some  reluctance,  as  I  doubted  the 
expediency  of  a  partisan  address  at  such  a  place.  My  address 
at  Nashville,  no  doubt,  led  to  the  invitation  ;  but  the  conditions 
were  different  in  the  two  cities.  At  Nashville  it  was  expected 
that  I  would  make  a  conciliatory  speech,  tending  to  harmony 
between  the  sections,  while  at  Springfield  I  could  only  make  a 
partisan  speech,  on  lines  well  defined  between  the  two  great 
parties,  and,  as  I  learned  afterwards,  by  reason  of  local  issues,  to  a 
segment  of  the  Republican  party.  Had  I  known  this  in  advance 
I  would  have  declined  the  invitation. 

The  1st  of  June  was  the  day  appointed.  I  arrived  in  Chi 
cago,  at  a  late  hour,  on  the  29th  of  May,  stopping  at  the  Grand 
Pacific  hotel,  and  soon  after  received  the  call  of  many  citizens 
in  the  rotunda.  On  the  evening  of  the  30th  I  was  tendered  a 
reception  by  the  Union  League  club  in  its  library,  and  soon 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  759 

became  aware  of  the  fact  that  one  segment  of  the  Eepublican 
party,  represented  by  the  Chicago  "  Tribune,"  was  not  in  at 
tendance.  The  reception,  however,  was  a  very  pleasant  one, 
greatly  aided  by  a  number  of  ladies. 

The  next  morning,  accompanied  by  Senator  Charles  B.  Far- 
well  and  a  committee  of  the  club,  I  went  to  Springfield.  I 
have  often  traversed  the  magnificent  State  of  Illinois,  but  never 
saw  it  clothed  more  beautifully  than  on  this  early  summer  day. 
The  broad  prairies  covered  with  green,  the  wide  reaches  of  culti 
vated  land,  rich  with  growing  corn,  wheat  and  oats,  presented 
pictures  of  fertility  that  could  not  be  excelled  in  any  portion  of 
the  world.  I  met  Governor  Oglesby  and  many  leading  citizens 
of  Illinois  on  the  way,  and  on  my  arrival  at  Springfield  was  re 
ceived  by  Senator  Cullom  and  other  distinguished  gentlemen,  and 
conducted  to  the  Leland  hotel,  but  soon  afterwards  was  taken 
to  the  residence  of  Senator  Cullom,  where  several  hours  were 
spent  very  pleasantly.  Later  in  the  evening  I  attended  a  recep 
tion  tendered  by  Governor  and  Mrs.  Oglesby,  and  there  met  the 
great  body  of  the  members  of  the  legislature  and  many  citizens. 

On  the  1st  of  June  an  elaborate  order  of  arrangements,  in 
cluding  a  procession  was  published,  but  about  noon  there  came 
a  heavy  shower  of  rain  that  changed  the  programme  of  the  day. 
A  platform  had  been  erected  at  the  corner  of  the  statehouse, 
from  which  the  speaking  was  to  be  made.  This  had  to  be  aban 
doned  and  the  meeting  was  held  in  the  hall  of  the  house  of 
representatives,  to  which  no  one  could  enter  without  a  ticket. 

It  was  not  until  2:40  p.  m.  that  we  entered  the  hall,  when 
Governor  Oglesby,  taking  the  speaker's  chair,  rapped  for  order 
and  briefly  addressed  the  assembly.  I  was  then  introduced 
and  delivered  the  speech  I  had  prepared,  without  reading  or 
referring  to  it.  It  was  published  and  widely  circulated.  The 
following  abstract,  published  in  the  Chicago  "Inter-Ocean,"  in 
dicates  the  topics  I  introduced  : 

"  The  Senator  began  first  to  awaken  applause  at  the  mention  of  the  name 
of  Lincoln,  repeated  soon  after  and  followed  by  a  popular  recognition  of  the 
name  of  Douglas.  He  quoted  from  Logan,  and  cheers  and  applause  greeted 
the  words.  There  was  Democratic  applause  when  he  proclaimed  his  belief 
*  that  had  Douglas  lived  he  would  have  been  as  loyal  as  Lincoln  himself,' 


7(JO  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  again  it  resounded  louder  still  when  Logan  received  a  hearty  tribute. 
He  touched  upon  the  successes  of  our  protective  policy,  and  again  the  ap 
plause  accentuated  his  point.  He  exonerated  the  Confederate  soldier  from 
sympathy  with  the  atrocities  of  reconstruction  times,  and  his  audience  ap 
preciated  it.  He  charged  the  Democratic  party  in  the  south  with  these 
atrocities  and  the  continual  effort  to  deprive  the  negro  of  his  vote,  and  his 
audience  appreciated  that.  His  utterance  that  he  would  use  the  power  of 
Congress  to  get  the  vote  of  a  southern  Republican  counted  at  least  once, 
excited  general  applause.  They  laughed  when  he  asked  what  Andrewr 
Jackson  would  have  thought  of  Cleveland,  and  they  laughed  again  when  he 
declared  the  Democrats  wanted  to  reduce  the  revenue,  but  didn't  know  how. 
He  read  them  the  tariff  plank  in  the  Confederate  platform,  and  they  laughed 
to  see  how  it  agreed  with  the  same  plank  in  the  Democratic  platform.  From 
discussion  of  the  incapacity  of  the  Democrats  to  deal  writh  the  tariff  ques 
tion,  from  their  very  construction  of  the  constitution,  the  Senator  passed  to 
the  labor  question,  thence  carrying  the  interest  of  his  hearers  to  the  purpose 
of  the  Republicans  to  educate  the  masses,  and  make  internal  improvements. 
His  audience  felt  the  point  well  made  when  he  declared  the  President 
allowed  the  internal  improvement  bill  to  expire  by  a  pocket  veto  because  it 
contained  a  $5,000  provision  for  the  Hennepin  Canal.  In  excellent  humor 
the  audience  heard  him  score  the  Democracy  for  its  helplessness  to  meet  the 
currency  question,  and  finally  pass,  in  his  peroration,  to  an  elaboration  of 
George  William  Curtis'  eulogy  of  the  achievements  of  the  Republican 
party.  He  read  the  twelve  Republican  principles,  and  each  utterance  re 
ceived  its  applause  like  the  readoption  of  a  popular  creed.  'The  Democrats 
put  more  jail  birds  in  office  in  their  brief  term  than  the  Republicans  did  in 
the  twenty-four  years  of  our  magnificent  service,'  exclaimed  Senator  Sher 
man,  and  his  audience  laughed,  cheered,  and  applauded.  Applause  followed 
each  closing  utterance  as  the  Senator  outlined  the  purposes  of  the  party 
for  future  victory,  and  predicted  that  result,  the  Democrats  under  the  Con 
federate  flag,  the  Republicans  under  the  flag  of  the  Union." 

I  returned  the  next  day  to  Chicago,  and  in  the  evening  was 
tendered  a  public  reception  in  the  parlors  of  the  Grand  Pacific 
hotel.  Although  Chicago  was  familiar  to  me,  yet  I  was  un 
known  to  the  people  of  Chicago.  One  or  two  thousand  people 
shook  hands  with  me  and  with  them  several  ladies.  Among 
those  I  knew  were  Justice  Harlan,  Robert  T.  Lincoln  and 
Walker  and  Emmons  Blaine. 

Upon  my  return  to  Mansfield  I  soon  observed,  in  the  Demo 
cratic  and  conservative  papers,  hostile  criticisms  of  my  Spring 
field  speech,  and  especially  of  my  arraignment  of  the  crimes 
at  elections  in  the  south,  and  of  the  marked  preference  by 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  761 

Cleveland  in  the  appointments  to  office  of  Confederate  soldiers 
rather  than  Union  soldiers.  A  contrast  was  made  between 
the  Nashville  and  Springfield  speeches,  and  the  latter  was  de 
nounced  as  "  waving  the  bloody  shirt."  Perhaps  the  best 
answer  to  this  is  the  following  interview  with  me,  about  the 
middle  of  June : 

"  So  much  fault  is  found  with  the  Springfield  speech  by  the  opponents  of 
the  Republican  party,  and  so  many  accusations  made  of  inconsistency  with 
the  Nashville  speech,  that  perhaps  you  may  say — what  you  meant — what  the 
foremost  purpose  was  in  both  cases  ?  " 

"  I  meant  my  Springfield  speech  to  be  an  historical  statement  of  the  posi 
tion  of  the  two  parties  and  their  tendencies  and  aims  in  the  past  and  for  the 
future.  In  this  respect  it  differed  from  the  Nashville  speech,  which  was 
made  to  persuade  the  people  of  the  south,  especially  of  Tennessee,  that  their 
material  interests  would  be  promoted  by  the  policy  of  the  Republican 
party." 

"Do  you  find  anything  in  the  Springfield  speech  to  moderate  or  modify?  " 

"  I  do  not  think  I  said  a  word  in  the  Springfield  speech  but  what  is  liter 
ally  true,  except,  perhaps,  the  statement  that  'there  is  not  an  intelligent  man 
in  this  broad  land,  of  either  party,  who  does  not  know  that  Mr.  Cleveland  is 
now  President  of  the  United  States  by  virtue  of  crimes  against  the  elective 
franchise.'  This  may  be  too  broad,  but  upon  a  careful  analysis  I  do  not  see 
how  I  could  modify  it  if  fair  force  is  given  to  the  word  'intelligent.'" 

"You  stand  by  the  speech,  then?" 

"Well,  since  the  speech  has  been  pretty  severely  handled  by  several 
editors  whom  I  am  bound  to  respect,  I  have  requested  it  to  be  printed  in 
convenient  form,  and  intend  to  send  it  to  these  critics  with  a  respectful  re 
quest  that  they  will  point  out  any  error  of  fact  contained  in  it,  or  any  incon 
sistency  between  it  and  my  Nashville  speech." 

"  You  do  not  admit  that  the  two  speeches  are  in  two  voices?  " 

"I  can  discover  no  inconsistency.  And  now,  after  seeing  and  weighing 
these  criticisms,  I  indorse  and  repeat  every  word  of  both  speeches.  It  may 
be  that  the  speech  was  impolitic,  but,  as  I  have  not  usually  governed  my 
speeches  and  conduct  by  the  rule  of  policy,  as  distinguished  from  the  rule  of 
right,  I  do  not  care  to  commence  now." 

"What  about  the  persistent  charge  of  unfriendliness  to  southern  people 
and  the  accusation  that  you  are  shaking  the  bloody  shirt  ?  " 

"I  do  not  see  how  the  arraignment  of  election  methods  that  confess 
edly  destroy  the  purity  or  the  sanctity  of  the  ballot  box,  and  deprive  a  mil 
lion  of  people  of  their  political  rights,  can  be  ignored  or  silenced  in  a 
republic  by  the  shoo-fly  cry  of  'bloody  shirt.'" 

"  Is  there  no  hope  of  persuasion  of  the  southern  people  at  large  to  see 
the  justice  of  the  demand  for  equal  political  rights?" 


762  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

"  I  cannot  see  any  reason  why  the  Confederate  cause,  which  was  *  eter 
nally  wrong,'  but  bravely  and  honestly  fought  out,  should  be  loaded  down 
with  the  infamy  of  crimes  which  required  no  courage,  committed  long  since 
the  war,  by  politicians  alone,  for  political  power  and  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Democratic  party.  I  can  find  some  excuse  for  these  atrocities  in  the  strong 
prejudice  of  caste  and  race  in  the  south,  growing  out  of  centuries  of  slavery, 
but  I  can  find  no  excuse  for  any  man  of  any  party  in  the  north,  who  is  will 
ing  to  submit  to  have  his  political  power  controlled  and  overthrown  by  such 


CHAPTER  LII. 
INDORSED  FOR  PRESIDENT  BY  THE  OHIO  STATE  CONVENTION. 

I  A  in  Talked  of  as  a  Presidential  Possibility —  Public  Statement  of  My  Position  — 
Unanimous  Resolution  Adopted  by  the  State  Convention  at  Toledo  on  July  28, 
1887  —  Text  of  the  Indorsement  —  Trip  Across  the  Country  with  a  Party 
of   Friends— Return  Home  After  a  Month's  Absence  —  Letter  to 
General  Sherman  — Visit  to  the  State  Fair  — I  Attend  a  Sol 
diers'  Meeting  at  Bell ville  — Opening  Campaign  Speech 
at  Wilmington  —  Talk   to  Farmers  in  New  York 
State  —  Success  of  the  Republican  Ticket  in 
Ohio  —  Elaine  Declines  to  Be  a  Candidate. 

DURING  the  months  of  June  and  July,  1887,  the  ques 
tion  of  the  selection  of  the  Republican  candidate  for 
President  in  the  following  year  was  discussed  in  the 
newspapers,  in  the  conventions,  and  among  the  peo 
ple.  The  names  of  Elaine  and  myself  were  constantly  can 
vassed  in  connection  with  that  office,  and  others  were  named. 
I  was  repeatedly  written  to  and  talked  with  about  it,  and  uni 
formly  said,  to  warm  personal  friends,  that  in  view  of  my  ex 
perience  at  previous  national  conventions  I  would  not  be  a 
candidate  without  the  support  of  a  united  delegation  from 
Ohio,  and  the  unanimous  indorsement  of  a  state  convention. 
I  referred  to  the  fact  that  in  every  period  of  my  political  career 
I  had  been  supported  by  the  people  of  Ohio,  and  would  not  as 
pire  to  a  higher  position  without  their  hearty  approval.  This 
statement  was  openly  and  publicly  made  and  published  in  the 
newspapers.  The  ".Commercial  Gazette,"  of  Cincinnati  was 
authorized  to  make  this  declaration: 

"If  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  want  Mr.  Sherman  for  their  presidential 
candidate  they  can  say  so  at  the  Toledo  convention.  If  not,  Mr.  Sherman 
will  be  entirely  content  with  the  position  he  now  occupies,  and  will  not  be 
in  the  field  as  a  presidential  candidate." 

(763) 


764 


RECOLLECTIONS 


I  also  wrote  the  following  to  a  friend,  and  it  was  after 
wards  published: 

"I  do  not  want  to  be  held  up  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  as  a 
presidential  candidate  if  there  is  any  doubt  about  Ohio.  I  do  not,  as  many 
think,  seek  for  the  high  honor,  nor  do  I  ask  anyone  to  aid  me  in  securing 
the  nomination.  I  am  as  passive  about  it  as  any  man  can  be  whose  merits  or 
demerits  are  discussed  in  that  connection.  I  do  not  desire  the  nomination, 
nor  shall  I  encourage  anyone  to  secure  it  for  me  until  Ohio  Republicans, 
who  have  conferred  upon  me  the  honors  I  have  enjoyed,  shall,  with  substan 
tial  unanimity,  express  their  wish  for  my  nomination." 

This  led  my  friends  to  determine  to  present  this  question  to 
the  approaching  state  convention  at  Toledo.  It  was  said  that, 
as  this  would  be  held  a  year  in  advance  of  the  national  conven 
tion,  it  was  too  soon  to  open  the  subject,  but  the  conclusive 
answer  was  that  no  other  state  convention  would  be  held  prior 
to  the  national  convention,  and  that  it  was  but  fair  that  I 
should  have  the  chance  to  decline  if  there  should  be  a  substan 
tial  difference  of  opinion  in  the  convention,  and  should  have 
the  benefit  of  its  approval  if  it  should  be  given. 

It  was  understood  that  Governor  Foraker  would  be  unani 
mously  renominated  for  governor.  He  doubted  the  policy  of 
introducing  in  that  contest  a  resolution  in  favor  of  my  nomina 
tion  for  President,  but  said  if  it  should  be  passed  he  would 
support  it.  The  press  of  the  state  was  somewhat  divided  as  to 
the  policy  of  the  convention  making  a  declaration  of  a  choice 
for  President,  but  indicated  an  almost  universal  opinion  that 
there  should  be  an  undivided  delegation  in  favor  of  my  nomina 
tion.  As  the  convention  approached,  the  feeling  in  favor  of  such 
declaration  grew  stronger,  and  when  it  met  at  Toledo,  on  the 
28th  of  July,  there  was  practically  no  opposition.  After  the 
preliminary  organization  ex-Governor  Foster  reported  a  series 
of  resolutions,  which  strongly  indorsed  me  for  President,  and 
highly  commended  Foraker  for  renomination  as  governor.  The 
convention  called  for  the  rereading  of  these  resolutions  and 
they  were  applauded  and  unanimously  adopted.  The  commit 
tee  on  permanent  organization  nominated  me  as  chairman  of 
the  convention.  In  assuming  these  duties  I  made  a  speech 
commending  the  nomination  of  Governor  Foraker  and  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  765 

action  of  the  recent  general  assembly,  and  closed  with  these 
words: 

"  I  have  but  one  other  duty  to  perform,  and  that  I  do  with  an  overflow 
ing  heart.  I  thank  you  with  all  my  heart  for  the  resolutions  that  you  have 
this  day  passed  in  respect  to  your  choice  for  a  President  of  the  United  States. 
I  know,  my  fellow-citizens,  that  this  is  a  matter  of  sentiment.  I  know  that 
this  resolution  is  of  no  importance  unless  the  voters  of  the  State  of  Ohio  and 
of  the  several  states  should,  in  their  free  choice,  elect  delegates  who  will 
agree  with  you  in  your  opinion.  I  recognize  the  district  rule,  and  the  right 
of  every  district  to  speak  its  own  voice.  I  stood  by  that  rule  in  1880,  when 
I  knew  that  its  adoption  would  cut  off  all  hopes  of  my  friends  at  that  time. 
I  also  knew  that  there  was  another  rule,  that  no  man  ought  to  be  held  as  a 
candidate  for  that  high  office  unless  he  has  the  substantial,  unanimous  voice 
of  his  party  friends  behind  him.  I  believe  that  is  a  true  rule,  and  it  ought  to 
be  exercised  to  promote  harmony  and  good  will  and  friendship  among  Re 
publicans.  Now,  my  countrymen,  again  thanking  you  for  this  expression,  I 
tell  you  with  all  frankness  that  I  think  more  of  your  unanimous  praise  this 
day  uttered  than  I  do  of  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States." 

The  resolution,  as  adopted,  was  as  follows : 

"  Recognizing,  as  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  always  have,  the  gifted  and 
tried  statesmen  of  the  Republican  party  of  other  states,  loyal  and  unfaltering 
in  their  devotion  to  the  success  of  the  organization  in  1888,  under  whatever 
standard  bearer  the  Republican  national  convention  may  select,  they  have 
just  pride  in  the  record  and  career  of  John  Sherman,  as  a  member  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  as  a  statesman  of  fidelity,  large  experience  and  great 
ability.  His  career  as  a  statesman  began  with  the  birth  of  the  Republican 
party ;  he  has  grown  and  developed  with  the  growth  of  that  organization  ; 
his  genius  and  patriotism  are  stamped  upon  the  records  of  the  party  and  the 
statutes  and  constitution  of  the  country,  and,  believing  that  his  nomination 
for  the  office  of  President  would  be  wise  and  judicious,  we  respectfully  pre 
sent  his  name  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  as  a  candidate,  and  announce 
our  hearty  and  cordial  support  of  him  for  that  office." 

The  convention  then  proceeded  to  form  a  state  ticket. 

During  the  summer  vacation  of  1887,  I  made  a  trip  across 
the  continent  from  Montreal  to  Victoria,  Vancouver  Island, 
and  from  the  Sound  to  Tacoma,  going  over  the  Canadian  Pa 
cific  railroad,  and  returning  by  that  line  to  Port  Arthur,  at 
the  head  of  Lake  Superior  then,  by  one  of  the  iron  steamers  of 
the  Canadian  Pacific  road,  through  Lake  Superior  and  Lake 
Huron  to  Owen  Sound,  and  from  there  by  rail  to  Toronto  and 
home. 


RECOLLECTIONS 

After  my  return  home  I  wrote  a  note  to  General  Sherman, 
describing  my  impressions  of  the  country.  In  this  I  said: 

"  My  trip  to  the  Pacific  over  the  Canadian  railroad  was  a  great  success. 
We  traveled  7,000  miles  without  fatigue,  accident  or  detention.  We  stopped 
at  the  chief  points  of  interest,  such  as  Toronto,  Montreal,  Sudbury,  Port 
Arthur,  Winnipeg,  Calgary,  Banff,  Donald,  Glacier  House,  Vancouver, 
Victoria,  Seattle  and  Tacoma,  and  yet  made  the  round  trip  within  the  four 
weeks  allowed.  We  did  not  go  to  Alaska,  because  of  the  fogs  and  for  want 
of  time.  The  trip  was  very  instructive,  giving  me  an  inside  view  of  many 
questions  that  may  be  important  in  the  future.  The  country  did  not  impress 
me  as  a  desirable  acquisition,  though  it  would  not  be  a  bad  one.  The  peo 
ple  are  hardy  and  industrious.  If  they  had  free  commercial  intercourse  with 
the  United  States,  their  farms,  forests,  and  mines  would  become  more  valu 
able,  but  at  the  expense  of  the  manufactures.  If  the  population  of  Mexico 
and  Canada  were  homogeneous  with  ours,  the  union  of  the  three  countries 
would  make  the  whole  the  most  powerful  nation  in  the  world." 

I  then  entered  into  the  canvass.  I  attended  the  state  fair  at 
Columbus  on  the  2nd  of  September,  first  visiting  the  Wool 
Growers'  Association,  and  making  a  brief  speech  in  respect  to 
the  change  in  the  duty  on  wool  by  the  tariff  of  1883.  I  re 
minded  the  members  of  that  association  that  they  were  largely 
responsible  for  the  action  of  Congress  on  the  wool  schedule, 
that  while  all  other  interests  were  largely  represented  before 
the  committees  of  Congress,  they  were  only  represented  by  two 
gentlemen,  Columbus  Delano  and  William  Lawrence,  both 
from  the  State  of  Ohio,  who  did  all  they  could  to  prevent  the 
reduction.  Later  in  the  day  I  attended  a  meeting  of  the  state 
grange,  at  which  several  speeches  had  been  made.  I  disclaimed 
the  power  to  instruct  the  gentlemen  before  me,  who  knew  so 
much  more  about  farming  than  I,  but  called  their  attention  to 
the  active  competition  they  would  have  in  the  future  in  the 
growth  of  cereals  in  the  great  plains  of  the  west.  I  described 
the  wheat  fields  I  had  seen  far  west  of  Winnipeg,  ten  degrees 
north  of  us  in  Canada.  I  said  the  wheat  was  sown  in  the  spring 
as  soon  as  the  surface  could  be  plowed,  fed  by  the  thawing 
frosts  and  harvested  in  August,  yielding  25  to  40  bushels  to  the 
acre,  that  our  farms  had  to  compete  in  most  of  their  crops  with 
new  and  cheap  lands  in  fertile  regions  which  but  a  few  years 
before  were  occupied  by  Indians  and  buffaloes.  "We  must 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  767 

diversify  our  crops/7 1  said,  "or  make  machines  to  work  for  us 
more  and  more.  New  wants  are  created  by  increased  population 
in  cities.  This  is  one  lesson  of  many  lessons  we  can  learn  from 
the  oldest  nations  of  Europe.  With  large  cities  growing  up 
around  us  the  farmer  becomes  a  gardener,  a  demand  is  created 
for  dairy  products,  for  potatoes,  and  numerous  articles  of  food 
which  yield  a  greater  profit.  In  Germany,  France  and  Italy 
they  are  now  producing  more  sugar  from  beets  than  is  pro 
duced  in  all  the  world  from  sugar  cane.  The  people  of  the 
United  States  now  pay  $130,000,000  for  sugar  which  can  easily 
be  produced  from  beets  grown  in  any  of  the  central  states." 
I  said  much  more  to  the  same  purport. 

I  visited  all  parts  of  the  state  fair,  and  tried  to  avoid  talk 
ing  politics,  but  wherever  I  went  on  the  grounds  I  found  groups 
engaged  in  talking  about  the  Toledo  convention,  and  the  pros 
pects  of  Republican  or  Democratic  success.  I  had  been  away 
so  long  that  I  supposed  the  embers  left  by  the  convention  were 
extinguished,  but  nothing,  I  think,  can  prevent  the  Ohio  man 
from  expressing  his  opinion  about  parties  and  politics.  I  met 
William  Lawrence,  one  of  the  ablest  men  of  the  state  as  a 
lawyer,  a  judge  and  a  Member  of  Congress.  An  interview  with 
him  had  recently  been  published  in  respect  to  the  resolution 
indorsing  my  candidacy.  This  was  frequently  called  to  my  at 
tention,  and  though  I  had  not  then  read  it,  my  confidence  in 
him  was  so  great  I  was  willing  to  indorse  anything  he  had  said. 

On  the  7th  of  September  I  attended  a  soldiers'  meeting  at 
Bellville,  in  Richland  county,  where  it  was  said  upwards  of 
4,000  people  took  part.  I  made  quite  a  long  talk  to  them,  but 
was  far  more  interested  in  the  stories  of  men  who  had  served 
in  the  war,  many  of  whom  gave  graphic  accounts  of  scenes  and 
incidents  in  which  they  had  taken  part.  I  have  attended  many 
such  meetings,  but  do  not  recall  any  that  was  more  interesting. 
The  story  of  the  private  soldier  is  often  rich  in  experience.  It 
tells  of  what  he  saw  in  battle,  and  these  stories  of  the  soldiers, 
told  to  each  other,  form  the  web  and  woof  out  of  which  history 
is  written.  It  was  useless  to  preach  to  these  men  that  Provi 
dence  directly  controls  the  history  of  nations.  A  good  Presby 
terian  would  find  in  our  history  evidence  of  the  truth  of  his 


768  RECOLLECTIONS 

theory  that  all  things  are  ordained  beforehand.  Certain  it  is 
that  the  wonderful  events  in  our  national  life  might  be  cited  as 
an  evidence  of  this  theory.  I  do  reverently  recognize  in  the 
history  of  our  war,  the  hand  of  a  superintending  Providence  that 
has  guided  our  great  nation  from  the  beginning  to  this  hour. 
The  same  power  which  guided  our  fathers'  fathers  through 
the  Eevolutionary  War,  upheld  the  arms  of  the  soldiers  of  the 
Union  army  in  the  Civil  War,  and  I  trust  that  the  same  good 
Providence  will  guide  our  great  nation  in  the  years  to  come. 

I  made  my  opening  political  speech  in  this  campaign  at 
Wilmington,  on  the  15th  of  September.  Clinton  county  is 
peopled  almost  exclusively  by  a  farming  community,  whose 
rich  upland  is  drained  by  the  waters  of  the  Scioto  and  Miami 
Rivers.  My  speech,  not  only  on  this  occasion,  but  during 
the  canvass  in  other  parts  of  the  state,  was  chiefly  confined  to 
a  defense  of  the  Republican  party  and  its  policy  while  in 
power,  which  I  contrasted  with  what  I  regarded  as  the  fee 
bleness  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  administration.  I  touched  upon  state 
matters  with  brevity,  but  complimented  our  brilliant  and 
able  governor,  Foraker.  I  referred  to  the  attacks  that  had 
been  made  upon  me  about  my  speech  in  Springfield,  Illi 
nois,  and  said  that  no  one  had  answered  my  arraignment, 
except  by  the  exploded  cry  of  "  the  bloody  shirt,"  or  claimed 
that  a  single  thing  stated  by  me  as  a  fact  was  not  true.  I  re 
ferred  to  the  "tenderfoot"  who  would  not  hurt  anyone's  feel 
ings,  who  would  banish  the  word  "  rebel"  from  our  vocabulary, 
who  would  not  denounce  crimes  against  our  fellow-citizens 
when  they  occurred,  who  thought  that,  like  Cromwell's  Round 
heads,  we  must  become  accustomed  to  the  court  of  King  Charles, 
that  we  must  surrender  our  captured  flags  to  the  rebels  who 
bore  them,  and  our  Grand  Army  boys,  bent  and  gray,  must 
march  under  the  new  flag,  under  the  flag  of  Grover  Cleveland, 
or  not  hold  their  camp  fires  in  St.  Louis.  In  conclusion,  I  said : 

""But  I  will  not  proceed  further.  The  immediate  question  is  whether 
you  will  renew  and  ratify  the  brilliant  administration  of  Governor  Foraker, 
and  support  him  with  a  Republican  legislature.  I  feel  that  it  is  hardly 
necessary  to  appeal  to  the  good  people  of  Clinton  county  for  an  overwhelming 
vote  in  favor  of  a  man  so  well  known  and  highly  respected  among  you. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  769 

In  the  latter  part  of  September,  I  made  an  address  to  the 
farmers  of  Wayne  county  at  Lyons,  New  York.  The  county 
borders  on  Lake  Ontario.  Its  surface  is  undulating,  its  soil 
generally  fertile,  and  beneath  are  iron  ore,  limestone,  gypsum, 
salt  and  sulphur  springs.  Its  chief  products  are  dairy  and  farm 
produce  and  live  stock.  I  said  that  my  experience  about  a 
farm  was  not  such  as  would  justify  me  in  advising  about  prac 
tical  farming,  that  I  was  like  many  lawyers,  preachers,  editors, 
and  Members  of  Congress,  who  instinctively  seek  to  get  pos 
session  of  a  farm,  not  to  show  farmers  how  to  cultivate  land, 
but  to  spend  a  good  portion  of  their  income  in  a  healthy  recrea 
tion,  that  Horace  Greeley  and  Henry  Ward  Beecher  were,  when 
living,  good  specimens  of  this  kind  of  farmers;  that  they  all 
soon  learned  by  sad  experience  that— 

"  He  that  by  the  plow  would  thrive, 
Himself  must  either  hold  or  drive.*' 

As  each  region  varied  in  climate,  soil,  and  market,  the  occu 
pation  of  farmers  had  to  vary  with  the  conditions  that  surrounded 
them.  The  great  cereals,  such  as  wheat,  corn,  oats,  and  barley, 
can  be  produced  in  most  parts  of  the  United  States.  Our  farmers 
ought  constantly  to  diversify  their  crops  and  add  to  the  number 
of  their  productions.  Attention  had  been  recently  turned  to 
the  possibility  of  producing  beet  sugar  in  the  northern  states, 
the  great  obstacle  being  the  cost  of  the  factory  and  machinery 
which,  to  secure  profitable  results,  could  not  be  erected  for  less 
than  $200,000,  but  I  predicted  that  this  industry  would  be  es 
tablished  and  sugar  sufficient  for  our  wants  would  be  produced 
in  our  own  country.  I  referred  to  the  "great  advance  made  in 
the  methods  of  farming,  during  the  past  forty  years,  with  the 
aid  of  new  inventions  of  agricultural  implements  and  new 
modes  of  transportation,  and  the  wonderful  progress  that  had 
been  made  in  other  fields  of  invention  and  discovery,  and  in 
conclusion  said: 

"The  good  order  of  society  now  rests  upon  the  intelligence  and  conserv 
atism  of  the  farmers  of  the  United  States,  for  to  them  all  classes  must  look 
for  safety  against  the  dogmas  and  doctrines  that  threaten  the  social  fabric, 
and  sacred  rights  of  persons  and  property,  and  I  believe  the  trust  will  not  be 
in  vain." 

S.— 49 


770  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN   SHERMAN. 

I  spoke  nearly  every  day  during  the  month  of  October,  in 
different  parts  of  the  State  of  Ohio.  I  do  not  recall  a  town  of 
importance  that  I  did  not  visit,  nor  a  congressional  district  in 
which  I  did  not  speak.  Governor  Foraker  was  even  more  active 
than  I  was.  His  speeches  were  received  with  great  applause, 
and  his  manners  and  conduct  made  him  popular.  The  only  dan 
ger  he  encountered  was  in  the  active  movement  of  the  Prohibi 
tion  party.  This  party  ran  a  separate  ticket,  the  voters  of 
which,  it  was  feared,  would  mainly  come  from  the  Republican 
party.  In  a  speech  I  made  at  Oberlin,  on  the  4th  of  November, 
I  made  an  appeal  to  our  Prohibition  friends  to  support  the 
Republican  ticket.  1  said : 

"  There  are  but  two  great  parties  in  this  country,  one  or  the  other  of 
which  is  to  be  put  in  power.  You  have  a  perfect  right  to  vote  for  the 
smaller  Prohibition  party,  and  thus  throw  away  your  vote,  but  you  know 
very  well  that  either  a  Republican  or  a  Democratic  legislature  will  be  elected, 
and  that  there  will  not  be  a  single  Prohibition  candidate  elected.  Will  it 
not  be  better  to  choose  between  these  two  parties  and  give  your  assistance 
to  the  one  that  has  done  the  most  for  the  success  of  your  principles?  We 
think  the  Republican  party  is  still  entitled,  as  in  the  past,  to  your  hearty  sup 
port.  Among  other  of  its  enactments  there  is  the  '  Dow  law,'  looked  upon  by 
you  with  suspicion,  yet  it  has  done  more  for  temperance  than  your  '  prohibi 
tion  laws  '  at  present  could  have  done.  That  law  enables  you  to  exclude  the 
sale  of  liquor  in  more  than  400  Ohio  towns.  It  was  passed  by  a  Republican 
legislature.  By  it  more  than  3,000  saloons  have  been  driven  out  of  existence. 

I  closed  my  part  of  the  canvass  on  the  5th  of  November,  at 
Music  Hall,  Cleveland,  one  of  the  finest  meetings  I  ever  at 
tended.  General  E.  S.  Meyer  and  D.  K.  Watson  shared  in  the 
speaking. 

The  result  of  the  election,  on  the  following  Tuesday,  gave 
Governor  Foraker  a  plurality  of  23,329  over  Thomas  E.  Powell, 
and  the  legislature  was  Republican  in  both  branches. 

The  election  in  New  York  was  adverse  to  the  Republican 
party,  and  this  and  his  feeble  health  no  doubt  largely  influenced 
Mr.  Blaine  in  declining  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  nomination. 
Upon  the  surface  it  appeared  that  I  would  probably  be  the 
nominee,  but  I  took  no  step  whatever  to  promote  the  nomina 
tion  and  resumed  my  duties  in  the  Senate  with  a  firm  resolve 
not  to  seek  the  nomination. 


CHAPTEE  LIII. 
CLEVELAND'S  EXTRAORDINARY  MESSAGE   TO  CONGRESS. 

First  Session  of  the  50th  Congress  -  The  President's  "  Cry  of  Alarm  "  —  Troubled  by 
the  Excess  of  Revenues  Over  Expenditures  —  My  Answer  to  His  Doctrines  —  His 
Refusal  to  Apply  the  Surplus  to  the  Reduction  of   the  Public  Debt  — The 
Object  in  Doing  So  —  My  Views  Concerning  Protection  and  the  Tariff  — 
In  Favor  of  a  Ta.riff  Commission  —  "  Mills  Bill  "  the  Outcome  of  the 
President's  Message  —  Failure  of  the  Bill  During  the  Second  Ses 
sion—My  Debates  with  Senator  Beck  on  the  Coinage  Act  of 
1873,  etc.  —  Omission  of  the  Old  Silver  Dollar  — Death 
of    Chief    Justice  Waite  —  Immigration  of  Chinese 
Laborers  —  Controversy  with  Senator  Vest  - 
Speech  on  the  Fisheries  Question  —  Diffi 
culties  of  Annexation  with  Canada. 

THE  50th  Congress  convened  on  the  5th  of  December,  1887, 
and  was  promptly  organized,  the  Senate  being  Repub 
lican,  and  the  House  Democratic.     During  this  long 
session  of  about  eleven  months,  nearly  every  question 
of  political  or  financial  importance  in  American  politics  was 
under  discussion,  and  I  was  compelled,  by  my  position  on  the 
committees  on  foreign  relations  and  finance,  to  take  an  active 
part  in  the  debates. 

On  the  6th  the  President  sent  to  Congress  his  annual  mes 
sage,  in  which  he  departed  from  the  established  usage  of 
his  predecessors,  who  had  presented  in  order  the  subjects  com 
mented  upon,  commencing  with  a  summary  of  our  relations 
with  foreign  nations,  and  extending  to  the  business  of  all  the 
varied  departments  of  the  government.  Instead  of  this  he  ab 
ruptly  opened  with  a  cry  of  alarm,  as  follows: 

"  To  THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

"  You  are  confronted,  at  the  threshold  of  your  legislative  duties,  with  a 
condition  of  the  national  finances  which  imperatively  demands  immediate 
and  careful  consideration." 

This  threatening  announcement  of  a  great  national  danger 
startled  the  general  public,  who  had  settled  down  into  the 

(771) 


772  RECOLLECTIONS 

conviction  that  all  was  going  on  very  well  with  a  Democratic  ad 
ministration.  The  President  said  that  the  amount  of  money 
annually  exacted  largely  exceeded  the  expenses  of  the  govern 
ment.  This  did  not  seem  so  great  a  calamity.  It  was  rather 
an  evidence  of  good  times,  especially  as  he  could  apply  the  sur 
plus  to  the  reduction  of  the  national  debt.  Then  we  were 
told  that: 

"On  the  30th  day  of  June,  1885,  the  excess  of  revenue  over  public 
expenditures,  after  complying  with  the  annual  requirement  of  the  sinking 
fund  act,  was  $17,859,735.84 ;  during  the  year  ended  June  30,  1886,  such 
excess  amounted  to  $49,405,545.20 ;  and  during  the  year  ended  June  30, 
1887,  it  reached  the  sum  of  $55,567,849.54." 

In  other  words  we  had  an  excess  of  revenue  over  expendi 
tures  for  three  years  of  about  $122,000,000.  The  sinking  fund 
during  that  three  years,  as  he  informed  us,  amounted  in  the 
aggregate  to  $138,058,820 ;  that  is,  that  we  had  stipulated  by  law 
to  pay  of  the  public  debt  that  sum  during  three  years,  and  had 
been  able  to  pay  all  we  agreed  to  pay,  and  $122,000,000  more. 
He  did  not  state  that  during  and  subsequent  to  the  panic  of 
1873  the  United  States  did  not  pay  the  sinking  fund,  and  this 
deficiency  was  made  good  during  the  prosperous  years  that 
followed  1879.  Upon  the  facts  stated  by  him  he  based  his  ex 
traordinary  message.  The  only  recommendation  made  by  him 
was  a  reduction  of  taxation.  No  reference  to  the  vast  interests 
intrusted  to  the  departments  other  than  the  treasury  was  made 
by  him  except  in  a  brief  paragraph.  He  promised  that  as  the 
law  makes  no  provision  for  any  report  from  the  department  of 
state,  a  brief  history  of  the  transactions  of  that  important 
department  might  furnish  the  occasion  for  future  consideration. 

I  have  a  sincere  respect  for  President  Cleveland,  but  I 
thought  the  message  was  so  grave  a  departure  from  the  cus 
tomary  annual  message  of  the  President  to  Congress  that  it 
ought  to  be  answered  seriatim.  I  did  so  in  a  carefully  pre 
pared  speech.  The  answer  made  can  be  condensed  in  a  few 
propositions :  An  increase  of  revenue  (the  law  remaining  un 
changed)  is  an  evidence  of  unusual  trade  and  prosperity. 
The  surplus  revenue,  whatever  it  might  be,  could  and  ought 
to  be  applied  to  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt.  The  law 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  773 

under  which  the  debt  was  created  provided  for  this,  by  re 
quiring  a  certain  percentage  of  the  debt  to  be  paid  annually, 
and  appropriating  the  surplus  revenue  for  that  purpose.  Under 
this  policy  it  was  estimated  that  the  debt  would  be  paid  off 
prior  to  1907. 

But  experience  soon  demonstrated  that,  whatever  might  be 
the  law  in  force,  the  revenues  of  the  government  would  vary 
from  year  to  year,  depending,  not  upon  rates  of  taxation,  but 
upon  the  financial  condition  of  the  country.  After  the  panic 
of  1873,  the  revenues  were  so  reduced  that  the  sinking  fund 
was  practically  suspended  by  the  fact  that  there  was  no  sur 
plus  money  in  the  treasury  to  meet  its  requirements.  At 
periods  of  prosperity  the  revenues  were  in  excess  of  the  current 
expenses  and  the  sinking  fund,  and  in  such  conditions  the 
entire  surplus  revenue,  was  applied  to  the  reduction  of  the 
public  debt  and  thus  made  good  the  deficiency  in  the  sinking 
fund  in  times  of  financial  stringency.  This  was  a  wise  public 
policy,  fully  understood  and  acted  upon  by  every  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  since  the  close  of  the  war  and  prior  to  Mr.  Man 
ning. 

Another  rule  of  action,  founded  upon  the  clearest  public 
policy,  had  been  observed  prior  to  the  incumbency  of  Mr.  Cleve 
land,  and  that  was  not  to  hold  in  the  treasury  any  form  of 
money  in  excess  of  a  reasonable  balance,  in  addition  to  the 
fund  held  to  secure  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes.  All 
sums  in  excess  of  these  were  promptly  applied  to  the  payment 
of  the  public  debt,  and,  if  none  of  it  was  redeemable,  securities 
of  the  United  States  were  purchased  in  the  open  market.  It 
was  the  desire  of  Congress  and  every  Republican  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  in  order  to  comply  with  the  sinking  fund  law,  to 
apply  the  surplus  to  the  gradual  reduction  of  the  debt.  While 
I  was  secretary  I  heartily  cooperated  with  the  committees  of 
Congress  in  reducing  appropriations,  and  in  this  way  was  en 
abled  to  maintain  the  reserve,  and  to  reduce  the  interest-bear 
ing  public  debt. 

The  policy  of  Mr.  Cleveland  and  Secretary  Manning  was  to 
hoard  in  the  treasury  as  much  of  the  currency  of  the  country 
as  possible,  amounting  sometimes  to  more  than  $200,000,000, 


774 


RECOLLECTIONS 


and  this  created  a  stringency  which  affected  injuriously  the 
business  of  the  country.  It  was  the  policy  of  all  the  early  Presi 
dents  to  apply  any  surplus  revenue  either  to  the  reduction  of 
the  public  debt  or  to  public  objects. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his  message  of  1806,  says :  "  To  what  object 
shall  the  surplus  be  appropriated?  Shall  we  suppress  the  im 
post,  and  thus  give  that  advantage  to  foreign  over  domestic 
manufacturers?"  He  believed  the  patriotism  of  the  people 
would  "  prefer  its  continuance  and  application  for  the  purposes 
of  the  public  education,  roads,  rivers  and  canals."  This  was  in 
exact  opposition  to  the  policy  proposed  by  Mr.  Cleveland,  who 
refused  to  apply  the  surplus  revenue  to  the  reduction  of  the 
debt,  and  in  his  extraordinary  message  demanded  a  reduction 
of  duties  on  foreign  goods.  A  larger  surplus  revenue  had  fre 
quently,  from  time  to  time,  been  wisely  dealt  with  by  Republican 
administrations.  It  had  either  been  applied  by  the  executive 
authorities  to  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  or  its  accumula 
tion  had  been  prevented  by  Congress,  from  time  to  time,  by  the 
reduction  or  repeal  of  taxes.  In  the  administration  of  each  of 
Mr.  Cleveland's  predecessors  since  the  close  of  the  war,  this 
simple  remedy  had  been  applied  without  neglecting  other  mat 
ters,  or  raising  a  cry  of  alarm.  It  was  apparent  that  the  object 
of  the  President  was  to  force  the  reduction  of  duties  on  im 
ported  goods,  which  came  into  competition  with  domestic  prod 
ucts,  and  that  the  accumulation  of  money  in  the  treasury  was 
resorted  to  as  a  means  to  compel  such  a  reduction. 

On  the  19th  of  July,  1886,  I  had  called  the  attention  of  the 
Senate  to  the  difficulty  and  danger  of  hoarding  in  the  treasury 
surplus  revenue,  and  the  readiness  of  the  Senate  to  provide  for 
the  reduction  of  taxes  and  the  application  of  the  surplus.  The 
revenues  could  have  been  reduced  without  endangering  domes 
tic  industries.  At  the  date  of  his  extraordinary  message  both 
Houses  of  Congress  were  quite  ready  to  reduce  taxes.  Full 
authority  had  been  given  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
apply  surplus  revenue  to  the  purchase  of  United  States  bonds. 
But  the  President,  set  in  his  opinion,  was  not  satisfied  with 
such  measures,  but  demanded  the  reduction  of  duties  which 
protected  American  industries. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  775 

The  greater  part  of  my  speech  in  reply  to  the  President's 
message  was  a  discussion  of  the  different  forms  of  taxation 
imposed  by  the  United  States  and  especially  the  duties  im 
posed  on  imported  goods.  I  never  was  an  extreme  protection 
ist.  I  believed  in  the  imposition  of  such  a  duty  on  foreign 
goods  which  could  be  produced  in  the  United  States  as  would 
fairly  measure  the  difference  in  the  cost  of  labor  and  manu 
facture  in  this  and  foreign  countries.  This  was  a  question  not 
to  be  decided  by  interested  capitalists,  but  by  the  careful  es 
timate  of  business  men.  The  intense  selfishness  exhibited  by 
many  of  those  who  demanded  protection,  and  the  error  of  those 
who  opposed  all  protection,  were  alike  to  be  disregarded. 

I  believe  that  no  judicious  tariff  can  be  framed  by  Congress 
alone,  without  the  help  of  a  commission  of  business  men  not 
personally  interested  in  the  subject-matter,  and  they  should  be 
aided  by  experienced  officers  in  the  revenue  service.  I  have 
participated  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  in  the  framing  of  every 
tariff  law  for  forty  years.  I  have  spoken  many  times  on  the 
subject  in  the  Senate  and  on  the  rostrum.  My  reply  to  the 
President's  message  is  the  best  exposition  I  have  made  as  to 
the  principles  and  details  of  a  protective  tariff.  If  I  had  my 
way  I  would  convene  such  a  tariff  commission  as  I  have  dis 
cussed,  give  it  ample  time  to  hear  and  gain  all  information 
that  could  aid  it,  and  require  it  to  report  the  rates  of  duty 
proposed  in  separate  schedules  so  that  the  rate  of  each 
schedule  or  paragraph  might  be  raised  or  lowered  from  time  to 
time  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  treasury.  If  Congress  would 
allow  such  a  bill  to  become  a  law  we  could  dismiss  the  tariff 
free  from  party  politics  and  lay  the  foundation  for  a  durable 
system  of  national  taxation,  upon  which  domestic  industries 
may  be  founded  without  the  hazard  which  they  now  encounter 
every  year  or  two  by  "tinkering  with  the  tariff." 

The  real  controversy  raised  by  the  President's  message  was 
not  whether  taxes  should  be  reduced,  but  what  taxes  should  be 
reduced  or  abolished.  I  stated  the  position  of  the  two  parties 
in  a  debate  with  Mr.  Kenna,  as  follows: 

"  There  is  a  broad  line  of  division  between  the  two  parties  as  they  exist 
now  and  as  they  will  exist  in  the  future.  The  President  says,  '  retain  all 


776  RECOLLECTIONS 

internal  taxes  and  reduce  the  duties  on  imported  merchandise  that  come  in 
competition  with  home  industries.'  We  say  we  will  not  strike  down  any 
prospering  industry  in  this  country;  that  where  manufactures  have  sprung  up 
in  our  midst  by  aid  of  a  duty,  this  protection,  as  you  call  it,  we  will  not  re 
duce;  we  will  not  derange  contracts,  industries,  or  plans,  or  lower  the  prices 
of  labor,  or  compel  laborers  or  manufacturers  to  meet  any  sudden  change  or 
emergency.  We  say  that  we  are  willing  to  join  with  you  in  reducing  the 
taxes.  We  will  select  those  taxes  that  bear  most  heavily  upon  the  people, 
especially  internal  taxes,  and  repeal  those.  We  will  maintain  the  policy  of 
protection  by  tariff  duties  just  as  long  as  it  is  necessary  to  give  our  people 
the  benefit  of  a  home  market,  and  diversified  productions  a  fair  chance  in  the 
trade  and  commerce  of  our  country,  but  we  will  not  invite  into  our  country 
foreign  importations  to  compete  with  and  break  down  our  home  industries." 

The  bill  entitled  "A  bill  to  reduce  taxation  and  simplify  the 
laws  in  relation  to  the  collection  of  the  revenue,"  known  as  the 
Mills  bill,  was  the  outcome  of  the  President's  message.  It  was 
reported  to  the  House  of  Representatives  by  Roger  Q.  Mills,  of 
Texas,  and  thus  obtained  its  name.  Mr.  Mills,  on  the  17th  of 
April,  called  it  up  for  consideration,  and  it  was  debated  and 
amended,  and  passed  the  House  on  the  21st  of  July,  more  than 
seven  months  after  the  President's  cry  of  alarm,  by  the  close 
vote  of  162  yeas  to  149  nays.  Samuel  J.  Randall,  then  absent 
and  sick,  desired  his  colleague  to  pair  him  against  the  bill,  as, 
if  present,  he  would  record  his  vote  in  opposition  to  the  bill. 
It  came  to  the  Senate  and  was  referred  to  the  committee  on 
finance.  On  the  8th  of  October  Mr.  Allison,  from  that  com 
mittee,  reported  back  the  Mills  bill  with  a  substitute  for  the 
entire  bill.  This  substitute  was  a  careful  and  elaborate  protec 
tive  tariff  bill,  containing  some  provisions  I  did  not  approve, 
but,  in  its  general  provisions,  was,  in  my  opinion,  a  far  better 
bill  than  the  Mills  bill.  The  debate  on  these  rival  bills  con 
tinued  until  the  close  of  the  session  on  the  19th  of  October, 
when  the  Senate,  by  a  resolution,  authorized  and  directed  the 
committee  on  finance  to  continue  during  the  recess  of  Congress 
the  investigation  of  such  revenue  measures,  including  the  Sen 
ate  and  House  bills,  as  had  been  referred  to  the  Senate. 

The  history  of  the  bills  during  the  second  session  of  this 
Congress  is  easily  told.  They  were  debated  in  the  Senate 
nearly  every  day  until  the  22nd  of  January,  1889,  when  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  777 

amendment  of  the  Senate  was  adopted  as  a  substitute  for  the 
entire  Mills  bill,  by  the  close  vote  of  32  yeas  to  30  nays.  It 
was  debated  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  referred  to 
its  committee  of  ways  and  means.  It  was  reported  by  the 
committee  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  with  a  resolution 
declaring  that  the  action  of  the  Senate  in  substituting  an  entire 
bill  for  the  House  bill  was  in  violation  of  the  constitution. 
No  action  was  taken  on  this  resolution,  and  then  all  tariff  leg 
islation  was  defeated  for  that  Congress. 

On  the  6th  of  March,  1888,  Senator  Beck  made  a  rambling 
speech  commencing  with  a  fierce  denunciation  of  a  bill  then 
pending  to  grant  pensions  to  certain  disabled  soldiers  of  the 
Union  army.  He  then  veered  off  on  the  tariff  and  the  great 
trusts  created  by  it.  I  ventured,  in  a  mild-mannered  way, 
to  suggest  to^him  a  doubt  whether  trusts  were  caused  by  the 
tariff,  whether  they  did  not  exist  as  to  domestic  as  well  as 
foreign  productions.  I  named  to  him  the  whisky  trust,  the 
cotton-seed  trust  and  other  trusts  of  that  kind,  and  wanted  to 
know  how  these  grew  out  of  the  tariff.  Thereupon  he  changed 
his  ground  and  took  up  the  silver  question  and  commenced 
assailing  me  for  the  coinage  act  of  1873,  saying  I  was  respon 
sible  for  it.  He  said  it  was  secretly  passed,  surreptitiously 
done,  that  I  did  it,  that  I  knew  it. 

I  promptly  replied  to  that  charge  by  showing  from  the 
records  that  the  act  referred .  to,  and  especially  the  part  of  it 
relating  to  the  silver  dollar,  was  recommended  by  Mr.  Boutwell, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  all  the  officers  connected 
with  coinage  and  the  mints,  that  it  was  debated  at  great  length 
for  three  successive  sessions  in  both  Houses,  that  it  was  printed 
thirteen  times,  and  that  the  clause  omitting  the  old  silver  dol 
lar  was  especially  considered  and  the  policy  of  it  fully  debated, 
and  a  substitute  for  the  old  dollar  was  provided  for  by  each 
House.  I  can  say  with  confidence  that  every  Member  of  the 
Senate  but  Beck  felt  that  he  had  been  worsted  in  the  debate, 
and  that  the  charge  aimed  at  me,  but  which  equally  applied  to 
Morrill  and  Bayard,  and  especially  to  all  the  Senators  from  the 
silver  states  who  earnestly  and  actively  supported  the  bill,  was 
thoroughly  refuted. 


778  RECOLLECTIONS 

Senator  Beck,  chafed  by  his  defeat,  on  the  13th  of  March 
made  in  the  Senate  a  three  hours'  speech  in  support  of  his 
position.  Instead  of  going  to  the  public  records  and  showing 
by  them  whether  or  not  the  law  was  put  through  the  Senate  in 
a  secret  way,  he  quoted  what  several  Senators  and  Members 
said  they  did  not  know,  what  Grant  did  not  know,  a  mode  of 
argument  that  if  of  effect  would  invalidate  the  great  body  of 
the  legislation  of  Congress. 

I  replied  in  a  speech  occupying  less  than  half  an  hour,  pro 
ducing  the  original  bill  as  it  came  from  the  treasury  depart 
ment  with  the  dollar  omitted  from  the  silver  coins,  with  the  re 
port  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  calling  attention  to  its 
omission,  and  the  opinion  of  Knox,  Linderman,  Patterson,  Elliott, 
all  of  whom  were  prominent  officers  of  the  treasury  depart 
ment  in  charge  of  currency  and  coinage,  giving  fully  the 
reasons  why  the  old  silver  dollar  was  omitted.  I  also  quoted 
from  the  record  of  each  House  of  Congress,  showing  that  special 
attention  was  called  to  the  omission  of  the  old  silver  dollar  by 
Mr.  Hooper,  having  charge  of  the  bill.  The  House  of  Kepre- 
sentatives,  in  compliance  with  the  advice  of  Comptroller  Knox, 
did  authorize  in  its  bill,  which  it  passed,  a  subsidiary  dollar  con 
taining  384  grains  of  standard  silver,  the  same  weight  as  two 
half  dollars,  but  these  dollars  were,  like  the  subsidiary  fractional 
coins,  a  legal  tender  for  only  five  dollars.  When  this  bill  came 
to  the  Senate  it  was  thoroughly  debated.  The  legislature  of 
California  petitioned  Congress  for  a  silver  dollar  weighing  more 
than  the  Mexican  dollar  instead  of  the  subsidiary  dollar  pro 
vided  for  by  the  House.  In  compliance  with  this  petition,  the 
Senate  so  amended  the  bill  as  to  authorize  the  owner  of  silver 
bullion  to  deposit  the  same  at  any  mint,  to  be  formed  into  bars 
or  into  dollars  of  the  weight  of  420  grains,  designated  as  "trade 
dollars."  These  dollars  were  intended  solely  for  the  foreign 
trade,  and  were  worth  in  the  market  only  the  value  of  420 
grains  of  standard  silver.  It  was  the  dollar  desired  by  the  sil 
ver  producing  states,  and  but  for  the  rapid  decline  in  the  price 
of  silver,  which  made  this  dollar  worth  less  than  its  face  in  gold, 
the  mint  would  probably  be  coining  them  to-day ;  but  before 
the  mint  was  closed  to  their  coinage  more  than  35,000,000 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  779 

pieces  had  been  made.  No  unprejudiced  person  could  claim 
that  the  charges  of  Mr.  Beck  were  not  completely  answered. 

On  the  23rd  of  March  Chief  Justice  Waite,  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  died  at  his  residence  in  Washington. 
Upon  the  27th,  upon  my  motion,  the  Senate  adopted  a  resolu 
tion  that  a  committee  of  five  Senators  be  appointed  by  the 
chair,  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  accompany  the  remains  of 
the  chief  justice  to  Toledo,  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  and  attend  the 
funeral  there.  The  committee  appointed  were  Messrs.  Sher 
man,  Allison,  Evarts,  George  and  Gray.  They  attended  the 
funeral  as  directed.  Chief  Justice  Waite  was  born  in  Connec 
ticut,  but  lived  all  his  manhood  life  in  Toledo,  Ohio,  until 
appointed  by  President  Grant  as  chief  justice.  He  was  an 
able  lawyer  and  a  patient,  conscientious  and  learned  judge. 

On  the  1st  of  March  I  was  directed  by  the  committee  on 
foreign  relatiorft  to  report  the  following  resolution : 

"  Resolved  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  That,  in  view  of  the  diffi 
culties  and  embarrassments  that  have  attended  the  regulation  of  the  immi 
gration  of  Chinese  laborers  to  the  United  States,  under  the  limitations  of 
our  treaties  with  China,  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Emperor  of  China,  containing  a  provision  that  no 
Chinese  laborer  shall  enter  the  United  States." 

After  a  brief  debate,  participated  in  by  Senators  Morgan, 
Stew^art,  Mitchell  and  others,  I  made  a  few  remarks,  commenc 
ing  as  follows : 

"  Whatever  differences  there  may  have  been  in  the  Senate  or  in  the 
country,  with  regard  to  the  restriction  of  Chinese  immigration,  the  time 
has  come  when  I  believe  the  general  sentiment  of  the  people  is,  that  the  law 
on  the  subject  should  be  fairly  enforced ;  that  the  Chinese  laborer  should 
be  excluded  from  enjoying  the  benefits  of  our  country,  because  he  will  not 
adapt  himself  to  the  civilization  of  our  country.  That  feeling  is  most 
strongly  expressed  by  Senators  and  Representatives  from  the  Pacific  coast, 
among  whom  the  100,000  or  more  Chinese  in  the  country  live,  and  they  have 
expressed  that  opinion  to  the  committee  on  foreign  relations  so  decidedly 
and  unanimously,  and  supported  by  such  potent  reasons,  that  I  believe  every 
member  of  that  committee  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  object  of  the  law  to 
exclude  the  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  should  be  effectively  carried 
out." 

The  resolution  was  adopted. 


RECOLLECTIONS 

During  this  Congress  the  question  of  excluding  Chinese  im 
migration  by  treaty  and  by  law  was  pending  and  copiously 
debated.  There  seemed  to  be  a  general  concurrence  that  such 
immigration  was  not  desirable,  and  that  Chinese  coolies  should 
be  absolutely  excluded.  A  treaty  was  negotiated  providing  for 
such  exclusion,  but,  as  there  was  a  long  delay  by  the  Chinese 
government  in  ratifying  it,  and  the  coolies  still  continued  to 
come,  bills  were  introduced  in  Congress  prohibiting,  under 
severe  penalties,  the  immigration  of  all  Chinese  laborers. 
Before  the  bill  became  a  law  the  treaty  was  ratified.  Now,  both 
by  treaty  and  by  law,  such  immigrants  are  excluded,  but  in  spite 
of  law  and  treaty  they  still  come  in  lessening  numbers,  and  it 
does  not  appear  how  they  can  be  entirely  excluded.  I  have 
been  in  favor  of  the  exclusion  of  Chinese  laborers  when  prac 
tically  they  are  slaves,  but  have  sought  to  moderate  the  legis 
lation  proposed,  so  as  not  to  disturb  our  friendly  relations  with 
China,  or  to  exclude  educated  Chinamen  engaged  in  commer 
cial  pursuits. 

On  the  18th  of  April  I  made  a  speech  on  a  bill  for  the  ad 
mission  of  Dakota,  as  a  state,  into  the  Union.  That  territory 
had  more  than  the  usual  population  of  a  new  state,  but  its  ad 
mission  had  been  postponed,  year  after  year,  by  the  action  of 
the  Democratic  party.  This  speech  led  to  a  long  debate  be 
tween  Mr.  Vest  and  myself  on  the  election  in  Louisiana  in  1876. 
It  is  not  an  unusual  occurrence  to  change  the  subject  of  dis 
cussion  in  the  Senate  where  debate  is  unlimited.  I  made  a 
long  review  of  events  in  Louisiana,  mainly  in  reply  to  a  ques 
tion  put  by  Mr.  Vest  as  follows. 

"  I  have  never  understood,  and  the  people  of  this  country  have  never 
been  able  to  understand,  why  Packard  was  not  elected  governor  with  a 
larger  number  of  votes  than  Hayes  received  for  President.  But  Packard  was 
thrown  out  and  sent  as  consul  to  Liverpool,  and  Hayes  was  sworn  in  as  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States." 

To  this  T  replied  that  the  returning  board  was  invested  with 
power  to  pass  upon  the  election  of  electors  and  they  did  per 
form  that  duty,  but  the  question  of  the  election  of  a  governor 
and  a  legislature  of  Louisiana  could  only  be  passed  upon  by 
the  legislature  itself,  each  house  being  the  judge  of  its  own 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  781 

elections,  and  the  two  houses,  when  organized,  had  the  sole 
and  exclusive  power  to  pass  upon  the  election  of  a  governor. 
This  condition  of  affairs  led  to  a  controversy  which  endan 
gered  the  public  peace  and  involved  the  use  of  the  United  States 
troops  to  prevent  civil  war.  President  Hayes  thereupon  had 
selected  five  gentlemen,  Charles  B.  Lawrence,  Joseph  R.  Haw- 
ley,  John  M.  Harlan,  John  C.  Brown  and  Wayne  MacVeagh, 
each  of  whom  was  a  man  of  marked  distinction  in  the  com 
munity  in  which  he  lived.  They  were  sent  to  Louisiana  to 
inquire  and  report  upon  the  existing  condition  of  affairs  bor 
dering  on  a  state  of  civil  war  between  the  opposing  factions. 
They  were  instructed  to  promote,  as  far  as  possible,  the  organ 
ization  of  a  legislature,  so  that  it  might  pass  upon  the  question 
who  was  governor  of  the  state.  The  result  of  their  inquiry  led 
to  the  organization  of  the  legislature,  and  when  so  organized 
it  recognized,  Nichols  as  Governor  of  Louisiana,  as  it  clearly 
had  the  right  to  do.  The  returning  board  had  the  unques 
tioned  right  to  pass  upon  the  election  of  electors  for  President, 
but  it  was  equally  clear  that  the  legislature  was  invested  with 
the  sole  power  of  passing  upon  the  election  of  the  governor. 
The  returning  board  certified  to  the  election  of  the  Hayes 
electors,  and  the  legislature  determined  that  Nichols  was 
elected  governor.  Although  these  decisions  were  inconsistent 
with  each  other  yet  each  was  legal  and  binding.  I  took  occa 
sion  in  this  speech  to  defend  the  action  of  the  returning  board, 
and  especially  the  two  leading  members,  J.  Madison  Wells  and 
Thomas  A.  Anderson,  both  of  whom  were  men  of  high  charac 
ter  and  standing  in  that  state. 

In  the  course  of  this  debate  Vest  and  Butler  charged  me 
with  inconsistency  in  my  speeches  at  Nashville  and  Spring 
field.  This  allegation  had  been  frequently  made  in  the  news 
papers  of  the  time.  In  reply  I  said: 

"I  am  much  obliged  to  my  friend  from  Missouri  for  his  kindness  in  read 
ing  extracts  from  my  speeches.  They  sound  much  better  to  me  read  by  him 
than  when  spoken  by  myself.  The  speeches  speak  for  themselves,  particu 
larly  the  one  at  Nashville.  Every  word  I  uttered  on  that  night  I  utter  now. 
If  I  could  repeat  it  over,  I  would  add  emphasis  to  give  force  and  effect  to  it, 
and  so  I  feel  about  the  south.  I  have  not  the  slightest  feeling  of  hostility. 


782  RECOLLECTIONS 

On  the  16th  of  July  I  made  a  speech  in  favor  of  the  passage 
of  a  bill  for  the  erection  of  a  monument  to  General  George 
Rogers  Clark,  of  the  American  Revolution.  His  march  through 
the  wilderness  and  attack  upon  the  British  posts  in  the  north 
western  territory,  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  events  in  the 
Revolutionary  War.  The  bill  passed  the  Senate  and  was  re 
ported  to  the  House,  but  was  not  acted  upon.  It  is  one  of  the 
obligations  of  honor  and  duty  which,  I  trust,  will  be  discharged 
by  the  United  States  before  many  years. 

On  the  24th  of  August  a  message  from  the  President,  in  re 
gard  to  the  fishing  rights  of  the  United  States,  was  read  in  the 
Senate.  I  moved  that  the  message  be  referred  to  the  com 
mittee  on  foreign  relations.  Before  this  motion  was  put  quite 
an  extended  debate  took  place  mainly  between  Senators  Ed 
munds  and  Morgan,  though  several  other  Senators  took  part. 
I  made  a  speech  expressing  my  opinion  of  the  President's  posi 
tion  on  the  fishery  question,  and  then  took  occasion  to  refer  to 
the  surplus  in  the  treasury  in  the  following  words : 

"  It  seems  to  me  that  the  position  taken  by  the  President  is  a  good  deal 
like  that  held  by  him  as  to  the  payment  of  the  public  debt.  My  former  old 
and  honored  colleague  [Mr.  Thurman]  is  going  around  through  the  country 
talking  about  the  surplus  money  in  the  treasury,  there  accumulated  all  because 
we  Republicans  will  not  let  it  out.  Of  all  the  financial  management  that  I 
have  read  or  know  of,  the  worst  is  that  by  the  present  administration.  Here  there 
was  an  accumulating  surplus  in  the  treasury,  day  by  day  and  year  by  year,  since 
the  first  day  Mr.  Cleveland  entered  the  presidential  chair.  What  did  he  do  with 
that  surplus  revenue?  He  did  not  make  proclamation  of  it  for  two  or  three 
years,  but  let  it  accumulate  and  accumulate  until  he  did  not  know  what  to  do 
with  it.  Finally  the  attention  of  the  administration  was  called  to  the  fact  that 
they  ought  to  buy  bonds  with  it.  Well,  Mr.  Cleveland,  with  his  sharp  con 
struction,  thought  he  had  not  the  power  to  buy  bonds;  he  thought  he  could  not 
do  it  legally.  The  law  confers  the  power  upon  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"The  President  had  no  more  power  over  it  than  the  Senator  from  Con 
necticut  before  me  [Mr.  Platt]  has.  The  law  confers  it  upon  the  secretary; 
it  was  his  duty  to  buy  bonds.  What  untold  sums  have  been  lost  by  his 
faiiuro  to  comply  with  that  law. 

Jf  the  United  States  had  quietly  watched  the  opportunities  in  the  way 
the  present  secretary's  predecessors  had  done,  he  could  have  gone  into  the 
market  and  absorbed  those  bonds,  to  the  amount  of  half  a  million  or  a  million 
at  a  time,  and  bought  them  at  the  market  price,  123,  and  then  how  much 
money  would  have  been  saved  to  the  government.  .  .  . 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  783 

My  allusion  to  the  finances  as  usual  excited  the  ire  of  Mr. 
Beck,  who  said : 

"  The  Senator  from  Ohio  gets  away  from  the  treaty  and  talks  about  this 
administration  not  buying  bonds  and  how  much  we  could  have  saved 
because  they  have  raised  the  price  ;  but  I  want  to  say  that  he  himself  was 
the  man,  both  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  as  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  who  arranged  our  debts  in  such  a  way  that  we  could  not 
pay  them." 

In  my  reply  I  again  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
House,  of  which  Mr.  Beck  was  a  Member  at  the  time  of  the 
passage  of  the  four  per  cent,  bond  bill,  and  not  the  Senate,  was 
responsible  for  the  long  period  of  the  bonds. 

The  relations  of  Canada  with  the  United  States,  especially 
in  connection  with  the  fisheries,  became  at  this  period  danger 
ously  strained.  This  led  me,  on  the  18th  of  September,  to  offer 
in  the  Senate  the  following  resolution: 

"Resolved,  That  the  committee  on  foreign  relations  be  directed  to  inquire 
into,  and  report  at  the  next  session  of  Congress,  the  state  of  the  relations  of 
the  United  States  with  Great  Britain  and  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  with  such 
measures  as  are  expedient  to  promote  friendly  commercial  and  political  inter 
course  between  these  countries  and  the  United  States,  and  for  that  purpose 
have  leave  to  sit  during  the  recess  of  Congress." 

The  real  difficulty  of  dealing  with  Canada  is  its  dependence 
on  Great  Britain.  Our  negotiations  must  be  with  the  English 
government,  while  the  matters  complained  of  are  purely 
Canadian,  and  the  consent  of  Canada  is  necessary  to  the  ratifi 
cation  of  any  treaty.  The  President  complained  that  Canadian 
authorities  and  officers  denied  our  fishermen  the  common 
privileges  freely  granted  to  friendly  nations  to  enter  their 
ports  and  harbors,  to  purchase  supplies  and  transship  com 
modities.  He  said  that  they  subjected  our  citizens,  engaged 
in  fishing  enterprises  in  waters  adjacent  to  their  north 
eastern  shore,  to  numerous  vexatious  interferences  and  an 
noyances,  had  seized  and  sold  their  vessels  upon  slight 
pretexts,  and  had  otherwise  treated  them  in  a  rude,  harsh,  and 
oppressive  manner. 

I  agreed  with  the  President  in  his  arraignment  of  the  Cana 
dian  authorities  for  denying  to  our  fishing  vessels  the  benefit 
of  the  enlightened  measures  adopted  in  later  years  by  commer- 


RECOLLECTIONS 

cial  nations,  especially  by  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 
We  admitted  fish  free  of  duty  into  our  country,  while  Canada 
refused  to  our  fishermen  the  right  to  purchase  bait  and  other 
supplies  in  Canadian  ports,  thus  preventing  our  fishermen  from 
competing  with  Canadians  on  the  open  sea.  The  President 
undertook,  by  treaty,  to  correct  this  injustice,  but  the  Senate 
thought  that  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  were  not  adequate 
for  that  purpose,  and  declined  to  ratify  it.  He  thereupon 
recommended  that  Congress  provide  certain  measures  of  retal 
iation,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Senate,  would  have  inflicted 
greater  injury  to  the  United  States  than  to  Canada.  This 
honest  difference  of  opinion,  not  based  upon  party  lines, 
opened  up  the  consideration  of  all  our  commercial  relations 
with  Canada.  The  speech  made  by  me  dealt  with  the  policy  of 
the  United  States  with  Canada  in  the  past  and  for  the  future, 
and  led  me  to  the  expression  of  my  opinion  that  Canada  should 
be,  and  would  be,  represented  in  the  parliament  of  Great 
Britain  or  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  with  the  expres 
sion  of  my  hope  of  its  being  annexed  to  our  country.  I  said  : 

"And  now  I  submit  if  the  time  lias  not  come  when  the  people  of 
the  United  States  and  Canada  should  take  a  broader  view  of  their  relations 
to  each  other  than  has  heretofore  seemed  practicable.  Our  whole  his 
tory,  since  the  conquest  of  Canada  by  Great  Britain  in  1763,  has  been  a 
continuous  warning  that  we  cannot  be  at  peace  with  each  other  except  by 
political  as  well  as  commercial  union.  The  fate  of  Canada  should  have  fol 
lowed  the  fortunes  of  the  colonies  in  the  American  Revolution.  It  would 
have  been  better  for  all,  for  the  mother  country  as  well,  if  all  this  continent 
north  of  Mexico  had  participated  in  the  formation,  and  shared  in  common  the 
blessings  and  prosperity,  of  the  American  Union. 

"  So,  evidently,  our  fathers  thought,  for  among  the  earliest  military  move 
ments  by  the  Continental  Congress  was  the  expedition  for  the  occupation  of 
Canada,  and  the  capture  of  the  British  forces  in  Montreal  and  Quebec.  The 
story  of  the  failure  of  the  expedition,  the  heroism  of  Arnold  and  Burr, 
the  death  of  Montgomery,  and  the  fearful  sufferings  borne  by  the  Continen 
tal  forces  in  the  march  and  retreat,  is  familiar  to  every  student  of  American 
history.  The  native  population  of  Canada  were  then  friendly  to  our  cause, 
and  hundreds  of  them,  as  refugees,  followed  our  retiring  forces  and  shared 
in  the  subsequent  dangers  and  triumphs  of  the  war. 

This  was  my  opinion  then,  but  further  reflection  convinces 
me  that  the  annexation  of  Canada  to  the  United  States  presents 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  735 

serious  difficulties,  and  that  the  best  policy  for  the  other  Eng 
lish-speaking  countries  is  that  Canada  should  constitute  an 
independent  republic,  founded  upon  the  model  of  the  United 
States,  with  one  central  government,  and  provinces  converted 
into  states  with  limited  powers  for  local  governments.  The 
United  States  already  embraces  so  vast  a  country,  divided  into 
forty-four  states  and  four  territories,  exclusive  of  Alaska  and 
the  Indian  Territory,  that  any  addition  to  the  number  of  states 
would  tend  to  weaken  the  system,  and  the  conversion  of  the 
province  of  Canada  into  states  of  our  Union  would  introduce  new 
elements  of  discord,  while  with  Canada  as  an  independent  and 
friendly  republic  we  could,  by  treaties  or  concurrent  legislation, 
secure  to  each  the  benefit  of  free  trade  and  intercourse  with  the 
other,  and  without  the  danger  of  weakening  the  United  States. 
Great  Britain,  the  common  mother  of  both  republics,  could  take 
pride  in  her  progeny  and  be  relieved  from  the  cares  and  con 
troversies  that  have  arisen  and  wrill  arise  in  her  guardianship  of 
Canada.  Her  policy  in  recent  years  has  been  to  surrender,  as 
much  as  possible,  her  legislative  power  over  Canada,  but,  as 
Canada  is  not  represented  in  parliament  and  cannot  be  repre 
sented  by  a  minister  in  the  United  States,  we  have  had,  for 
years,  in  Washington,  the  spectacle  of  a  British  minister  of  the 
highest  rank  engaged  in  an  effort  to  negotiate  a  treaty  for  the 
benefit  of  Canada  about  bait  and  fish  and  fisheries,  imposing 
restrictions  of  trade  in  direct  opposition  to  the  policy  of  the 
mother  country.  This  condition  of  Canada  constantly  invites 
a  breach  of  the  peace  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  but  with  Canada  governed  by  a  parliament  and  by  local 
assemblies  in  the  provinces  on  a  plan  similar  with  our  own, 
the  two  republics  would  be  independent  of  each  other,  and 
could  arrange  their  matters  without  any  other  country  to 
interfere. 

There  were  many  other  measures  of  interest  and  importance 
in  the  discussing  and  framing  of  which  I  participated  at  this 
session,  but  as  this  is  not  a  general  history  of  Congress,  I  do  not 
deem  it  necessary  to  mention  them  in  detail. 

S.-50 


CHAPTER    L1V. 
REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1888. 

Majority  of  the  Ohio  Delegates  Agree  to  Support  Me  for  President  —  Cleveland  and 
Thunnan  Nominated  by  the  Democrats  —  I  Am  Indorsed  by  the  State  Conven 
tion  Held  at  Dayton,  April  18-19  —  My  Response  to  a  Toast  at  the  Americus 
Club,  Pittsburg,  on  Grant  —  Meeting  with  Prominent  Men  in  New  York  — 
Foraker's  Reply  to  Judge  West's  Declaration  Concerning  Elaine — Elaine's 
Florence  Letter  to  Chairman  Jones  —  His  Opinion  of  My  Qualifications 
for  the  Honorable  Position  — Meeting  of  the  Convention  in  Chicago  in 
june  —  i  Am  Nominated  by  General  D.  H.  Hastings  and  Seconded 
by  Governor  Foraker  —  Jealousy  Between  the  Ohio  Delegates  — 
Predictions  of  My  Nomination  on  Monday,  June  25  —  De 
feated  by  a  Corrupt  New  York  Bargain  —  General  Har 
rison     Is     Nominated  —  Letter     from     the     President 
Elect— My  Reply  — First    Speeches    of    the    Cam 
paign  —  Harrison's  Victory  —  Second  Session  of 
the  50th  Congress — The  President's  Cabinet. 

WHILE  Congress  was  in  session  the  people  of  the 
United    States    were   greatly    interested  in    the 
choice  of  a  candidate  for  President.     Conventions 
were  held,  votes  were  taken  and  preferences  ex 
pressed  in  every  state.     It  was  settled  early  in  the  year  that 
a  large  majority  of  the  delegates  from  Ohio  would  support  me 
for  President,  and  several  weeks  before  the   convention  was 
held  it  was  announced  that  I  would  receive  the  unanimous 
support  of  the  delegates  from   Ohio.     The  Democratic  party 
nominated  Grover  Cleveland  and  Allen  G.  Thurman  for  Presi 
dent  and  Vice  President. 

The  Kepublican  state  convention  was  held  at  Dayton,  Ohio, 
on  the  18th  and  19th  of  April,  and  selected  Foraker,  Foster,  Mc- 
Kinley  and  Butterworth  as  delegates  at  large  to  the  national 
convention.  Forty-two  delegates  were  nominated  by  the  twen 
ty-one  districts,  and  all  of  them  were  known  to  favor  my  nomi 
nation.  The  convention  unanimously  adopted  this  resolution : 

"  Seventh.  The  Republicans  of  Ohio  recognize  the  merits,  services  and 
abilities  of  the  statesmen  who  have  been  mentioned  for  the  Republican 

(786) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  787 

nomination  for  the  presidency,  and,  loyal  to  anyone  who  may  be  selected, 
present  John  Sherman  to  the  country  as  eminently  qualified  and  fitted  for  the 
duties  of  that  exalted  office,  and  the  delegates  to  the  Republican  national 
convention  this  day  selected  are  directed  to  use  all  honorable  means  to 
secure  his  nomination  as  President  of  the  United  States." 

The  speeches  made  at  the  convention  by  the  delegates  at 
large,  and  by  other  members,  expressed  without  qualification 
the  hearty  and  unanimous  support  of  my  nomination.  The 
condition  upon  which  alone  I  would  become  a  candidate  for 
so  exalted  a  position  as  President  of  the  United  States  had 
been  complied  with,  and  I  therefore  felt  that  I  might  fairly 
aspire  to  the  nomination.  Mr.  Elaine  had  declined  it  on 
account  of  his  health,  and  no  one  was  named  who  had  a  longer 
record  of  public  service  than  I  had. 

The  movement  for  my  nomination  was  heartily  indorsed  by 
the  people  of  Ohio  and  was  kindly  received  in  the  different 
states.  Many  of  the  leading  newspapers  assumed  that  it  was 
assured.  Sketches  of  my  life,  full  of  errors,  appeared.  My  old 
friend,  Rev.  S.  A.  Bronson,  issued  a  new  edition  of  his  "  Life  of 
John  Sherman."  Comments  favorable  and  unfavorable,  some  of 
them  libelous,  appeared  in  print.  Mrs.  Sherman,  much  more 
sensitive  than  I  of  calumny,  begged  me  not  to  be  a  candidate, 
as  the  office  of  President  had  killed  .Lincoln  and  Garfield,  and 
the  effort  to  attain  it  had  broken  down  Webster,  Clay  and 
Elaine,  and  would  do  the  same  with  me.  However,  I  remained 
at  my  duties  in  Washington  as  calmly  awaiting  the  action  of 
the  Chicago  convention  as  any  one  of  my  associates  in  the  Sen 
ate.  I  read  the  daily  reports  of  what  was  to  be  — "  that  I  was 
to  be  nominated  on  the  first  ballot,"  and  "  that  I  had  no  chance 
whatever,"  and  became  alike  indifferent  as  to  the  one  or  the 
other  result. 

Shortly  after  the  Ohio  convention,  I  was  invited  to  attend 
a  banquet  of  the  Americus  club  at  the  Monongahela  House,  in 
Pittsburg,  on  the  28th  of  April,  at  which  Senator  Harrison  and 
Colonel  Fred.  Grant  were  guests.  The  lobby  of  the  hotel 
looked  as  if  a  political  convention  was  in  session,  many 
prominent  men  from  Pennsylvania  and  other  states  being 
present. 


788  RECOLLECTIONS 

At  the  banquet  I  was  called  upon  to  respond  to  the  toast 
44 Grant;  He  Was  Great  to  the  End.''  I  insert  a  portion  of  my 
remarks : 

"1  saw  General  Grant  when  lie  arrived  in  Washington.  He  soon  took 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  His  plan  of  campaign  was  soon 
formed.  His  objective  point  was  Lee's  army.  Where  Lee  went  he  went, 
and  if  Lee  moved  too  slowly  Grant  flanked  him.  After  the  fearful  and  de 
structive  battles  of  the  Wilderness,  Washburne  wanted  to  carry  some  consol 
ing  message  to  Lincoln,  and  Grant  wrote,  'I  propose  to  fight  it  out  on  this 
line  if  it  takes  all  summer.'  And  so  he  did,  and  all  winter.  He  never 
loosed  his  tenacious  grip  of  Lee's  army  until  Lee  surrendered  at  Appomat- 
tox.  If  you  ask  me  the  secret  of  his  success  I  say  tenacity,  tenacity.  He 
never  was  discouraged.  He  knew  how  to  hold  on.  And  when  his  object  was 
attained,  and  not  till  then,  he  knew  how  to  be  generous. 

"He  carried  the  same  traits  into  civil  life.  He  was  always  the  same  plain, 
simple,  confiding,  brave,  tenacious  and  generous  man  in  war  and  peace,  as 
when  the  leader  of  vast  armies,  President  of  the  United  States,  the  guest  of 
kings  and  emperors,  and  in  his  final  struggle  writh  grim-visaged  death. 
Gentlemen,  you  do  right  to  commemorate  his  birthday.  It  was  his  good 
fortune  to  be  the  chief  instrument  of  Divine  Power  to  secure  to  you  and  your 
posterity  the  blessing  of  a  free,  strong  and  united  country.  He  was  heroic 
to  the  end,  and  you  should  be  equally  heroic  in  maintaining  and  preserving 
the  rights  and  privileges  and  policy  for  which  he  contended. 

***«**<*«* 

"  I  deem  it  an  honor  to  be  called  upon  by  your  club,  on  this  sixty-sixth 
anniversary  of  the  birthday  of  General  Grant,  to  present  in  brief  words  this 
typical  American  citizen,  this  illustrious  soldier,  this  patriotic  President.  By 
his  tenacious  courage  and  skill  the  armies  of  the  Union  were  led  from  victory 
to  victory,  from  Belmont  to  Appomattox,  until  every  enemy  of  the  republic 
laid  down  his  arms  in  unconditional  surrender.  He  won  from  foreign 
nations  reparation  for  injuries  done  to  us  during  the  war.  He  did  more  than 
anyone  else  to  preserve  untarnished  the  public  credit  and  honor.  Heroic  to 
the  end,  in  the  hours  of  death  he  won  his  greatest  victory  by  the  story  of  his 
life,  told  in  words  so  plain,  truthful,  charitable  and  eloquent  that  it  will  be 
come  as  classic  as  the  commentaries  of  Cfesar,  but  more  glorious  as  the 
record  of  a  patriot  who  saved  his  country,  instead  of  a  conqueror  who  over 
threw  its  liberties.  When  speaking  of  General  Grant  I  do  not  know  where 
to  begin  and  where  to  end,  whether  with  his  personal  traits  of  character,  his 
achievements  as  a  commander  of  armies,  or  his  services  as  an  untried  magis 
trate  in  civil  life;  I  can  only  make  a  mere  reference  to  each  of  these  ele 
ments  of  his  fame." 

During  the  whole  of  the  month  of  May  I  remained  in  Wash 
ington,  and  attended  constantly  the  sessions  of  the  Senate.  I 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  789 

was  greatly  interrupted  by  visits  of  persons  from  different 
parts  of  the  country,  who  wished  to  converse  with  me  in  re 
gard  to  the  approaching  convention.  I  treated  them  kindly, 
but  referred  them  to  General  Raum  for  any  information  he 
could  give  them.  I  was  called  to  New  York  on  the  8th  of  June, 
to  attend  a  meeting  of  the  directors  of  the  Fort  Wayne  Rail 
way  Company.  I  stopped  at  the  Fifth  Avenue  hotel,  where 
great  numbers  of  politicians  called  upon  me,  but  I  was  charged 
with  having  interviews  with  many  persons  whom  I  did  not  see. 
I  met  the  leading  politicians  of  the  state,  including  ex-Senator 
Platt,  Senators  Hiscock  and  Quay,  Charles  Emory  Smith,  of 
Philadelphia,  and  many  others.  The  newspapers  had  a  good 
many  alleged  interviews  which  never  occurred.  I  then  became 
satisfied  that  I  would  not  probably  receive  more  than  five  or 
six  o|>the  votes  of  the  New  York  delegation,  as  they  had  gener 
ally  committed  themselves  to  Mr.  Depew,  who  was  understood 
to  be  a  candidate. 

It  was  already  asserted  in  the  papers  that  I  would  not  be 
nominated,  but  that  Elaine  would  be,  in  spite  of  his  declination 
in  his  Florence  and  Paris  letters.  Among  others,  this  was  as 
serted  by  Judge  West,  of  Ohio.  Governor  Foraker,  who  was  at 
the  head  of  the  Ohio  delegation  to  Chicago,  was  reported  to 
have  said  in  reply  to  W^est : 

"  I  do  not  attach  much  importance  to  Judge  West's  recent  speech.  He 
is  not  a  delegate  this  year,  and  he  only  speaks  for  himself.  Mr.  Sherman 
will  have  the  united  and  hearty  support  of  the  delegates  from  this  state,  and 
I  think  his  nomination  is  reasonably  assured.  I  received  a  letter  from  him 
yesterday  in  which  he  expressed  himself  as  being  very  confident  of  getting 
the  nomination.  It  certainly  looks  that  way  to  me." 

"  How  do  you  account  for  the  circulation  of  the  reports  that  you  are  not 
entirely  loyal  to  Sherman?" 

"I  suppose  they  originated  in  the  breasts  of  mischief-makers  who  would 
like  to  make  trouble.  There  never  was  the  slightest  foundation  for  them.  I 
have  paid  no  heed  to  them,  for  if  my  character  is  not  sufficiently  established 
in  this  state  to  make  my  attitude  towards  Mr.  Sherman  perfectly  clear,  noth 
ing  I  could  say  would  alter  the  situation.  It  has  been  practically  settled 
that  General  Hastings,  the  adjutant  general  of  Pennsylvania,  will  present 
Mr.  Sherman's  name  to  the  convention.  He  is  an  excellent  speaker,  and 
will,  no  doubt,  acquit  himself  with  credit.  Yes,  I  shall  probably  make  the 
speech  seconding  his  nomination  from  this  state.  It  is  customary,  I  believe, 


790  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  have  a  candidate  presented  by  a  delegate  from  some  other  state  than  his 
own,  and  in  Sherman's  case  it  seems  eminently  proper  that  he  should  be 
presented  in  this  way,  as  he  is  in  such  a  broad  sense  a  national  candidate." 

There  was  a  common  opinion  prevailing  that  the  relations 
of  Elaine  and  myself  were  not  friendly.  This  was  a  grave  mis 
take.  We  had  never  had  any  controversy  of  a  personal  char 
acter.  He  had  spoken  of  me  in  terms  of  the  highest  eulogy  in 
his  book  "  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,"  in  this  manner: 

"  It  seldom  happens  that  the  promoter  of  a  policy  in  Congress  has  an 
opportunity  to  carry  it  out  in  an  executive  department.  But  Mr.  Sherman 
was  the  principal  advocate  of  the  resumption  bill  in  the  Senate,  and  during 
the  two  critical  years  preceding  the  day  for  coin  payment  he  was  at  the  head 
of  the  treasury  department.  He  established  a  financial  reputation  not  second 
to  that  of  any  man  in  our  history." 

Prior  to  our  state  convention,  while  Mr.  Elaine  was  abroad, 
I  wrote  to  a  friend  of  his,  who  was  with  him,  that  if  Elaine  de 
sired  to  be  a  candidate  I  would  withdraw  and  advocate  his 
nomination.  This  letter  was  handed  to  Murat  Halstead,  who 
was  about  to  proceed  to  Europe.  He  showed  it  to  Elaine, 
who  insisted  that  he  could  not  and  would  not  be  a  candidate, 
and  wrote  a  letter  to  B.  F.  Jones,  chairman  of  the  Repub 
lican  national  committee,  in  which  he  stated,  in  terms  that 
could  not  be  mistaken,  his  position  in  regard  to  the  presidency, 
and  settled  for  good  the  question  of  his  candidacy.  In  neither 
of  his  previous  epistles  did  he  state  positively  he  would  not  ac 
cept  the  nomination  if  tendered  him.  In  the  letter  to  Chairman 
Jones  this  declaration  was  most  emphatically  made.  Under  no 
circumstances,  Mr.  Elaine  said,  would  he  permit  the  use  of  his 
name  in  Chicago,  nor  would  he  accept  a  presidential  nomina 
tion  unanimously  tendered  him.  He  further  went  on  to  say 
that  Senator  John  Sherman  was  his  preference,  and  advised  the 
convention  to  place  his  name  at  the  head  of  the  Republican 
national  ticket. 

Mr.  Halstead  said  to  a  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
"World,"  in  regard  to  Mr.  Elaine's  position,  that  he  had 
achieved  the  greatest  place  in  our  political  history — above 
that  of  Henry  Clay — that  the  nomination  would  have  come  to 
him  unsought,  but  he  had  smothered  any  personal  ambition  he 


JAMES     G.   ELAINE. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  791 

may  have  had  for  the  good  of  his  party.  Mr.  Elaine's  name, 
he  declared,  would  not  come  before  the  Chicago  convention 
as  a  candidate  in  any  contingency  we  have  a  right  to  assume. 
"Mr.  Blaine  told  me,"  he  said,  "when  I  met  him  in  Europe  in 
August  last,  that  he  was  not  a  Tichborne  claimant  for  the  pres 
idency,  and  he  wanted  his  friends  to  understand  it.  Mr. 
Blaine  will  have  as  distinguished  a  place  in  history  as  he  could 
have  obtained  had  he  been  elected  to  the  presidency." 

Mr.  Blaine  was  asked :  "Do  you  think  Mr.  Sherman  could 
be  elected ?" 

He  replied:  "Mr.  Sherman  represents  the  principles  of  the 
Republican  party  from  its  beginning.  He  has  never  wavered 
in  his  allegiance  to  the  party.  If  we  cannot  elect  a  man  on 
the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  we  will  not  be  able  to 
pull  anyone  through  on  personal  popularity.  I  think  Mr. 
Sherman  is  as  strong  as  the  Republican  party,  and  that  if 
nominated  he  can  be  elected,  and  also  that  he  has  great  personal 
strength." 

In  reply  to  the  question,  "Will  the  Ohio  delegates  remain 
true  to  Sherman?"  Mr.  Blaine  said:  "Of  that  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  They  are  riveted  and  double-bolted  to  him.  The  talk 
of  Foraker's  scheming  for  himself  is  nonsense  and  malice. 
Foraker  is  a  young  man  and  has  a  great  future  before  him. 
He  may  go  to  the  Senate  and  be  President  later  on.  No,  the 
(larfield  miracle  cannot  be  repeated  this  year.  It  is  impos 
sible." 

The  convention  met  at  Chicago  on  the  19th  of  June.  The 
delegation  from  Ohio  was  promptly  in  attendance,  and  was  to 
all  appearances  united,  and  determined  to  carry  out  the  instruc 
tions  and  requests  of  the  state  convention  to  support  my  nom 
ination.  There  appeared  to  be  some  needless  delay  in  the 
report  of  the  committee  on  resolutions.  Mr.  McKinley,  as 
chairman  of  the  committee,  reported  the  resolutions  and  they 
were  unanimously  adopted  by  the  convention  by  a  standing 
vote  amid  great  enthusiasm. 

I  was  nominated  by  General  D.  H.  Hastings,  of  Pennsylvania, 
in  a  speech  of  remarkable  power  and  eloquence.  When  he 
closed,  enthusiastic  and  prolonged  cheering  and  waving  of  flags 


792  RECOLLECTIONS 

greeted  him  from  the  galleries,  which  was  joined  in  by  many 
delegations. 

Governor  Foraker  seconded  the  nomination.  His  opening 
words  were:  "Ohio  is  sometimes  like  New  York.  She  occasion 
ally  comes  to  a  national  Republican  convention  divided  as  to 
her  choice  for  the  presidency,  and  sometimes  she  comes  united. 
She  has  so  come  on  this  occasion.  Her  forty-six  delegates  are 
here  to  speak  as  one  man."  His  speech  throughout  was  re 
ceived  with  great  applause,  and  it  and  that  of  General  Hast 
ings  were  regarded  as  the  most  eloquent  nominating  addresses 
of  the  convention.  They  were  followed  by  speeches  made  by 
John  M.  Langston,  of  Virginia,  and  Mr.  Anson,  of  North  Caro 
lina.  There  certainly  could  be  no  fault  found  with  either  the 
manner  or  the  matter  of  these  addresses. 

There  wras  a  constant  effort  made  to  produce  jealousy  be 
tween  the  members  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  and  perhaps  it  may 
be  admitted  that  the  natural  divisions  in  a  body  of  forty-six 
members  would  give  rise  to  suspicion  and  misunderstanding, 
but  I  have  no  right  to  complain  of  anything  done  by  the  mem 
bers  of  the  delegation  during  the  convention.  There  was  a 
natural  rivalry  between  Foraker  and  McKinley,  as  they  were 
both  young,  able  and  eloquent  men.  Rumors  prevailed  at 
times  that  the  Ohio  delegation  could  be  held  solid  no  longer, 
but  if  there  was  any  ground  for  these  rumors  it  did  not  de 
velop  into  a  breach,  as  the  delegation,  from  beginning  to  end, 
cast  the  entire  vote  of  Ohio  for  me  on  every  ballot  except  the 
last  two  or  three,  when  one  of  the  delegates,  J.  B.  Luckey,  voted 
for  Harrison,  placing  his  action  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
served  with  him  in  the  army  and  felt  bound  to  vote  for  him. 

On  Saturday  evening  I  was  telegraphed  by  different  persons 
that  I  would  certainly  be  nominated  on  Monday.  That  was 
the  confident  belief  in  Washington.  On  Sunday  the  following 
dispatch  was  published,  which,  though  I  do  not  recall  any  such 
conversation,  expresses  my  feeling  on  that  day : 

"  Senator  Sherman  says  he  does  not  believe  that  Foraker,  or  any  other 
Ohio  man,  will  desert  him.  He  spent  three  hours  of  Sunday  at  the  capitol, 
in  his  committee  room,  and  received  many  telegrams  from  Chicago,  and  also 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  793 

sent  dispatches  to  that  great  central  point  of  interest.  He  has  received 
some  unauthorized  dispatches  advising  him  to  withdraw  in  favor  of  Mc- 
Kinlej,  but  he  refuses  absolutely  to  interfere  with  his  managers.  His  inva 
riable  answer  to  all  advising  him  to  pull  out  is  that  he  is  in  the  fight 
to  stay." 

On  Monday,  the  25th  of  June,  I  did  not  anticipate  a  change 
on  the  first  ballot  from  the  last  one  on  Saturday.  I  did  expect, 
from  my  dispatches,  that  the  nomination  would  be  made  that 
day  and  in  my  favor,  but,  as  the  result  proved,  an  arrangement 
had  been  made  on  Sunday  that  practically  secured  the  nomina 
tion  of  General  Harrison.  This  became  obvious  in  the  course 
of  the  vote  on  Monday  and,  as  Harrison  was  practically  assured 
of  the  nomination,  Pennsylvania  voted  solid  for  him  and  ended 
the  contest. 

From  the  best  information  I  could  gather  from  many  per 
sons  with  whom  I  conversed,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  expressing 
the  opinion  that  I  was  defeated  for  the  nomination  by  New 
York.  I  was  assffred  before  the  meeting  of  the  convention 
that  I  would  have  six  votes  from  the  beginning  from  that  state, 
and  could  reasonably  hope  for  a  large  addition  to  that  vote  in 
the  progress  of  the  balloting.  Instead  of  this  I  did  not  receive 
a  single  vote,  although  three  or  more  of  the  delegates  had  been 
distinctly  selected  in  my  favor  and  had  given  pledges  to  their 
constituents  that  they  would  vote  for  me,  but  they  did  not  on  a 
single  ballot  do  so,  except  I  was  advised  that  at  one  ballot  one 
of  them  voted  for  me. 

I  believed  then,  as  I  believe  now,  that  one  of  the  delegates 
from  the  State  of  New  York  practically  controlled  the  whole 
delegation,  and  that  a  corrupt  bargain  was  made  on  Sunday 
which  transferred  the  great  body  of  the  vote  of  New  York  to 
General  Harrison,  and  thus  led  to  his  nomination.  It  is  to  the 
credit  of  General  Harrison  to  say  that  if  the  reputed  bargain 
was  made  it  was  without  his  consent  at  the  time,  nor  did  he 
carry  it  into  execution. 

I  believe  and  had,  as  I  thought,  conclusive  proof  that  the 
friends  of  General  Alger  substantially  purchased  the  votes  of 
many  of  the  delegates  from  the  southern  states  who  had  been 
instructed  by  their  conventions  to  vote  for  me. 


794  RECOLLECTIONS 

There  were  eight  ballots  taken  in  the  convention,  in  all  of 
which  I  had  a  large  plurality  of  the  votes  until  the  last  one. 

When  General  Harrison  was  nominated  I  assured  him  of  my 
hearty  support.  1  have  no  respect  for  a  man  who,  because  he 
is  disappointed  in  his  aspirations,  turns  against  the  party  to 
which  he  belongs.  I  believe  that  both  honor  and  duty  require 
prompt  and  ready  acquiescence  in  the  choice  made,  unless  it 
is  produced  by  corruption  or  fraud. 

I  had  no  reason  to  believe,  however,  that  General  Harrison 
resorted  in  the  slightest  degree  to  any  improper  or  corrupt 
combination  to  secure  his  nomination.  In  answer  to  a  letter 
from  me  expressing  my  congratulations  and  tendering  my  sup 
port,  I  received  from  him  a  very  cordial  reply,  as  follows: 

INDIANAPOLIS,  July  9,  1888. 

MY  DEAR  SENATOR:  —  Your  very  frank  and  kind  letter  of  June  30th 
has  remained  unanswered  so  long  only  because  it  was  impossible  for  me  to 
get  time  to  use  the  pen  myself.  Some  friends  were  asking  'have  you  heard 
from  Sherman,'  and  my  answer  always  was,  'have  no  concern  about  him. 
His  congratulations  and  assurances  of  support  will  not  be  withheld,  and  they 
will  not  be  less  sincere  than  the  earlier  and  more  demonstrative  expressions 
from  other  friends.'  You  will  recall  our  last  conversation  at  Pittsburg,  in 
which  I  very  sincerely  assured  you  that  except  for  the  situation  of  our  state 
my  name  would  not  be  presented  at  Chicago  in  competition  with  yours.  I 
have  always  said  to  all  friends  that  your  equipment  for  the  presidency  was 
so  ample  and  your  services  to  the  party  so  great  that  I  felt  there  was  a  sort 
of  inappropriateness  in  passing  you  by  for  any  of  us.  I  absolutely  forbade 
my  friends  making  any  attempt  upon  the  Ohio  delegation,  and  sent  word  to 
an  old  army  comrade  in  the  delegation  that  I  hoped  he  would  stand  by  you 
to  the  end. 

I  shall  very  much  need  your  service  and  assistance,  for  I  am  an  inex 
perienced  politician  as  well  as  statesman.  My  desire  is  to  have  a  Repub 
lican  campaign  and  not  a  personal  one,  and  I  hope  a  good  start  will  be  made 
in  that  direction  in  the  organization  of  the  committee.  I  have  not  and  shall 
not  attempt  to  dictate  the  organization,  but  have  made  some  very  general 
suggestions.  I  will  confidently  hold  you  to  your  promise  to  give  me  frankly 
any  suggestions  that  you  may  think  valuable,  and  assure  you  that  criticism 
will  always  be  kindly  received. 

Mrs.  Harrison  joins  me  in  kind  regards  to  Mrs.  Sherman. 
Very  sincerely  your  friend, 

BENJ.  HARRISON. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  U.  S.  Senate. 

1  shall  be  glad  to  see  you  when  you  come. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  795 

In  one  of  my  letters  to  Mr.  Harrison  at  this  time,  and  in 
answer  to  one  of  his  to  me  inviting  suggestions  as  to  his  course 
and  policy,  I  wrote  the  following,  under  date  of  November  26th: 

As  to  the  broader  questions  of  public  policy  the  rule  of  action  is  very 
different  than  the  one  suggested  as  to  cabinet  officers.  The  President  should 
"touch  elbows"  with  Congress.  He  should  have  no  policy  distinct  from 
that  of  his  party,  and  this  is  better  represented  in  Congress  than  in  the  Ex 
ecutive.  Cleveland  made  his  cardinal  mistake  in  dictating  a  tariff  policy  to 
Congress.  Grant  also  failed  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with  Congress, 
and  was  constantly  thwarted  by  it.  Lincoln  had  a  happy  faculty  in  dealing 
with  Members  and  Senators. 

As  to  visiting  you,  I  will  do  so  with  pleasure  if  you  think  it  necessary, 
but  I  dread,  on  your  account  as  well  as  my  own,  the  newspaper  talk  and 
gabble  that  will  follow.  It  might  embarrass  you  with  others.  With  the 
modern  facility  of  dictating  you  can  converse  with  me  without  restraint, 
and  all  letters  passing  between  us  can  be  returned  to  the  writer.  In  con 
clusion  permit  me  to  say,  and  perhaps  I  am  justified  in  saying  by  what  ap 
pears  in  the  papers,  that  you  must  not  feel  embarrassed  or  under  the  slight 
est  restraint  by  seeing  my  name  in  connection  with  office.  I  am  not 
seeking  or  expecting  any  position,  nor  have  I  ever  determined  in  my  own 
mind  whether  I  could^consistently  with  my  duties  to  Ohio,  accept  any  ex 
ecutive  office.  You  should  feel  like  a  gallant  young  gentleman  entering 
upon  life  with  a  world  of  girls  about  him,  free  to  choose — to  propose,  but 
not  to  dispose. 

Give  my  kind  regards,  in  which  Mrs.  Sherman  and  Mamie  join,  to  Mrs. 
Harrison  and  your  children,  especially  the  little  grandson. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  result  of  the  nomination  at  Chicago  did  not  in  the  least 
disturb  my  equanimity  or  my  allegiance  to  the  great  party  to 
which  I  belonged,  and  for  the  success  of  which  I  had  devoted 
my  life  since  1854.  I  listened  with  complaisance  to  the  ex 
planations  made  as  to  the  wavering  of  the  Ohio  delegation  on 
the  Saturday  previous  to  the  nomination,  and  as  to  the  unex 
pected  action  of  the  New  York  delegation  and  the  curious 
reasoning  which  held  them  together  in  the  hope  that  they 
could  persuade  their  leader  to  vote  for  me.  The  only  feeling 
of  resentment  I  entertained  was  in  regard  to  the  action  of 
the  friends  of  General  Alger  in  tempting  with  money  poor 
negroes  to  violate  the  instructions  of  their  constituents.  I 
have  since  read  many  of  the  revelations  made  subsequently 


7%  RECOLLECTIONS 

as  to  the  action  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  and  came  to  the  con 
clusion  that  they  did  what  they  thought  best  to  promote  my 
nomination,  and  had  just  ground  for  discouragement  when  my 
vote  fell  below  the  number  anticipated. 

On  the  5th  of  July  I  attended  the  national  exposition  in 
progress  in  Cincinnati  at  that  time,  and  made  a  speech  mainly 
confined  to  the  remarkable  growth  of  the  northwestern  states. 
On  the  next  day  I  visited  the  chamber  of  commerce,  and 
the  Lincoln  club.  I  then  w^ent  to  Mansfield.  On  the  evening 
of  the  day  of  my  arrival  I  was  called  upon  by  a  great  number 
of  my  townsmen,  who  seemed  to  feel  my  recent  defeat  with 
more  regret  than  I  did. 

During  this  visit  to  Ohio  I  heard  a  great  deal  about  the 
Chicago  convention,  but  paid  little  attention  to  it,  and  said 
I  was  content  with  the  result,  that  my  friends  had  done  what 
they  could,  that  Harrison  was  nominated  and  ought  to  be 
elected.  As  quoted  by  a  newspaper  interviewer,  I  said :  "  Hence 
forth,  I  can  say  what  I  please,  and  it  is  a  great  pleasure.  This 
feeling  of  freedom  is  so  strong  with  me  that  I  am  glad  I 
did  not  get  the  nomination."  Whether  I  uttered  these  words 
or  not,  they  expressed  my  feeling  of  relief  at  the  time. 

The  100th  anniversary  of  the  first  permanent  settlement  in 
the  State  of  Ohio,  at  Marietta,  was  celebrated  on  the  7th  of 
April,  1888.  There  was  a  difference  of  opinion  among  the  peo 
ple  whether  the  proper  day  was  the  7th  of  April  or  the  15th  of 
July,  as  the  landing  of  the  settlers  was  on  the  7th  of  April,  but 
on  the  15th  of  July  General  Arthur  St.  Glair  entered  upon  the 
discharge  of  his  duties  as  governor  of  the  northwestern  terri 
tory.  The  result  was,  the  people  of  Marietta  concluded  to  cele 
brate  on  both  days.  Senator  Evarts  made  an  eloquent  address 
on  the  7th  of  April,  and  I  was  invited  to  deliver  one  on  the  last 
day  of  the  second  celebration,  commencing  on  the  15th  of  July. 
The  ceremonies,  visiting  and  feasting  continued  during  five 
days.  The  fifth  day  was  called  "  Ohio  day,"  and  was  intended 
as  the  finale  of  a  great  celebration.  It  was  said  that  20,000 
persons  thronged  the  streets -and  participated  in  the  memorial 
ceremonies  on  that  day.  This  vast  crowd,  gathered  from  many 
different  states,  were  hospitably  entertained  by  the  citizens  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  797 

Marietta.  The  exercises  commenced  in  the  morning  at  ten 
o'clock,  with  Governor  Foraker  presiding.  Among  the  distin 
guished  guests  were  the  governors  or  lieutenant-governors  of 
the  states  that  were  carved  out  of  the  northwestern  territory. 
I  had  not  prepared  a  speech,  but  knew  what  I  intended  to  talk 
about.  I  was  introduced  by  Governor  Foraker  in  an  eloquent 
address,  which  he  knew  how  to  make.  I  said  : 

"LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN: — The  very  flattering  manner  in  which  our 
governor  has  introduced  me  to  you  rather  disturbs  the  serenity  of  my 
thoughts,  for  I  know  that  the  high  panegyric  that  he  gives  to  me  is  scarcely 
justified  to  mortal  man.  We  have  faults,  all  have  failings,  and  no  one  can 
claim  more  than  a  fair  and  common  average  of  honest  purpose  and  noble 
aim.  I  come  to-day  as  a  gleaner  on  a  well-reaped  field,  by  skillful  work 
men  who  have  garnered  the  crop  and  placed  it  in  stacks  so  high  that  I  can 
not  steal  a  sheaf  without  being  detected.  I  cannot  utter  a  thought  without 
having  it  said  that  I  copied  from  some  one  else.  I  thank  fortune  I  have  no 
framed  speech  made,  for,  if  I  had,  the  speech  would  have  been  read  or  spoken 
to  you  in  eloquent  terms,  but  I  only  come  with  thoughts  inspired  by  the 
great  history  we  are  called  upon  to  review  —  a  hundred  years  of  this  north 
west  territory.  What  a  theme  it  is!  Why  is  it  that  this  favored  country  of 
260,000  square  miles  and  about  160,000,000  of  acres  of  land  has  been  se 
lected  as  the  place  where  the  greatest  immigration  of  the  human  race  has 
occurred  in  the  history  of  the  whole  world?  There  is  no  spot  in  this 
world  of  ours  of  the  size  of  this  western  territory,  where,  within  a  hundred 
years,  15,000,000  of  free  people  are  planted,  where,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
century,  there  was  scarcely  a  white  man  living.  I  am  glad  it  has  been  spoken 
of  by  such  eminent  men  as  Senators  Hoar,  Evarts,  Daniel,  Tucker,  General 
Ewing  and  many  other  distinguished  men  ;  and  remember,  citizens  of  Mari 
etta,  when  I  speak  of  this  centennial  celebration,  I  do  not  mean  that  on  the 
15th  of  July  only,  but  on  the  7th  of  April  and  the  15th  of  July  bound  to 
gether  in  a  noble  wedlock." 

I  referred  to  the  claims  made  by  several  of  the  old  states, 
based  upon  their  so-called  titles  to  the  whole  or  to  portions  of 
the  northwestern  territory.  Senator  Daniel,  who  was  on  the 
stand  with  me,  had  claimed  that  Virginia  owned  all  the  terri 
tory  south  of  the  41st  degree  of  north  latitude  and  westward  to 
the  "  South  Sea."  Connecticut  claimed  all  north  of  that  line. 
New  York  made  a  similar  claim,  all  based  upon  grants  by  King 
James  or  King  Charles,  neither  of  whom  knew  where  the  South 
Sea  was,  and  had  no  conception  of  or  control  over  the  vast 
territory  covered  by  these  grants.  Neither  of  these  states  had 


798  RECOLLECTIONS 

either  title  to  or  possession  of  any  part  of  the  northwest  terri 
tory.  The  only  title  based  on  European  law  was  that  acquired 
by  Great  Britain  from  France  in  1763,  and  that  title  was  trans 
ferred  to  the  United  States  at  the  close  of  the  Eevolutionary 
War.  There  was  no  just  title  to  this  region  except  that  held 
by  the  Indian  tribes  of  America.  They  owned  and  possessed  it. 
Before  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  was,  or  could  have 
been,  adopted  the  imaginary  claim  of  the  several  states  was 
ceded  to  the  United  States  for  the  common  use  and  benefit  of 
all.  Virginia  and  Connecticut  reserved  large  portions  of  Ohio 
from  their  several  grants,  and  these  reservations  were  conceded 
to  them.  There  is  one  title  which  has  always  been  acknowl 
edged  by  civilized  nations,  and  that  is  the  title  by  conquest. 
The  only  valid  title  of  the  United  States  was  that  based  upon  the 
conquest  by  George  Rogers  Clark,  who  conquered  this  country 
from  Great  Britain.  It  was  not  Virginia  that  did  it.  And,  yet, 
among  the  illustrious  names  that  have  been  furnished  by  that 
magnificent  state,  in  the  history  of  this  country,  that  of  George 
Rogers  Clark  will  be  gratefully  remembered.  He,  with  his  two 
or  three  hundred  Kentuckians,  marched  through  that  country, 
as  Senator  Daniels  described,  and  subdued  the  British.  Virginia 
is  entitled  to  the  honor  of  having  this  son  ;  but  it  was  George 
Rogers  Clark  who  gave  the  United  States  its  title  to  the  north 
west.  The  Indians,  however,  had  possession,  and  how  was  their 
title  to  l)e  disposed  of  ?  A  treaty  was  made  at  Fort  Harmar,  and 
plans  were  adopted  to  get  possession  of  the  Indian  land.  The 
Indians  always  claimed  they  were  cheated  in  the  treaty,  defining 
the  boundary  line  between  them  and  the  white  men.  There 
fore,  Indian  wars  came  on.  St.  Clair  was  defeated  by  the  British 
and  Indians  combined.  The  British  were  always  at  the  back  of 
every  hostile  movement  that  has  been  made  in  the  history  of 
our  country.  In  Judge  Burnett's  "Notes  of  the  Northwest 
Territory"  there  is  a  full  account  of  how  white  men,  step  by 
by  step,  gained  possession  of  this  territory. 

The  Indian  tribes  made  bold  and  aggressive  efforts  to  hold 
Ohio.  They  defeated  in  succession  the  armies  of  St.  Clair  and 
Harmar,  but  were  compelled  to  yield  to  the  invincible  force  of 
General  Wayne  and  his  army.  It  is  painful  and  pathetic  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  799 

follow  the  futile  efforts  of  the  Indians  to  hold  the  northwest, 
their  favorite  hunting  grounds.  They  were  told  that  only  a 
little  land  was  wanted  for  some  poor  white  settlers  to  keep 
them  from  starving.  They  were  offered  $50,000  in  money,  and 
$50,000  annually  for  twenty  years,  for  the  southern  part  of 
Ohio.  The  council  adjourned  until  the  next  day.  When  it 
convened  an  old  chief  said  that  the  "Great  Spirit"  had  ap 
peared  to  them  and  told  them  a  way  in  which  all  their 
troubles  could  be  ended.  "Let  our  Great  Father  give  to  the 
few  poor  white  settlers  among  us  the  money  you  offer  to  us 
and  let  them  go  back  from  whence  they  came  and  be  rich  and 
happy."  Colonel  Wayne  could  not  answer  this  logic,  and  the 
Indians  were  compelled  to  submit  to  their  fate  and  ceded  one- 
half  of  Ohio. 

On  the  6th  of  October,  while  Congress  was  still  in  session,  I 
went  to  Cincinnati  and  joined  in  celebrating  "  Republican  day" 
at  the  exposition. 

Immediately  upon  the  adjournment  of  Congress  I  went  to 
Cleveland  to  attend  a  meeting  in  Music  Hall,  where  I  made  my 
first  speech  in  the  political  campaign.  It  was  carefully  pre 
pared  and  was  confined  mainly  to  a  full  discussion  of  the  tariff 
question.  From  that  time  until  the  day  of  the  election  I  was 
constantly  occupied  in  making  speeches  in  different  parts  of 
the  state  and  in  Indiana.  Among  the  many  places  in  which  I 
spoke  in  Ohio  were  Lancaster,  Defiance,  Toledo  and  Mansfield. 
My  first  speech  in  Indiana  was  at  Portland.  I  referred  to  a 
statement  made  in  the  newspapers  that  the  Republicans  had 
given  up  Indiana,  and  denied  this  emphatically.  I  said  that 
since  I  had  come  among  them  and  felt  the  enthusiasm  ex 
hibited  by  them  I  was  entirely  confident  that  they  would  give 
to  their  own  "  most  gallant  citizen  for  President  of  the  United 
States"  a  hearty  and  enthusiastic  support.  I  discussed  at 
length  the  Mills  Bill  and  the  tariff  bill  of  the  Senate,  and 
closed  with  an  appeal  to  the  "Hoosier  voter"  in  behalf  of  Ben. 
Harrison. 

While  in  Indiana  I  received  a  request  from  Harrison  to 
speak  at  Indianapolis,  but  my  engagement  at  Toledo  prevented 
this,  much  to  my  regret. 


800  RECOLLECTIONS 

My  part  in  the  canvass  closed  at  home  on  the  evening  of  the 
5th  of  November.  I  concluded  my  speech  as  follows: 

"  Benjamin  Harrison  possesses  many  qualities  of  the  highest  character. 
He  is  an  able  lawyer,  an  honest  man  and  a  good  citizen.  Benjamin  Harri 
son  is  a  man  for  whom  every  American  citizen  should  vote.  He  would 
stand  like  a  wall  of  fire  on  every  question  of  honor  with  a  foreign  country. 
If  you  want  to  do  your  country  a  valuable  service  you  will  go  to  the  polls 
and  give  a  good  square  honest  vote  for  Harrison." 

Harrison  received  in  Ohio  a  majority  over  Cleveland  of 
19,000  votes,  and  a  majority  of  the  electoral  vote  in  the  country. 

During  the  period  immediately  following  the  election,  the 
papers  were,  as  usual,  full  of  conjectures  as  to  cabinet  appoint 
ments.  All  sorts  of  cabinets  were  formed  for  General  Harrison 
and  in  many  of  them  I  was  mentioned  for  the  office  of  Secre 
tary  of  State.  It  was  because  of  this  that  I  wrote  to  Harrison 
the  letter  already  inserted  of  the  date  of  November  26.  I 
wished  to  relieve  him  from  all  embarrassments,  as  I  had  made 
up  my  mind  not  to  hold  any  office  except  such  as  might  be 
given  to  me  by  the  people  of  Ohio.  I  gratefully  acknowledge 
that  all  the  political  favor  I  have  received  has  been  from  the 
people  of  my  native  state. 

On  the  28th  of  November  Mrs.  Ellen  Ewing  Sherman,  wife 
of  General  Sherman,  died  at  her  home  at  New  York.  She  had 
been  in  feeble  health,  but  was  taken  seriously  ill  about  three 
weeks  before  her  death.  She  was  an  accomplished  woman  of 
marked  ability  inherited  from  her  father,  a  devout  Christian 
of  the  Catholic  faith.  Her  life  had  been  devoted  to  the  relief 
of  suffering  and  want.  This  sad  calamity  was  a  source  of  great 
grief  to  her  own  family  and  that  of  her  husband.  She  was 
married  to  General  Sherman  on  the  1st  of  May,  1850,  at  Wash 
ington,  when  her  father  was  a  member  of  the  cabinet  of  Presi 
dent  Taylor.  Throughout  her  entire  life  she  was  an  affec 
tionate  wife  and  a  devoted  mother.  Her  remains  were  removed 
to  St.  Louis,  and  were  there  buried  beside  those  of  two  sons 
and  three  grandchildren. 

The  winter  of  1888-89,  after  the  political  excitement  of 
the  year  before,  seemed  a  tranquil  period  of  rest.  The  coming 
change  of  administration  excited  some  interest,  especially  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  801 

selection  of  a  cabinet.  Elaine  and  I  were  frequently  men 
tioned  in  the  public  prints  for  appointment  as  Secretary  of  State, 
but  I  gave  no  attention  to  the  rumors.  I  did  not  care  to  de 
cline  an  office  not  tendered  to  me,  though  I  had  definitely  made 
up  my  mind  not  to  accept  any  executive  office.  The  duties  of  a 
Senator  were  familiar  and  agreeable  to  me.  I  doubted  the 
wisdom  of  competing  presidential  candidates  accepting  cabinet 
appointments  under  a  successful  rival.  The  experiment  of 
Lincoln,  with  Chase  and  Seward  as  his  principal  advisers,  was 
not  a  good  example  to  follow. 

The  short  session  of  the  50th  Congress,  commencing  Decem 
ber  3,  1888,  was  mainly  occupied  with  the  tariff  question,  al 
ready  referred  to,  but  without  hope  of  passing  any  tariff  bill. 
Many  other  questions  of  public  policy  were  also  discussed,  but 
as  a  rule  were  postponed  to  the  next  Congress,  which  it  was 
known  would  be  Republican  in  both  branches.  Perhaps  the 
most  interesting  topic  of  debate  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
Samoa.  As  chairman  of  the  committee  on  foreign  relations, 
on  the  29th  of  January,  1889,  I  presented  to  the  Senate  a  full 
statement  of  the  complications  in  that  far  distant  group  of 
islands.  In  opening  I  said: 

"The  time  has  arrived  when  Congress,  and  especially  the  Senate,  must 
give  intelligent  attention  to  the  questions  involved  in  the  occupation  and 
settlement  of  the  Samoan  Islands.  These  questions  are  now  exciting 
profound  attention,  not  only  in  this  country,  but  in  Great  Britain  and 
Germany.  While  supporting  the  amendments  proposed  by  the  committee 
on  foreign  relations,  reported  now  from  the  committee  on  appropriations, 
I  think  it  is  due  to  the  Senate  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  that  I 
should  state,  in  a  skeleton  form,  the  chief  facts  in  regard  to  this  matter,  and 
that,  too,  without  any  feeling  whatever,  without  any  desire  to  interfere  with 
our  diplomatic  negotiations,  or  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  our  relations  with 
Germany  or  Great  Britain.  I  hope  that  the  action  of  the  Senate  will  be 
unanimous  upon  the  adoption  of  these  amendments,  and  that  a  frank  and 
open  debate  will  tend  to  this  result." 

It  is  not  worth  while  to  follow  the  line  of  events  that  re 
sulted  in  making  Great  Britain,  Germany,  and  the  United 
States  the  guardians  of  these  far  distant,  half-civilized,  mer 
curial,  and  combative  orientals.  The  only  interest  the  United 
States  had  in  these  islands  was  the  possession  and  ownership  of 

S.-51 


802  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

the  Bay  of  Pago-Pago,  acquired  by  a  treaty  in  1878  between  the 
United  States  and  the  King  of  Samoa.  The  repeated  wars  on  a 
small  scale  that  have  occurred  since  that  time,  and  the  compli 
cations  and  expense  caused  by  the  tripartite  protectorate  of  the 
islands,  furnish  another  example  of  the  folly  of  the  United 
States  in  extending  its  property  rights  to  lands  in  a  far  distant 
sea.  Our  continental  position  ought  to  dissuade  us  from  acquir 
ing  outside  possessions  which  in  case  of  war  would  cost  the 
United  States  more  to  defend  than  their  value. 

On  the  24th  of  February,  1889,  my  youngest  sister,  Fanny 
Sherman  Moulton,  the  widow  of  Colonel  Charles  W.  Moulton, 
died  at  her  residence  at  Glendale,  Ohio,  after  a  brief  illness. 
Her  husband  died  in  January,  1888.  She  was  buried  by  his 
side  in  Spring  Grove  Cemetery,  near  Cincinnati.  In  the  hurry 
of  the  close  of  the  session  I  could  not  attend  her  funeral.  She 
was  always  kind  and  affectionate,  not  only  to  her  children,  but 
to  all  her  kindred.  I  felt  her  death  keenly,  for  as  the  youngest 
of  our  family  she  had  lived  with  me  until  her  marriage,  and  was 
regarded  by  me  more  as  a  daughter  than  a  sister. 

The  called  session  of  the  Senate  convened  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1889.  President  Harrison's  message  was  well  delivered 
and  well  received.  It  was  longer  than  the  usual  inaugural.  It 
was  free  from  any  studied  rhetoric,  but  was  sensible,  logical  and 
satisfactory.  The  nominations  of  the  cabinet  officers  were 
made  and  immediately  confirmed.  Those  of  Elaine  and  Win- 
dom  were  anticipated  but  the  remainder  of  the  cabinet  excited 
some  surprise.  They  were  comparatively  new  men,  without 
much,  if  any,  experience  in  congressional  life,  but  were  well 
known  in  their  respective  states  as  gentlemen  of  ability  and 
high  character.  A  bare  majority  of  the  Senate  were  classed  as 
Republicans.  They  retained  the  organization  of  the  committees 
and  no  material  changes  were  made.  The  Senate  acted  upon 
its  general  custom  to  confine  its  business  to  that  which  it  could 
do  alone  without  the  action  of  the  House.  It  adjourned  on  the 
2nd  of  April,  1889. 


CHAPTER   LV. 
FOUR  AND  A  HALF  MONTHS  IN  EUROPE. 

Our  Party  Takes  Its  Departure  on  the  "  City  of  New  York"  on  May  1  — Personnel 
of  the  Party  — Short  Stop  in  London  — Various  Cities  in  Italy  Visited  —  Sight- 
Seeing1  in  Rome— Journey  to  Pompeii  and  Naples  — Impressions  of  the  Inhab 
itants  of  Southern  Italy  —  An  Amusing  Incident  Growing  Out  of  the  Igno 
rance  of  Our  Courier  —  Meeting  with  Mr.  Porter,  Minister  to  Rome- 
Four  Days  in  Florence  —  Venice  Wholly  Unlike  Any  Other  City  in  the 
World — Favorable  Impression  of  Vienna — Arrival  at  Paris — 
Reception  by  the  President  of  the  Republic  of  France  — Re 
turn  Home— My  Opinion  Concerning  England  and  Eng 
lishmen  —  Reception   at    Washington  —  Campaigning 
Again  for  Foraker  —  Ohio  Ballot   Box    Forgery 
and  Its  Outcome  —  Address   at  Cleveland  on 
"  The   Congress    of    American    States "  — 
Defeat    of    Foraker    for    Governor. 

SOON  after  the  close  of  the  called  session  in  April,  1889, 
Mrs.  Sherman  and  I  concluded  to  make  a  trip  to  Europe. 
Both  of  us  had  been  confined  more  than  usual  for  over 
a  year,  and  needed  recreation  and  a  change  of  scene. 
We  went  to  New  York  on  the  27th  of  April,  stopping  with 
my  niece,  Mrs.  Alfred  M.  Hoyt.  On  the  next  day  we  wit 
nessed  from  the  battery  the  naval  parade  in  honor  of  the  cen 
tennial  of  the  inauguration  of  Washington.  On  the  first  of  May 
my  little  party,  composed  of  Mrs.  Sherman,  Miss  May  Hoyt,  my 
daughter  Mary  and  myself,  were  driven  to  the  steamer  "City  of 
New  York/7  and  there  met  Senator  Cameron  and  his  wife,  with 
her  infant  child  and  nurse,  Mrs.  Colgate  Hoyt,  a  niece  of  mine, 
with  four  children  and  nurse,  and  Mrs.  Henry  R.  Hoyt,  child 
and  nurse.  With  this  large  party  we  had  a  joyous  and  happy 
voyage.  Among  the  passengers  we  found  many  agreeable 
companions  and  had  the  usual  diversions,  such  as  music,  sing 
ing  and  card  playing.  We  arrived  at  Queenstown  on  the  8th  of 
May  without  any  special  incident,  proceeding  thence  to  Liver 
pool  and  London,  where  we  stopped  at  the  Hotel  Metropole. 
Here  all  our  companions  except  our  family  party  of  four  left  us. 


804  RECOLLECTIONS 

As  it  was  our  desire  to  visit  Italy  before  the  hot  weather  set  in, 
we  determined  to  push  on  as  rapidly  as  convenient  to  Naples. 
We  spent  a  day  or  two  in  London.  We  pushed  on  to  Paris  via 
Folkstone  and  Boulogne.  We  remained  three  days  at  the 
Hotel  Liverpool  in  Paris  and  there  met  several  friends,  among 
them  Mrs.  William  Mahone  and  daughter,  and  Major  and  Mrs. 
Eathbone.  On  the  14th  we  went  to  Lyons,  the  15th  to  Marseilles, 
and  the  16th  to  Nice.  On  the  17th  we  visited  Monte  Carlo, 
and  on  the  18th  went  to  Genoa.  Here  we  spent  two  days  in 
visiting  the  most  interesting  places  in  that  ancient  and  inter 
esting  city.  From  thence,  on  the  20th,  we  went  to  Rome.  The 
city  had  already  been  abandoned  by  most  of  the  usual  visitors, 
but  we  did  not  suffer  from  the  heat,  and  leisurely  drove  or 
walked  to  all  the  principal  places  of  interest,  such  as  the  ruins 
of  the  Roman  forum,  the  Colosseum,  the  baths  of  Caracalla  and 
St.  Peter's,  and  the  many  churches  in  that  ancient  city.  In  the 
six  days  in  Rome  we  had,  with  the  aid  of  maps  and  a  good 
guide,  visited  every  interesting  locality  in  that  city,  and  had 
extended  our  drives  over  a  large  part  of  the  Campagna.  At 
Liverpool  I  had  employed  a  Swiss  with  the  awkward  name  of 
Eichmann  as  my  courier.  He  had  a  smattering  knowledge  of 
many  languages,  but  could  not  speak  any  well ;  he  proved  to  be 
faithful,  and,  so  far  as  I  could  discover,  was  honest.  He  re 
lieved  us  from  petty  cares  and  could  generally  find  the  places 
I  wished  to  see.  On  the  27th  we  went  to  Naples,  and  on  the 
28th  by  steamer  to  Sorrento  and  Capri.  On  the  29th  we 
traveled  by  carriage  to  Pompeii  and  thence  to  Naples.  On  the 
30th  we  drove  about  Naples  as  well  as  we  could,  but  here  we 
began  to  feel  the  heat,  which  was  damp  and  depressing.  It  is 
the  misfortune  of  this  city  that,  although  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  the  most  beautiful  and  picturesque  scenery  of  sea  and 
mountain,  in  a  land  rich  in  historical  and  poetical  annals,  yet 
a  large  portion  of  the  inhabitants  impress  a  stranger  with  the 
conviction  that  they  are  the  poorest,  and  perhaps  the  most 
ignorant,  population  in  Europe.  It  is  a  sad  reflection,  that  ap 
plies  especially  to  all  parts  of  southern  Italy,  that  the  descend 
ants  of  the  Romans,  once  the  rulers  of  the  world,  are  now 
classed  as  among  the  lowest  in  intelligence  in  the  Christian 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


805 


and  civilized  world.  I  remember  two  things  about  Naples,  one 
that  Mount  Vesuvius  was  in  partial  action  during  our  stay,  and 
that  we  had  a  full  opportunity  to  explore  the  ruins  of  Pompeii. 

About  this  time  there  occurred  an  amusing  incident  grow 
ing  out  of  the  ignorance  of  a  common  American  phrase  on 
the  part  of  my  courier.  Mr.  Gates,  of  Alabama,  a  leading 
Member  of  the  House  of  Kepresentatives,  was  traveling  with 
his  wife  and  friends  on  the  same  general  route  that  I  was. 
We  frequently  met  and  had  pleasant  and  friendly  chats. 
Eichmann  noticed  our  intimacy  and  was  very  polite  to  Mr. 
Gates.  One  day,  as  my  party  and  I  were  about  to  enter  a 
car,  some  one  said  :  "Is  not  that  John  Sherman?"  Mr.  Gates 
said,  in  the  hearing  of  Eichmann:  "Yes,  that  is  Sherman," 
and  added  as  a  compliment :  "He  was  a  good  watchdog  in  the 
treasury."  Eichmann  catching  the  phrase  "watchdog"  ap 
plied  to  me  regarded  it  as  a  gross  insult.  He  rushed  into  my 
car,  his  face  aflame  with  passion  and  his  English  more  confused 
than  usual,  and  said :  "That  man,"  pointing  to  Gates,  "was  not 
your  friend ;  he  called  you,  sir,  a  watchdog ;  yes,  sir,  a  watch 
dog.  He  has  but  one  arm,  sir,  one  arm,  or  I  would  have  chas 
tised  him."  I  had  great  difficulty  in  persuading  him  what  a 
"watchdog"  meant,  that  it  was  intended  as  a  compliment,  not 
as  an  insult. 

Gn  the  31st  we  returned  to  Eome.  During  my  stay  there  I 
had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Mr.  Porter,  our  minister  to  Eome. 
He  was  hardly  yet  installed  in  his  duties,  as  the  king  had  been 
absent,  but  returned  from  Germany  the  day  I  arrived.  Porter 
and  I  had  been  in  Congress  together,  and  boarded  at  the  same 
house.  He  was  not  only  a  man  of  ability,  but  of  pleasing  ad 
dress  and  manners. 

Everybody  I  saw  in  Rome  was  talking  about  the  heat  and 
moving  out  of  town.  On  June  1,  I  went  to  Florence.  There 
we  spent  four  days  very  pleasantly.  The  hotel  was  good,  the 
weather  all  we  could  desire,  and  the  people  we  met,  looked 
contented  and  comfortable.  They  were  in  striking  contrast 
with  their  countrymen  in  Naples.  There  was  an  air  about 
the  place  that  indicated  prosperity.  Florence  is  an  art  gal 
lery.  Several  of  our  countrymen,  famous  as  artists,  of  whom  I 


806  RECOLLECTIONS 

can  recall  Powers,  Meade  and  Turner,  were  not  only  pursuing, 
but  learning,  their  art.  I  was  told  that  a  considerable  part 
of  the  population  were  engaged  in  painting  and  sculpture.  No 
doubt  their  wages  were  small  but  food  and  clothing  were 
also  low. 

We  would  gladly  have  remained  longer  in  Florence  if  my 
plan  of  travel  would  have  allowed  it.  Not  only  was  the  city 
and  all  the  treasures  of  art  interesting,  but  the  country  around 
was  picturesque  and  highly  cultivated.  We  could  ride  in  any 
direction  over  admirable  roads  and  almost  every  place  had  an 
historical  interest.  I  witnessed  there  a  review  of  several  thou 
sand  troops,  but  was  especially  interested  in  a  body  of  small 
men  well  drilled  for  rapid  movements.  The  parade  was  on 
Sunday  and  the  ladies  objected  to  a  parade  on  that  day.  I 
observed  that  in  the  Latin  states  I  visited,  Sunday  was  gener 
ally  selected  for  such  displays.  I  purchased  two  works  of  art 
from  American  artists.  I  commend  the  wisdom  of  their  choice 
of  location,  for  in  Florence  the  love  of  art,  especially  of  sculp 
ture,  is  more  highly  appreciated  than  in  any  other  city  of 
Europe  that  I  have  visited. 

Our  next  stopping  place  was  in  Venice./  The  chief  attrac 
tion  of  this  city  is  that  it  is  unlike  any  other  city  in  the  world 
in  its  location,  its  architecture,  its  history  and  in  the  habits 
and  occupation  of  its  people.  It  is  literally  located  in  the  sea ; 
its  streets  are  canals ;  its  carriages  are  gondolas  and  they  are 
peculiar  and  unlike  any  other  vessel  afloat.  Magnificent 
stone  palaces  rise  from  the  waters,  and  the  traveler  wonders 
how,  upon  such  foundations,  these  buildings  could  rest  for  cen 
turies.  Its  strange  history  has  been  the  basis  of  novels, 
romances,  dramas  and  poetry,  by  writers  in  every  country  and 
clime.  Its  form  of  government  was,  in  the  days  of  the  Doges, 
a  republic  governed  by  an  aristocracy,  and  its  wealth  was  the 
product  of  commerce  conducted  by  great  merchants  whose  en 
terprise  extended  to  every  part  of  the  known  habitable  globe. 

We  visited  St.  Marks  cathedral,  the  palace  of  the  Doges, 
and  the  numerous  places  noted  in  history  or  tradition.  We 
chartered  a  gondola  and  rode  by  moonlight  through  the  Grand 
Canal  and  followed  the  traditional  course  of  visitors.  The 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  807 

glory  of  Venice  is  gone  forever.  We  saw  nothing  of  the  pomp 
and  panoply  of  the  ancient  city.  The  people  were  poor  and 
the  palaces  were  reduced  to  tenement  houses.  Venice  may  en 
tice  strangers  by  its  peculiar  situation  and  past  history,  but  in 
the  eye  of  an  American  traveler  it  is  but  a  great  ruin.  The 
wages  paid  for  labor  were  not  sufficient  to  supply  absolute 
necessities. 

The  construction  of  the  railroad  to  Vienna  is  a  remarkable 
feat  of  engineering.  The  route  over  the  Sommering  pass  pre 
sents  difficulties  far  greater  than  any  encountered  in  the  United 
States.  We  spent  four  days  in  and  about  Vienna.  Its  location 
on  the  River  Danube  was  a  good  one  for  a  great  city.  The  sur 
rounding  country  was  interesting  and  well  cultivated.  The 
comparison  between  the  people  of  Vienna  and  Venice  was  very 
much  in  favor  of  Vienna.  The  city  was  clean,  well  built,  with 
many  signs  of  growth  and  prosperity.  The  people  were  com 
fortably  clad,  and  the  crowds  that  gathered  in  the  parks  and 
gardens  to  hear  the  music  of  the  military  bands  were  orderly 
and  polite.  Among  the  European  cities  I  have  visited,  I  recall 
none  that  made  a  more  favorable  impression  on  my  mind  than 
Vienna.  I  found  no  difficulty  in  making  my  English  under 
stood,  and  it  was  said  of  the  people  of  that  city  that  they  gen 
erally  knew  enough  of  the  English  and  French  languages,  in 
addition  to  their  native  German,  to  sustain  a  conversation  in 
either.  We  visited  Colonel  Fred.  Grant,  then  our  minister  to 
Austria,  at  Vosben,  about  twenty  miles  by  rail  from  Vienna.  I 
did  not  seek  to  make  acquaintances  in  Vienna,  as  my  time 
would  not  allow  it,  but,  from  a  superficial  view,  I  believed  that 
the  people  of  that  city  were  intelligent,  social  and  friendly, 
with  more  of  the  habits  of  Frenchmen  than  of  the  Germans  of 
Berlin,  or  of  the  English  of  London. 

From  Vienna  we  followed  the  line  of  the  railroad  through 
Salzburg,  Innsbruck,  to  Zurich,  stopping  at  each  place  for  a 
day.  This  is  a  very  interesting  country,  generally  picturesque, 
and  in  some  places  mountainous.  Here  we  see  the  southern 
German  in  his  native  hills.  A  vein  of  superstition  colors  their 
creed  as  good  Catholics.  They  are,  as  a  rule,  loyal  to  their 
emperor,  and  content  with  their  condition.  The  passage  from 


808  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  Tyrol  into  Switzerland  is  not  marked  by  natural  boundaries, 
such  as  rivers  or  mountains,  nor  does  the  population  vary  much 
until  one  reaches  Zurich.  In  our  progress  thus  far,  from  Nice 
through  Italy  and  Austria,  our  party  had  been  traveling  over, 
to  us,  a  new  and  strange  land.  At  Zurich  we  entered  within  a 
region  visited  by  Mrs.  Sherman  and  myself  in  1859.  The  cities 
and  mountains  of  Switzerland  seemed  familiar  to  us.  Great 
changes,  however,  had  occurred  in  modes  of  travel  in  this  short 
period  in  these  old  countries.  Railroads  traversed  the  valleys 
and  crossed  the  mountains,  where  we  had  traveled  in  the  stage 
coach.  At  Lucerne  I  went  up  a  tramway  to  the  top  of  Mt. 
Pilatus,  at  a  grade  of  from  25  to  35  degrees.  I  did  not  feel  this 
in  ascending,  but  in  descending  I  confess  to  experiencing  real 
fear.  The  jog- jog  of  the  cogwheels,  the  possibility  of  their 
breaking,  and  the  sure  destruction  that  would  follow,  made  me 
very  nervous.  I  would  have  been  less  so  but  for  a  lady  un 
known  to  me,  sitting  by  my  side,  who  became  frightened  and 
turned  deathly  pale.  I  was  glad  indeed  when  we  reached  the 
lake. 

From  Lucerne  Mrs.  Sherman  went  to  Neuchatel  to  meet  my 
niece,  Mrs.  Huggins,  then  sick  at  that  place.  The  remainder 
of  the  party  went  to  Interlaken  and  the  valley  in  which  it  is 
situated.  I  have  no  room  for  the  description  of  mountain  scen 
ery,  and  no  language  can  properly  convey  a  sense  of  its  gran 
deur.  I  have  mentally  contrasted  Mt.  St.  Bernard  and  the 
Simplon  with  Pike's  Peak  and  Mt.  Washburn,  and  feel  quite 
sure  that  in  grandeur  and  in  extent  of  view  the  American 
mountains  are  superior  to  those  named  in  Europe,  but  the 
larger  population  in  easy  reach  of  the  mountains  of  Switzer 
land  will  give  them  the  preference  for  a  generation  or  more. 
Then  Mt.  Shasta  will  take  its  place  as  the  most  beautiful  iso 
lated  mountain  in  the  wrorld,  and  the  Rocky  Mountain  range 
will  furnish  a  series  of  mountains  surpassing  the  mountains  of 
Switzerland ;  but  both  South  America  and  Asia  contain  moun 
tains  thousands  of  feet  higher  than  either  or  any  of  the  moun 
tains  of  Europe  or  North  America. 

Without  going  into  details  of  travels  over  familiar  ground 
all  our  party  arrived  safely  in  Paris  on  the  2nd  of  July,  1889. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  809 

Unfortunately,  Mrs.  Sherman  was  called  back  to  Neuchatel  on 
the  4th  of  July,  on  account  of  the  continued  serious  illness  of 
Mrs.  Huggins,  the  balance  of  the  party  remaining  in  Paris. 
We  were  in  that  city  two  weeks  and  attended  the  international 
exposition  many  times.  The  French  people  know  better  than 
any  other  how  to  conduct  such  a  show.  The  great  building  in 
which  it  was  held  was  so  arranged  that  similar  articles 
were  grouped  together,  and  yet  all  productions  of  a  country 
were  in  convenient  proximity.  The  French  are  artists  in 
almost  every  branch  of  human  industry.  They  are  cheerful, 
gay  and  agreeable.  They  are  polite  and  therefore  sensitive  of 
any  slight,  neglect  or  rudeness  and  promptly  resent  it. 

While  in  Paris  we  formed  some  agreeable  acquaintances. 
Whitelaw  Reid,  our  minister  to  France,  lived  in  a  palace,  and  he 
and  Mrs.  Reid  entertained  elegantly  his  countrymen  and  his 
associates  in  the  diplomatic  corps.  From  him  our  little  party, 
especially  the  two  young  ladies,  received  many  courtesies,  and 
through  him  we  had  invitations  from  the  President  of  the 
French  Republic  and  officers  of  the  exposition.  The  recep 
tion  at  the  palace  of  the  president  was  in  striking  and  pleasing 
contrast  with  that  given  by  the  emperor  in  1867,  already  re 
ferred  to.  The  later  reception  was  simple  in  form,  something 
like  a  reception  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  but 
where  it  differed  it  was  an  improvement  upon  our  custom. 
The  invitation  was  quite  general  and  extended  to  the  diplo 
matic  corps,  to  all  persons  representing  any  article  in  the  expo 
sition,  and  to  many  citizens  and  visitors  in  Paris,  who  were 
named  by  the  diplomatic  corps  or  by  the  officers  of  the  French 
government.  I  think  that  fully  as  many  persons  were  present 
as  usually  attend  the  receptions  of  our  President.  Each  invited 
guest,  as  he  entered  the  reception  room,  gave  his  name,  and, 
if  escorting  others,  gave  their  names  to  the  officer  in  charge. 
The  name  was  announced  to  the  president,  who  stood  a  few 
paces  in  the  rear,  the  guests  and  the  president  bowed  but  did 
not  shake  hands  and  the  guests  passed  on  through  a  suite  of 
rooms  or  into  the  garden.  Miss  Hoyt,  my  daughter  and  I  at 
tended  the  reception  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Reid.  As  Mr.  Reid  en 
tered  the  room  his  name  and  office  were  announced,  and  the 


810  RECOLLECTIONS 

president  and  he  advanced  towards  each  other,  shook  hands, 
and  I  and  my  party  were  introduced  and  we  shook  hands.  This 
occupied  but  a  moment  and  the  reception  of  others  went  on, 
only  occasionally  interrupted  by  the  president  when  he  chose 
to  recognize  some  one  by  hand-shaking.  When  we  were  re 
ceived,  as  stated,  we  were  introduced  by  Mr.  Reid  to  several 
persons  in  attendance  on  the  president,  and  then  retired  with 
the  passing  company.  In  this  way  the  president  and  his  wife 
escaped  the  extreme  fatigue  of  shaking  hands  with  thousands 
of  people  in  rapid  succession,  often  producing  soreness  and 
swelling  of  hands  and  arms.  I  hope  some  President  of  the 
United  States  will  be  bold  enough  to  adopt,  as  he  can,  this 
simple  measure  of  relief  practiced  by  the  President  of  the 
French  Republic.  The  French  government  also  furnishes  a 
house  ample  enough  for  a  large  reception,  which  the  United 
States  does  not  do,  but  I  trust  will. 

We  left  Paris  on  the  15th  of  July  and  joined  Mrs.  Sherman 
at  Neuchatel.  After  two  days  at  this  delightful  place  we  went 
to  Basle  and  thence  down  the  Rhine,  stopping  at  places  of 
interest  on  the  way,  but  this  is  a  journey  I  had  taken  before. 

We  made  a  brief  visit  to  Amsterdam  and  the  Hague,  and 
then  went  to  Brussels,  with  which  city  we  had  become  ac 
quainted  on  our  previous  visit.  We  arrived  in  England  about 
the  1st  of  August  and  remained  in  London,  or  its  environs,  a 
week,  most  of  the  time  in  the  country.  During  my  stay  I  did 
not  seek  to  form  new  acquaintances  and  most  of  the  people  I 
knew  were  absent  in  the  country.  From  London  we  went  to 
Oxford  and  remained  several  days  visiting  the  colleges  and  the 
country  around,  especially  the  beautiful  place  of  the  Duke  of 
Marlborough.  From  there  we  went  to  Leamington,  and  made 
short  excursions  to  Warwick  Castle,  Kenilworth,  Stratford  and 
Coventry.  We  then  visited  the  English  lakes,  including  Win- 
dermere.  I  was  especially  interested  in  the  games,  races  and 
wrestling  at  Grasrnere.  From  there  Ave  went  to  Chester  spend 
ing  several  days  in  that  city  and  surrounding  country.  We 
visited  the  magnificent  estate  of  the  Duke  of  Westminster,  a 
few  miles  from  Chester,  and  drove  through  Gladstone's  place, 
but  he  was  then  absent.  In  Chester  we  met  Justice  Gray  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  811 

his  wife,  and  Bancroft  Davis  and  his  wife.  With  them  we 
drove  in  the  old-fashioned  coach  in  and  about  the  environs 
of  Chester.  From  thence  we  went  to  Liverpool,  remaining 
about  a  week  in  that  city. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  state  that  such  a  rapid,  transient 
visit  could  hardly  convey  a  proper  conception  of  England  or 
Englishmen.  Our  view  was  like  that  of  the  English  traveler  in 
America  when  he  undertakes  to  describe  our  vast  country  on  a 
trip  of  a  month  from  New  York  to  San  Francisco.  My  idea  of 
Great  Britain  is  based,  not  upon  flying  visits,  but  upon  my  study 
of  English  history  and  literature.  The  political  institutions 
of  Great  Britain  are  rapidly  approaching  our  own.  While  pro 
gressive,  the  people  of  that  country  are  also  conservative,  but 
with  each  successive  decade  they  extend  the  power  of  the  House 
of  Commons  so  that  already  in  some  respects  it  represents  bet 
ter  the  public  sentiment  than  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
It  responds  quickly  to  a  change  of  popular  opinion.  The  func 
tions  of  the  crown  are  now  more  limited  than  those  of  our 
President,  while  the  House  of  Commons  can  at  any  moment 
put  an  end  to  the  ministry,  and  if  necessary  a  new  House  of 
Commons  can  be  convened  within  a  brief  period,  and  a  new 
ministry  be  formed  or  the  old  one  confirmed  according  to  the 
popular  will.  All  the  governments  of  Europe  are  following  in 
the  same  path,  so  that  we  may  fairly  hope  that  in  a  brief  time 
Europe  will  become  republican  in  substance  if  not  in  form. 

We  returned  in  the  steamer  "  City  of  New  York,"  the  vessel 
on  which  we  went  over,  and  arrived  in  New  York  on  the  12th 
of  September.  My  wife,  daughter  and  myself  returned  to  Wash 
ington,  improved  in  health  and  strength. 

On  the  evening  of  the  next  day  after  my  arrival  a  large 
company,  estimated  at  1,500  people,  led  by  the  Marine  band, 
marched  to  my  house.  The  report  given  by  the  "Republican" 
of  Washington  the  next  morning  is  substantially  correct  and  is 
here  inserted : 

"To  General  Grosvenor  had  been  assigned  the  duty  of  formally  welcom 
ing  the  Senator,  and  he  did  so  in  a  very  pleasant  speech.  He  spoke  of  the 
thirty-five  years  of  faithful  service  which  had  been  rendered  Ohio  by  John 
Sherman,  as  Representative,  Senator,  cabinet  officer  and  citizen  ;  touched 


812  RECOLLECTIONS 

upon  the  eagerness  with  which  Ohio  looked  for  the  Senator's  return  ;  re 
ferred  happily  to  the  Senator's  wife  and  daughter,  and  then  launched  out 
upon  the  broad  ocean  of  Ohio  politics.  He  closed  by  saying  that  one  of  the 
chief  causes  of  Ohio  Republican  exultation  on  this  occasion  lay  in  the  fact 
that  the  Senator  had  returned  to  do  nobly  his  part  toward  the  reelection  of  Gov 
ernor  Foraker  and  the  election  of  a  Republican  Senator  to  succeed  Mr.  Payne. 

"  The  welcome  was  punctuated  with  applause,  and  when  the  speech  and 
the  uproar  had  ceased  the  band  played  '  Home  Again.'  The  crowd  cheered 
once  more  as  Senator  Sherman  stepped  forward  and  commenced  his  reply. 

"  Appreciation  of  the  welcome  which  had  been  extended  to  him  by 
friends  from  Ohio  and  friends  in  Washington  brightened  his  opening  re 
marks,  and  he  said  that,  although  his  home  was  in  Ohio,  yet  he  had  been  so 
long  a  resident  of  this  city  that  he  felt  himself  almost  entitled  to  the  rights 
of  citizenship  here,  without,  of  course,  losing  his  allegiance  to  the  people  of 
his  native  state.  The  joys  of  home  and  the  pleasures  of  foreign  lands  were 
dilated  upon,  and  the  Senator  said  :  '  No  American  can  travel  anywhere 
without  having  a  stronger  love  and  affection  for  his  native  land.  This  is  the 
feeling  of  every  American,  and  it  is  sometimes  too  strongly  and  noisily  ex 
pressed  to  be  acceptable  abroad.  We  do  sometimes  carry  our  flag  too  high 
and  flaunt  it  offensively.' 

"  Previous  visits  to  Europe  were  referred  to,  and  the  Senator  went  on  : 
1  And  now  let  me  say  to  you  that  while  we  boast  in  America  of  the  rapid 
progress  we  have  made  in  growth,  population,  wealth  and  strength,  yet  it  is 
equally  true  that  some  of  the  oldest  nations  in  the  world  are  now  keeping 
pace  with  us  in  industry,  progress  and  even  in  liberal  institutions.  Every 
where  in  these  old  countries  the  spirit  of  nationalism  is  growing  stronger 
and  stronger. 

"'Thirty  years  ago  Italy  had  at  least  five  different  forms  of  government; 
now  it  is  under  one  rule.  Twenty-two  years  ago  France  was  an  empire,  un 
der  the  almost  absolute  dominion  of  Napoleon  III;  now  it  is  a  republic, 
with  all  the  forms  of  republican  institutions,  but  without  the  stability  of  our 
government.  The  kingdom  of  Prussia  has  been  expanded  into  the  great 
German  empire,  among  the  strongest,  if  not  the  strongest,  of  the  military 
powers  in  the  world.  The  institutions  of  Great  Britain  have  become  liberal 
ized  until  it  is  a  monarchy  only  in  name,  the  queen  exercising  far  less  power 
than  the  President  of  the  United  States.  The  whole  tendency  of  events 
is  to  strengthen  and  at  the  same  time  popularize  government.' 

"  The  popularity  of  Americans  in  Europe  was  mentioned,  and  it  was  said 
of  them  that  while  abroad  they  were  not  partisans,  but  patriots;  they  be 
lieved  that  any  party  at  home  was  better  than  all  parties  in  foreign  lands. 
The  signs  of  war  abroad  and  of  peace  in  the  United  States  were  sketched, 
and  the  veterans  who  fought  for  the  Union  were  eulogized  and  said  to  be 
entitled  to  the  most  liberal  treatment.  The  Republican  party,  having  saved 
the  Union  should  be  the  governing  party,  and  it  should  be  heartily  sup 
ported  by  all  true  patriots." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  813 

As  I  concluded,  the  audience  came  forward  and  shook  hands 
with  me.  Later  addresses  were  delivered  by  Thomas  B.  Coulter, 
ex-Lieutenant  Governor  Wm.  C.  Lyons,  of  Ohio,  Rev.  Wm.  War 
ing,  J.  H.  Smyth  and  ex-Speaker  Warren  J.  Keifer. 

Quite  a  number  of  callers  were  received  in  the  house  by 
Mrs.  and  Miss  Sherman. 

During  the  balance  of  the  month  of  September  I  remained 
in  Washington  engaged  in  writing  letters,  dictating  interviews, 
and  preparing  for  the  gubernatorial  contest  in  Ohio,  then  in 
active  progress.  Governor  Foraker  was  the  Republican  candi 
date  for  reelection,  and  James  E.  Campbell,  formerly  a  Repub 
lican  and  recently  a  Democratic  Member  of  Congress,  was  the 
opposing  candidate.  Both  of  these  gentlemen  were  lawyers 
of  ability,  in  the  prime  of  life  and  living  in  adjoining  counties. 
The  canvass  had  become  interesting  before  my  return  and  I 
desired  to  do  all  I  could  in  aid  of  Foraker.  He  was  nominated 
while  I  was  in  Europe,  for  the  third  term,  and  under  condi 
tions  that  weakened  him  somewhat.  Still,  his  ability  as  a 
debater,  his  popular  manners,  and  his  interesting  history, 
seemed  to  assure  his  success.  I  returned  to  Ohio  with  my 
family  about  the  1st  of  October,  and  made  my  first  speech 
in  this  canvass  at  the  Wayne  county  fair,  at  Orrville,  on  the 
10th.  I  was  introduced  to  the  audience  by  M.  L.  Smyser,  the 
Member  of  Congress  from  that  district,  in  terms  too  compli 
mentary  to  quote.  He  gave  notice  that  Campbell  would  speak 
to  them  on  the  next  day  on  behalf  of  the  Democratic  party. 
In  explanation  of  my  appearance  there  where  politics  were 
generally  excluded  I  said : 

"  It  is  rather  unusual  at  a  county  fair,  where  men  of  all  parties  are  in 
vited  to  exhibit  and  compare  their  productions,  to  discuss  party  politics. 
Therefore,  I  hesitated  to  accept  your  invitation  to  speak  here  in  behalf  of 
the  Republican  party ;  but  upon  being  advised  by  my  friend,  Mr.  Smyser, 
your  Representative  in  Congress,  that  the  same  invitation  was  extended  to 
Governor  Foraker  and  Mr.  Campbell,  the  two  candidates  for  governor,  that 
Governor  Foraker  could  not  attend,  but  Mr.  Campbell  had  accepted,  I  con 
cluded  also  to  accept,  and  am  now  here  to  give  you  the  reasons  for  my  polit 
ical  faith." 

This  speech  was  prepared  for  the  occasion,  and  was  chiefly 
on  the  choice  between  the  Mills  tariff  bill  and  the  Senate  bill. 


814  RECOLLECTIONS 

It  was  about  this  period  that  the  Ohio  ballot  box  forgery 
matter  became  a  subject  of  discussion.  On  the  llth  of  Sep 
tember,  Richard  G.  Wood  appeared  in  Columbus,  and  delivered 
to  Foraker  the  following  paper,  and  received  the  governor's 
recommendation  for  the  smoke  inspectorship  in  Cincinnati: 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  2,  1888. 

We,  the  undersigned,  agree  to  pay  the  amounts  set  opposite,  or  any  part 
thereof,  whenever  requested  so  to  do  by  John  R.  McLean,  upon  *  Contract 
No.  1,000,'  a  copy  of  which  is  to  be  given  to  each  subscriber  upon  payment 
of  any  part  of  the  money  hereby  subscribed. 

It  is  understood  that  each  subscription  of  five  thousand  dollars  shall 
entitle  the  subscriber  thereof  to  a  one -twentieth  interest  in  said  contract. 

1.  J.  E.  CAMPBELL, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

2.  J.  E.  CAMPBELL, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

3.  J.  E.  CAMPBELL, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

4.  WM.  McKiNLEY, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

5.  JUSTIN  R.  WHITING, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

6.  JUSTIN  R.  WHITING, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

7.  B.  BUTTERWORTH, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

8.  JOHN  SHERMAN, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

9.  JOHN  SHERMAN, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

10.  S.  S.  Cox, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

11.  WM.  C.  P.  BRECKINRIDGE,      .     .     .     Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

12.  WM.  McADOO, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

13.  JOHN  R.  McPnERSON, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

14.  JOHN  R.  MCPHERSON, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

15.  JOHN  R.  MCPHERSON, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

16.  F.  B.  STOCKBRIDGE, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

17.  F.  B.  STOCKBRIDGE, Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

18 Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

19 Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

20 Five  Thousand  Dollars. 

The  paper  referred  to  in  this  alleged  agreement  as  "  Con 
tract  No.  1,000  "  purported  to  be  a  contract  for  the  manufacture 
and  introduction  of  the  Hall  and  Wood  ballot  box,  to  be  used 
by  the  United  States  government  whenever  it  had  the  authority 
to  use  ballot  boxes..  The  merit  claimed  for  the  box  was  that  it 
was  constructed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  prevent  fraudulent 
voting.  This  alleged  agreement  and  contract,  taken  in  connec 
tion  with  a  bill  introduced  July  23, 1888,  by  Mr.  Campbell,  in  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  815 

House  of  Representatives,  "regulating  Federal  elections  and  to 
promote  the  purity  of  the  ballot,"  which  required  the  purchase 
by  the  government  of  the  ballot  box  mentioned,  would  of 
course,  if  true,  present  a  clear  case  of  corruption  on  the  part  of 
the  Members  of  Congress  signing  the  agreement,  so  grave  as  to 
justify  their  expulsion. 

A  copy  of  this  paper  was  handed  by  Governor  Foraker  to 
Murat  Halstead  on  the  28th  of  September,  and  on  the  evening 
of  that  day  the  governor  made  a  speech  at  Music  Hall,  Cincin 
nati,  in  which  he  referred  to  Mr.  Campbell  having  introduced  the 
bill  for  the  purchase  of  the  ballot  box.  On  the  4th  of  October, 
Halstead  published  in  the  "  Commercial-Gazette "  a  fac-simile 
of  the  false  paper,  with  the  name  of  Campbell  alone,  the  names 
of  the  other  apparent  signers  not  being  given  in  the  fac-simile 
and  nothing  being  said  about  them.  On  the  8th  of  October  I 
was  informed  that  it  was  whispered  about  Cincinnati  that  my 
name,  with  many  others,  was  attached  to  the  paper.  I  at  once 
telegraphed  that  if  this  were  so  the  signature  was  a  forgery. 

When  1  spoke  at  Orrville  two  days  later  I  did  not  allude  to 
the  subject,  regarding  the  whole  thing  as  an  election  canard 
which  would  correct  itself.  In  a  brief  time  this  became  true. 
The  whole  paper  was  proven  to  be  a  forgery.  The  alleged  signa 
tures  were  made  on  tracing  paper,  from  franks  on  documents 
distributed  by  Congressmen.  All  this  was  done  by  Wood,  or 
by  his  procurement,  in  order  to  get  an  office  through  Gover 
nor  Foraker.  Halstead,  on  the  llth  of  October,  published  in  his 
paper,  over  his  own  name,  a  statement  that  from  evidence 
submitted  to  him  he  was  satisfied  that  Mr.  Campbell's  signature 
was  fraudulent,  no  mention  being  made  of  the  other  alleged 
signers  of  the  paper.  Subsequently,  on  the  10th  of  November, 
after  the  election,  Foraker  wrote  a  letter  to  Halstead  giving 
a  narrative  of  the  mode  by  which  he  was  misled  into  believing 
the  paper  to  be  genuine. 

It  has  always  seemed  strange  to  me  that  Foraker,  having  in 
his  possession  a  paper  which  implicated  Butterworth,  McKin- 
ley  and  myself,  in  what  all  men  would  regard  as  a  dishonorable 
transaction,  did  not  inform  us  and  give  us  an  opportunity  to 
deny,  affirm  or  explain  our  alleged  signatures.  An  inquiry 


816 


RECOLLECTIONS 


from  him  to  either  of  the  persons  named  would  have  led  to  an 
explanation  at  once.  No  doubt  Foraker  believed  the  signa 
tures  genuine,  but  that  should  not  have  deterred  him  from 
making  the  inquiry. 

On  the  12th  of  November,  I  wrote  the  following  letter  to 
Halstead: 

SENATE  CHAMBER,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  November  12,  1889.  ) 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Now  that  the  election  is  over  I  wish  to  impress  upon 
you  the  importance  of  making  public  the  whole  history  of  the  'forged 
paper  '  about  ballot  boxes. 

While  you  believed  in  the  genuineness  of  Campbell's  signature  you 
were  entirely  right  in  exposing  him  and  the  signers  of  the  paper,  for  if  it 
was  genuine  it  was  a  corrupt  and  illegal  transaction.  I  only  wonder  that 
seeing  the  names  upon  it  did  not  excite  your  doubt  and  cause  inquiry,  but, 
assuming  they  were  genuine,  you  had  no  right  to  suppress  the  paper  be 
cause  it  involved  your  friends  in  a  criminal  charge.  But  now,  since  it  is 
shown  to  be  a  forgery,  a  crime  of  the  greatest  character,  it  seems  to  me  you 
ought  at  once  to  exercise  your  well-known  energy  and  independence  in  ex 
posing  and  denouncing,  with  equal  severity,  the  man  or  men  who  forged,  or 
circulated,  or  had  anything  to  do  with,  the  paper  referred  to.  No  delicacy 
or  pity  ought  to  shield  them  from  the  consequences  of  a  crime  infinitely 
greater  than  the  signing  of  such  a  paper  would  have  been.  I  know  in  this 
I  speak  the  general  sentiment  of  many  prominent  men,  and  you  will  appre 
ciate  the  feeling  of  honor  and  fairness  which  appeals  to  you  to  denounce  the 
men  who,  directly  or  indirectly,  were  connected  with  the  fabrication  of  this 
paper.  If  my  name  was  forged  to  it  I  will  consider  it  my  duty  to  prosecute 
all  men  who  took  that  liberty.  I  will  certainly  do  so  whenever  I  have  any 
tangible  evidence  that  my  name  was  forged.  Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

A  fac-simile  of  the  paper  was  then  published  with  all  the 
alleged  signatures.  The  subject-matter  was  fully  investigated 
by  a  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  during  which 
all  the  persons  named  in  connection  with  it  were  examined 
under  oath.  It  resulted  in  the  unanimous  finding  of  the  com 
mittee  as  follows: 

"In  response  to  the  first  inquiry  directed  by  the  resolution,  viz.: 

" '  By  whom  said  alleged  contract  was  prepared,  and  whether  the  several 

signatures  appended  thereto  are  forged  or  genuine,' 

"We  find  that  said  alleged   contract  was  dictated  (prepared)  by  Richard 

G.  Wood,  and  that  all  the  signatures  thereto  are  forged. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  817 

"In  response  to  the  second  inquiry  directed  by  the  resolution,  viz.: 

"  'If  forged,  what  person  or  persons,  if  any,  were  directly  or  indirectly 
aiding,  abetting,  assisting,  or  knowingly  consenting  to  the  preparation  and 
uttering  of  said  forgery,  and  for  what  purpose,' 

"  We  find  that  Richard  G.  Wood,  Frank  and  L.  Milward,  and  Frank  S. 
Davis  were  the  only  persons  directly  or  indirectly  aiding,  abetting,  assisting, 
or  knowingly  consenting  to  the  preparation  of  said  forgery  with  knowledge 
of  its  character. 

"  We  further  find  that  J.  B.  Foraker  and  Murat  Halstead  aided  in  utter 
ing  said  forgery,  Mr.  Foraker  by  exhibiting  the  paper  to  several  persons 
and  thereafter  delivering  it  to  Mr.  Halstead,  and  Mr.  Halstead  aided  in  ut 
tering  said  forgery  by  publishing  the  forged  paper  on  October  4,  1889,  in 
the  Cincinnati  '  Commercial  Gazette; '  but  we  find  that  neither  of  said  parties, 
Foraker  and  Halstead,  in  uttering  said  paper,  knew  the  same  was  a  foro-ery. 

"In  response  to  the  third  inquiry  directed  by  the  resolution,  viz.: 

"  *  Whether  any  of  the  Members  whose  names  appeared  on  said  alleged 
contract  had  or  have,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  any  unlawful,  corrupt  or 
improper  connection  with,  or  interest  in,  the  ballot  boxes  which  are  the  sub 
ject-matter  of  said  alleged  contract,' 

"  We  find  that  no  one  of  the  persons  whose  names  appear  on  said  alleged 
contract  had  or  has,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  any  unlawful,  corrupt,  or 
improper,  or  any  other  connection  with,  or  interest  in,  the  ballot  boxes  which 
are  said  to  be  the  subject  of  said  alleged  contract;  and  that  there  never  was 
any  other  contract  relating  to  said  ballot  boxes  in  which  either  of  these  per 
sons,  alone  or  jointly  with  others,  was  in  any  way  interested." 

William  E.  Mason,  chairman  of  the  committee,  added  to 
the  report  quoted  the  following  just  and  true  statement,  which 
relieved  Foraker  and  Halstead  from  the  implication  stated  in 
the  report: 

"  If  our  unanimous  finding  is  correct  that  Messrs.  Halstead  and  Foraker 
did  not  know  the  paper  was  forged  when  they  uttered  it,  then  they  were  de 
ceived  by  some  one,  for  we  have  found  it  was  a  forgery.  Being  deceived, 
then,  is  their  only  offense. 

"  They  each  have  made  reputation  and  character  equal  perhaps  to  any 
of  the  gentlemen  who  were  outraged  by  the  forgery.  Since  they  found 
they  were  deceived,  they  have  done  all  in  their  power,  as  honorable  men,  to 
make  amends.  To  ask  more  seems  to  me  to  be  most  unjust,  and,  believing 
as  I  do  that  the  evidence  does  not  warrant  the  censure  indulged  in  by  my 
associates  on  the  committee  in  their  above  additional  findings,  I  most  re 
spectfully,  but  most  earnestly,  protest." 

This  unfortunate  incident,  not  fully  explained  before  the 
election,  created  sympathy  for  Campbell  and  naturally  dis 
pleased  friends  of  McKinley,  Butterworth  and  myself.  I  did 


818  RECOLLECTIONS 

not  feel  the  least  resentment  after  Halstead  denounced  the 
forgery,  but  entered  with  increased  energy  into  the  canvass. 
During  this  period  I  had  promised  to  attend,  on  the  15th  of 
October,  a  banquet  given  by  the  citizens  of  Cleveland  to  the 
delegates  to  the  Pan-American  Congress,  then  making  a  prog 
ress  through  the  United  States,  to  be  presided  over  by  my  col 
league,  Senator  Payne.  As  this  speech  is  outside  of  the  line  of 
my  usual  topics,  the  toast  being  "  The  Congress  of  American 
States,"  and  yet  relates  to  a  subject  of  vital  importance,  I  in 
troduce  it  as  reported  in  the  Cleveland  "Leader: " 

"  MR  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN  :• — -The  toast  you  ask  me  to  respond 
to  is  the  expression  of  a  hope  indulged  in  by  many  of  the  ablest  statesmen 
of  the  United  States  ever  since  our  sister  American  states  dissolved  their  po 
litical  connection  with  European  powers.  Henry  Clay,  as  early  as  1818, 
when  proposing  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  south  American 
states,  eloquently  depicted  the  mutual  advantage  of  closer  commercial  re 
lations  with  those  states.  Mr.  Monroe  proclaimed  to  the  world  the  determi 
nation  of  the  United  States  not  to  suffer  any  European  power  to  interfere 
with  the  internal  concerns  of  independent  American  states.  Still  no  effect 
ive  measures  were  adopted  to  promote  intercourse  between  them.  The  hope 
of  closer  union  has  not  been  realized,  mainly  because  of  the  neglect  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States.  We  have  been  too  much  engaged  in  po 
litical  disputes  and  in  the  development  of  our  own  resources.  Then  we  have 
had  a  serious  unpleasantness  among  ourselves,  which,  if  it  had  terminated 
differently,  would  have  made  us  very  unacceptable  partners.  But,  now,  all 
this  is  past  and  gone,  and  I  can  give  assurance  to  our  guests  that  not  only 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  but  the  people  of  the  United  States,  all 
parties  and  of  every  section,  have  united  heartily  in  inviting  you  here,  that 
they  will  do  their  full  share  in  carrying  out  your  recommendations,  and  sin 
cerely  hope  that  your  conference  will  lead  to  a  congress  of  American 
nations. 

"  I  look  upon  this  conference  as  having  the  same  relation  to  the  future 
of  America  as  the  conference  of  the  thirteen  British  colonies,  in  1774,  had  to 
the  declaration  of  American  independence.  That  conference  led  to  the  con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  and  was  the  beginning  of  the  independence  of 
all  the  American  states.  Your  conference  is  of  infinitely  greater  impor 
tance,  for  your  deliberations  affect  the  interests  of  more  than  one  hundred 
million  people,  while  theirs  affected  only  three  million.  But,  more  impor 
tant  still,  your  conference  contemplates  only  peaceful  aids  for  mutual  benefit; 
theirs  provided  for  war  and  a  desperate  struggle  with  superior  force. 

"I  do  not  recall,  in  the  annals  of  man,  a  meeting  of  the  selected  repre 
sentatives  of  many  nations  with  nobler  aims  or  with  greater  opportunity  for 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


819 


good  than  this  conference  of  American  states.  You  seek  to  prevent  war  by 
peaceful  negotiations  and  arbitration  ;  you  seek  to  promote  intercourse  with 
each  other  by  land  and  by  sea  ;  you  seek,  as  far  as  the  wants  and  interests 
of  each  nation  will  permit,  to  remove  unnecessary  restrictions  to  trade  and 
commerce  ;  you  seek  to  bring  into  closer  union  sixteen  republics  and  one 
empire,  all  of  them  governed  by  free  institutions.  You  do  not  unite  to  con 
quer,  but  to  help  each  other  in  developing  your  resources  and  in  exchanging 
your  productions. 

"If  your  conference  deals  wisely  with  your  opportunity  you  will  light  a 
torch  that  will  illuminate  the  world.  You  will  disband  armies,  you  will  con 
vert  ships  of  war  into  useful  agencies  of  commerce  ;  you  will  secure  the  con 
struction  of  a  continuous  line  of  railways  from  New  York  to  Buenos  Ayres, 
with  connections  with  the  capital  city  of  every  American  country  ;  you  will 
contribute  to  the  construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  and  all  other  feasible 
methods  of  transportation  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  ;  you  will  unite 
in  generous  rivalry  of  growth  and  progress  all  the  American  states.  And, 
more  important  than  all,  you  will  pave  the  way  for  a  congress  in  which  all 
these  states  will  be  represented  in  a  greater  than  an  Amphictyonic  council, 
with  broader  jurisdiction  and  scope  than  the  rulers  of  ancient  Greece  con 
ceived  of. 

"  Is  this  to  be  only  a  dream  ?  I  do  not  think  so.  The  American  states 
are  now  more  closely  united  in  interest  than  any  other  part  of  the  world. 
Our  institutions  are  similar.  We  nourish  no  old-time  feuds  to  separate  us. 
Our  productions  do  not  compete  with,  but  supplement,  each  other.  Their 
direct  exchange  in  American  vessels  is  the  natural  course  of  trade.  The  di 
versity  of  language  is  less  marked  than  in  any  other  continent.  The  senti 
ment  is  universal  in  America  that  America  belongs  to  Americans,  that  no 
European  power  should  vex  us  with  its  policy  or  its  wars ;  that  all  parts  of 
America  have  been  discovered  and  are  not  open  to  further  discovery ;  each 
country  belongs  to  the  people  who  occupy  it,  with  the  clear  and  unques 
tioned  right  of  home  rule.  Such,  at  least,  is  the  feeling  in  the  United  States. 

"And  now,  looking  back  with  pride  over  a  century  of  growth,  exhibit 
ing  to  you,  as  we  are  doing  by  a  rather  tiresome  journey,  what  we  have 
done,  and  appreciating  fully  the  rapid  progress  and  enormous  resources  of 
our  sister  American  states,  recognizing  your  equality  and  absolute  independ 
ence,  whatever  may  be  your  population  or  extent  of  territory,  we  say  to 
you,  in  all  frankness,  that  we  are  ready  and  willing  to  join  you  in  an  Ameri 
can  congress  devoted  exclusively  to  the  maintenance  of  peace,  the  increase 
of  commerce,  and  the  protection  and  welfare  of  each  and  all  of  the  states 
of  the  American  continents." 

On  the  19th  of  October  I  addressed  a  great  audience  in 
Music  Hall,  Cincinnati,  at  which  Butterworth  and  Grosvenor 
also  made  speeches.  In  this  speech  I  especially  urged  the 


820  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

election  of  Governor  Foraker  and  answered  the  cry  against  him 
for  running  for  a  third  term. 

On  the  24th  of  October  I  was  to  address  a  meeting  at  Co 
lumbus,  and  hearing  that  Governor  Foraker  was  sick,  at  his 
residence,  I  called  upon  him,  and  we  had  a  free  and  friendly 
conversation.  I  did  not  introduce  the  subject  of  the  ballot  box 
forgery,  but  assured  him  that  I  was  doing,  and  intended  to  do, 
all  I  could  to  promote  his  election.  He  thanked  me  heartily, 
expressed  his  regret  that  he  was  unable  to  take  part  in  the 
canvass,  but  hoped  to  do  so  before  its  close.  At  one  of  the 
largest  indoor  meetings  ever  held  in  Columbus,  that  evening,  I 
especially  urged  the  importance  of  Governor  Foraker's  election, 
and  ridiculed,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  the  cry  that  was  made 
of  a  third  term.  I  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  all  that 
could  be  said  against  Governor  Foraker  was  that  he  was  run 
ning  for  a  third  term. 

I  spoke  on  the  2nd  of  November  in  the  Music  Hall  at  Cleve 
land,  and  there  again  urged  the  election  of  Foraker. 

I  spoke  daily  during  the  last  two  weeks  of  the  canvass  and 
every  where  made  the  same  appeal  in  behalf  of  Governor  Foraker 
and  the  state  ticket.  The  result  of  the  election  was  that  Camp 
bell  received  a  plurality  of  10,872  votes,  and  was  elected.  A 
majority  of  the  legislature  was  Democratic,  and  subsequently 
elected  Calvin  S.  Brice  United  States  Senator. 

Elbert  L.  Lampson,  the  Republican  candidate  for  lieutenant 
governor,  was  elected  by  a  plurality  of  22.  The  other  candi 
dates  on  the  Eepublican  state  ticket  were  elected  by  an  average 
plurality  of  about  3,000. 


CHAPTER  LVI. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  "SHERMAN  SILVER  LAW." 

President  Harrison's  First  Annual  Message  —  His  Recommendations  Regarding  the 
Coinage  of  Silver  and  Tariff  Revisions  —  Bill  Authorizing  the  Purchase  of  $4,500,- 
000  Worth  of  Silver  Bullion  Each   Month  — Senator  Plumb's  "  Free  Silver" 
Amendment  to  the  House  Bill  —  Substitute  Finally  Agreed  Upon  in  Confer 
ence —  Since  Known  as  the  "  Sherman  Silver  Law  "  —  How  It  Came  to  Be 
so  Called  — Chief  Merit  of    the  Law  — Steady   Decline  of  Silver  After 
the  Passage  of  the  Act— Bill  Against  Trusts  and  Combinations  — 
Amendments    in    Committee  —  The    Bill    as    Passed  — Evils    of 
Unlawful    Combinations  —  Dea.th    of   Representative  Wm.    D. 
Kelley  and  Ex-Member  S.  S.  Cox  —  Sketch  of  the  Latter  — 
My  Views  Regarding  Immigration  and  Alien  Contract 
Labor  —  McKinley    Tariff     Law  — What     a     Tariff 
Is — Republican    Success    in    Ohio— Second    Ses 
sion    of     the     51st    Congress  —  Failure     of 
Senator  Stewart's   "  Free  Coinage  Bill." 

THE  first  session  of  the  51st  Congress  convened  on  the 
2nd  of  December,  1889,  both  branches  being  Republican. 
President  Harrison,  in  his  message,  reported  a  very 
favorable  condition  of  the  national  finances.  The 
aggregate  receipts  from  all  sources,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1889,  were  $387,050,058.  The  total  expenditures, 
including  the  sinking  fund  for  that  year,  were  $329,579,929. 
The  excess  of  receipts  over  expenditures  was  $57,470,129.  The 
estimated  surplus  for  the  current  year  was  $43,678,883.  This 
would  justify,  and  the  President  recommended,  a  reduction  of 
taxation  to  that  amount.  He  called  attention  to  the  reduction 
of  the  circulation  of  national  banks  amounting  to  $114,109,729, 
and  to  the  large  increase  of  gold  and  silver  coin  in  circulation 
and  of  the  issues  of  gold  and  silver  certificates.  The  law  then 
in  force  required  the  purchase  of  two  million  dollars  worth  of 
silver  bullion  each  month,  to  be  coined  into  silver  dollars  of 

(821) 


822  RECOLLECTIONS 

412f  grains  of  standard  silver  nine-tenths  fine.  When  this  law 
was  enacted,  on  the  28th  of  February,  1878,  the  price  of  silver 
in  the  market  was  $1.20  per  ounce.  Since  that  time  to  the 
date  of  his  message  the  price  had  fallen  to  70.6  cents  an  ounce. 
He  expressed  a  fear  of  a  further  reduction  of  the  value  of  sil 
ver,  and  that  it  would  cause  a  difference  in  the  value  of  the 
gold  and  silver  dollars  in  commercial  transactions.  He  called 
the  attention  of  Congress  to  these  three  subjects  of  national 
importance — the  reduction  of  taxation,  the  circulation  of  na 
tional  banks,  and  the  further  issue  of  silver  coin  and  silver 
certificates,  and  invoked  for  them  the  considerate  action  of 
Congress. 

He  recommended  a  revision  of  the  tariff  law  in  such  a  way 
as  not  to  impair  the  just  and  reasonable  protection  of  our 
home  industries,  the  free  list  to  be  extended  to  such  domestic 
productions  as  our  home  industries  did  not  supply.  He  re 
ferred  approvingly  to  a  plan  for  the  increased  use  of  silver, 
which  would  be  presented  by  Secretary  Windom. 

The  plan,  submitted  by  Secretary  Windom  in  his  report,  for 
increasing  the  use  of  silver  in  the  circulation,  provided  that 
the  treasury  department  should  purchase  silver  bullion  every 
month  to  a  limited  extent,  paying  therefor  treasury  notes  re 
ceivable  for  government  dues  and  payable  on  demand  in  gold, 
or  in  silver  bullion  at  the  current  market  rate  at  the  time  of 
payment,  and  that  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  and  the  com 
pulsory  coinage  of  silver  dollars  under  the  act  of  1878  should 
cease. 

On  the  28th  of  January,  1890,  Senator  Morrill  introduced,  by 
request,  a  bill  which  had  been  prepared  by,  and  embodied 
the  views  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  This  bill  was  re 
ferred  to  the  committee  on  finance,  and  was  reported  back  by 
Senator  Jones,  of  Nevada,  February  25,  with  amendments.  The 
first  section  of  the  amended  bill  authorized  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  to  purchase  $4,500,000  worth  of  silver  bullion 
each  month,  and  to  issue  in  payment  therefor  treasury  notes 
receivable  for  customs  and  all  public  dues,  and  when  so  re 
ceived  they  might  be  reissued.  They  were  also  redeemable 
on  demand  in  lawful  money  of  the  United  States,  and  when 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  823 

so  redeemed  should  be  canceled.  Such  portion  of  the  silver 
was  to  be  coined  as  might  be  necessary  to  meet  the  redemp 
tions  authorized.  Other  sections  provided  for  details  by  which 
the  plan  was  to  be  effected. 

To  this  bill  I  proposed  an  additional  section  authorizing  the 
deposits  of  legal  tender  notes  by  national  banks  with  the 
United  States  treasurer,  to  meet  the  redemption  of  the  notes 
of  such  banks  which  had  failed,  gone  into  liquidation,  or  were 
reducing  their  circulation,  to  be  covered  into  the  treasury  to 
the  credit  of  an  appropriation  from  which  the  money  could  be 
withdrawn  as  necessary  to  meet  the  payments  of  the  notes  for 
which  the  deposits  had  been  made.  The  deposits  of  this  char 
acter  often  exceeded  $50,000,000,  but  under  the  plan  proposed 
the  money  became  immediately  available  in  current  disburse 
ments,  thus  avoiding  a  hoarding  of  the  notes  in  the  treasury  or 
the  creating  of  a  stringency  in  the  circulation,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  giving  the  government  the  use  of  the  deposits  until 
needed,  by  which  the  issue  of  bonds  to  a  considerable  extent 
would  be  avoided.  This  arrangement  was  accepted  and  event 
ually  became  section  6  of  the  law  which  is  now  in  satisfactory 
operation. 

In  the  progress  of  the  debate  on  this  bill  every  question 
connected  with  the  financial  operations  of  the  government  for 
twenty  years  was  introduced  and  made  the  subject  of  debate, 
and  especially  the  coinage  act  of  1873,  and  the  dropping  of  the 
old  silver  dollar  from  coinage.  Although  this  coin  had  been 
restored  by  the  act  of  1878,  and  hundreds  of  millions  of  such 
dollars  had  been  coined,  yet  the  Senators  from  the  silver  pro 
ducing  states,  and  especially  Stewart,  were  continually  harp 
ing  on  "the  crime  of  1873,"  as  they  called  the  coinage  act  of 
that  year,  a  careful  statement  of  which  has  already  been  made 
in  these  volumes. 

The  only  new  allegation  made  was  that  the  amendment 
recommended  by  the  Senate  committee  on  finance,  to  strike  out 
the  franc  dollar  of  384  grains,  provided  for  in  the  bill  as  it  came 
from  the  House,  and  insert  the  trade  dollar,  was  not  agreed  to 
in  the  Senate,  but  that  the  change  was  made  in  committee  of 
conference,  and  passed  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Senate. 


824  RECOLLECTIONS 

A  conclusive  answer  was  made  to  this  statement  by  the  pro 
duction,  from  the  files  of  the  secretary's  office,  of  the  original 
bill  as  it  stood  after  its  passage  in  the  Senate  and  before  it  was 
sent  to  conference.  As  similar  statements  have  been  fre 
quently  made,  I  reproduce  the  portion  of  this  original  bill 
showing  the  section  in  question,  with  the  printer's  note  accom 
panying  the  bill  explaining  the  different  type  used  in  printing 
it.  The  word  "AGREED"  on  the  bill  is  in  the  handwriting  of 
the  journal  clerk  of  the  Senate,  Mr.  McDonald,  who  held  that 
position  many  years  until  his  death.  It  shows  that  the  Senate 
adopted  the  recommendation  of  the  committee  on  finance  be 
fore  the  bill  was  sent  to  conference.  This  amendment  was 
agreed  to  by  the  House  conferees. 

[Note  in  explanation  of  the  bill  (H.  R.  2934).] 

1.  The  body  of  the  bill,  printed  in  brevier,  is  as  it  came  from  the  House. 

2.  Amendments  to  insert,  reported  by  Committee  on  Finance,  are  in  italics. 

3.  Amendments    to    strike    out,   reported   by  Committee  on  Finance,  are  in 
[brackets]. 

4.  Amendments  made  by  the  Senate  striking  out  words  are  in  brevier,  with 
brackets,  and  the  words  inserted  in  lieu  thereof  in  the  handwriting  of  the  Clerk,  are  in 

SMALL  CAPS. 

IN  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

MAY  29,  1872. 

Read  twice  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Finance. 
DECEMBER  16,  1872. 

Reported  by  Mr.  SHERMAN  with  amendments,  viz:  Strike  out  the 
parts  in  [brackets]  and  insert  the  parts  printed  in  italics. 

JANUARY  7,  1873. 

Mr.  SHERMAN,  from  the  Committee  on  Finance,  reported  additional 
amendments,  which  were  ordered  to  be  printed  with  the  bill. 


AN  ACT 

Revising  and  amending  the  laws  relative  to  the  mints,  assay  - 
offices,  and  coinage  of  the  United  States. 

1  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 

2  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled, 

1  SEC.  [16]  1 5.     [That  the  silver  coins  of  the  United  States  shall  be 

2  a  dollar,  a  half-dollar  or  fifty-cent  piece,  a  quarter-dollar  or  twenty- 

3  five-cent  piece,  and  a  dime  or  ten-cent  piece;  and  the  weight  of  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  825 

4  dollar  shall  be  three  hundred  and  eighty-four  grains;  the  half-dol- 

5  lar,  quarter-dollar,  and   the   dime  shall   be,  respectively,  one-half, 

6  one-quarter,  and  one-tenth  of  the  weight  of  said  dollar;  which  coins 

7  shall  be  a  legal  tender,  at  their  nominal  value,  for  any  amount  not 

8  exceeding  five  dollars  in  any  one  payment.]     That  the  silver  coins 

9  of  the  United  States  shall  be  a  trade-dollar,  a  half-dollar  or  fiftv- 

Ar'T^TTTT'T^ 
-a.\jrXiJ3jJ^U  A  DIME  OB  TEN-CENT  PIECE 

10  cent  piece,  a  quarter-dollar  or  twenty -five-cent  pieceA;  and   the 

11  weight  of  the  trade-dollar  shall  be  four  hundred  and  twenty  grains 

12  troy;  the  weight  of  the  half-dollar  shall  be  twelve  grams  and  one- 

13  half  of  a  gram;  the  quarter-dollar  and  the  dime  shall  be,  respec- 

14  tively,  one-half  and  one-ffth  of  the  weight  of  said  half-dollar; 

15  and  said  coins  shall  be  a  legal  tender  at  their  nominal  value  for 

16  any  amount  not  exceeding  five  dollars  in  any  one  payment. 
AGREED 

On  the  5th  of  June  I  made  a  speech  covering  not  only  the 
pending  bill,  and  the  cognate  questions  involved,  but  all  fche 
irrelative  topics  introduced  by  other  Senators.  I  said: 

"  I  approach  the  discussion  of  this  bill,  and  the  kindred  bills  and  amend 
ments  pending  in  the  two  Houses,  with  unaffected  diffidence.  No  problem 
is  submitted  to  us  of  equal  importance  and  difficulty.  Our  action  will  affect 
the  value  of  all  property  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  the  wages 
of  labor  of  every  kind,  and  our  trade  and  commerce  with  all  the  world.  In 
the  consideration  of  such  a  question  we  should  not  be  controlled  by  previous 
opinions  or  bound  by  local  interests,  but,  with  the  lights  of  experience  and 
full  knowledge  of  all  the  complicated  facts  involved,  we  should  give  to  the 
subject  the  best  judgment  which  imperfect  human  nature  allows.  With 
the  wide  diversity  of  opinion  that  prevails,  each  of  us  must  make  conces 
sions  in  order  to  secure  such  a  measure  as  will  accomplish  the  objects  sought 
for  without  impairing  the  public  credit  or  the  general  interests  of  our  people. 
This  is  no  time  for  visionary  theories  of  political  economy.  We  must  deal 
with  facts  as  we  find  them  and  not  as  we  wish  them.  We  must  aim  at  results 
based  upon  practical  experience,  for  what  has  been  probably  will  be.  The 
best  prophet  of  the  future  is  the  past. 

"  To  know  what  measures  ought  to  be  adopted  we  should  have  a  clear 
conception  of  what  we  wish  to  accomplish.  I  believe  a  majority  of  the 
Senate  desire,  first,  to  provide  an  increase  of  money  to  meet  the  increasing 
wants  of  our  rapidly  growing  country  and  population,  and  to  supply  the  re 
duction  in  our  circulation  caused  by  the  retiring  of  national  bank  notes  ; 
second,  to  increase  the  market  value  of  silver,  not  only  in  the  United  States, 
but  in  the  world,  in  the  belief  that  this  is  essential  to  the  success  of  any 
measure  proposed,  and  in  the  hope  that  our  efforts  will  advance  silver  to  its 


826 


RECOLLECTIONS 


legal  ratio  with  gold,  and  induce  the  great  commercial  nations  to  join  with 
us  in  maintaining  the  legal  parity  of  the  two  metals,  or  in  agreeing  with  us 
in  a  new  ratio  of  their  relative  value  ;  and,  third,  to  secure  a  genuine  bime 
tallic  standard,  one  that  will  not  demonetize  gold  or  cause  it  to  be  hoarded 
or  exported,  but  that  will  establish  both  gold  and  silver  as  standards  of  value, 
not  only  in  the  United  States,  but  among  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the 
world. 

"  Believing  that  these  are  the  chief  objects  aimed  at  by  us  all,  arid  that 
we  differ  only  as  to  the  best  means  to  obtain  them,  I  will  discuss  the  pend 
ing  propositions  to  test  how  far  they  tend,  in  my  opinion,  to  promote  or 
defeat  these  objects." 

Those  of  us  who  were  in  favor  of  good  money,  whether  of 
gold  or  silver,  or  whether  issued  by  the  government  in  the 
form  of  notes  or  currency  or  by  national  banks,  all  to  be  main 
tained  at  par  with  each  other  and  of  equal  purchasing  power, 
were  constantly  charged  with  reducing  the  volume  of  money.  I 
showed  that  since  the  resumption  of  specie  payments,  January 
1,  1879,  there  had  been  a  constant  annual  increase  in  the  total 
circulating  medium  of  the  country.  I  furnished  a  table  show 
ing  the  steady  increase  of  circulation  during  the  period  named, 
which  I  here  insert : 

THE    AMOUNT    AND    KINDS    OF  MONEY    IN    ACTUAL    CIRCULATION    ON    CERTAIN 
DATES    FROM    1878    TO    1889. 


Year. 

Date. 

Total  circula 
tion. 

Gold  coin. 

Standard  sil 
ver  dollars. 

SubBidiary 
silver. 

1878. 

March  1  .  . 

1805,793,807 

$82,530,163 

$53,573,833 

1879. 

October  1  . 

862,579,754 

123,698,157 

111,074,230 

54,088,747 

1880. 

October  1  . 

1,022,033,685 

261,320,920 

22,914,075 

48,368,543 

1881. 

October  1  . 

1,147,892,435 

328,118,146 

32,230,038 

47,859,327 

1882. 

October  1  . 

1,188,752,363 

358,351,956 

33,801,231 

47,153,750 

1883. 

October  1  . 

1,236,650,032 

346,077,784 

39,783,527 

48,170,263 

1884. 

October  1  . 

1,261,569,924 

341,485,840 

40,322,042 

45,344,717 

1885. 

October  1  . 

1,286,630,871 

348,268,740 

45,275,710 

51,328,206 

1886. 

October  1  . 

1,264,889,561 

304,894,599 

60,170,793 

48,176,838 

1887. 

October  1  . 

1,353,485,690 

391,090,890 

60,614,524 

50,414,706 

1888. 

October  1  . 

1,384,340,280 

377,329,865 

57,959,356 

52,020,975 

1889. 

October  1  . 

1,405,018,000 

375,947,715 

57,554,100 

52,931,352 

OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


827 


Year. 

Date. 

Gold  certifi 

Silver  certifi 

United  States 

National 

cates. 

cates. 

Notes.* 

bank  notes. 

1878. 

March  1  .  . 

$44,364,100 

$311,436,971 

S3  13  888  740 

1879. 

October  1  . 

14,843,200 

$  1,176,720 

327,747,762 

«JpO  J-OjOOOj  1  TC  \J 

329,950,938 

1880. 

October  1  . 

7,480,100 

12,203,191 

329,417,403 

340,329,453 

1881. 

October  1  . 

5,239,320 

52,590,180 

327,655,884 

354,199,540 

1882. 

October  1  . 

4,907,440 

63,204,780 

325,272,858 

356,060,348 

1883. 

October  1  . 

55,014,940 

78,921,961 

321,356,596 

347,324,961 

1884. 

October  1  . 

87,389,660 

96,491,251 

325,786,143 

324,750,271 

1885. 

October  1  . 

118,137,790 

93,656,716 

318,736,684 

311,227,025 

1886. 

October  1  . 

84,691,807 

95,387,112 

310,161,935 

301,406,477 

1887. 

October  1  . 

97,984,683 

154,354,826 

329,070,804 

269,955,257 

1888. 

October  1  . 

134,838,190 

218,561,601 

306,052,053 

237,578,240 

1889. 

October  1  . 

116,675,349 

276,619,715 

325,510,758 

199,779,011 

*  Includes  outstanding  clearing  house  certificates  of  the  act  of  June  8, 
1872. 

Meanwhile,  the  House  passed  a  bill  of  like  import  to  the  one 
under  consideration  in  the  Senate,  differing  therefrom  mainly 
in  that  it  made  the  notes  to  be  issued  a  full  legal  tender,  and  au 
thorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  redeem  them  in  gold 
coin  or  silver  bullion  at  current  market  rate.  When  this  bill 
reached  the  Senate  it  was,  by  unanimous  consent,  accepted  as  a 
substitute  for  the  Senate  bill,  and  the  discussion  of  the  measure 
continued,  occupying  much  of  the  time  and  attention  of  the 
Senate  until  June  17,  1890,  when  a  vote  was  taken  on  an  amend 
ment  proposed  by  Senator  Plumb  to  strike  out  the  first  section 
authorizing  the  issue  of  notes  and  inserting  the  following: 

"  That  from  and  after  the  date  of  the  passage  of  this  act,  the  unit  of  value 
in  the  United  States  shall  be  the  dollar,  and  the  same  maybe  coined  of  412J 
grains  of  standard  silver,  or  of  25.8  grains  of  standard  gold,  and  the  said 
coins  shall  be  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private. 

"  That  hereafter  any  owner  of  silver  or  gold  bullion  may  deposit  the 
same  in  any  mint  of  the  United  States,  to  be  formed  into  standard  dollars,  or 
bars,  for  his  benefit,  and  without  charge,  but  it  shall  be  lawful  to  refuse  any 
deposit  of  less  value  than  $100,  or  any  bullion  so  base  as  to  be  unsuitable 
for  the  operations  of  the  mint." 

This  amendment  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  43  to  24,  the  yeas 
being  made  up  of  Democrats  and  the  Eepublicans  from  the 
silver  producing  states. 


828  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  adoption  of  this  free  silver  amendment  clearly  indicated 
that  a  large  majority  of  the  Senate  favored  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one. 

The  other  sections  of  the  bill  were  then  made  to  harmonize 
with  this  new  provision,  and  the  bill  was  passed  and  returned 
to  the  House,  where  the  amendments  were  nonconcured  in, 
and  a  conference  asked  for. 

The  Senate  granted  the  request,  and  Senators  Sherman, 
Jones,  of  Nevada,  and  Harris  were  appointed  to  meet  Repre 
sentatives  Conger,  Walker,  and  Bland,  of  the  House,  in  con 
ference,  to  adjust  the  wide  disagreements.  On  July  7  a  bill 
agreed  upon  in  conference  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  Messrs. 
Harris  and  Bland  not  joining  in  the  report.  The  bill  agreed  to 
became  a  law  July  12,  1890,  and  was  as  follows : 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  hereby  directed  to  purchase,  from 
time  to  time,  silver  bullion  to  the  aggregate  amount  of  4,500,000  ounces,  or  so 
much  thereof  as  may  be  offered  in  each  month,  at  the  market  price  thereof, 
not  exceeding  one  dollar  for  371.25  grains  of  pure  silver,  and  to  issue,  in 
payment  for  such  purchases  of  silver  bullion,  treasury  notes  of  the  United 
States  to  be  prepared  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  such  form  and  of  • 
such  denominations,  not  less  than  one  dollar  nor  more  than  $1,000,  as  he  may 
prescribe,  and  a  sum  sufficient  to  carry  into  effect  the  provisions  of  this  act 
is  hereby  appropriated  out  of  any  money  in  the  treasury  not  otherwise  appro 
priated. 

"SEC.  2.  That  the  treasury  notes  issued  in  accordance  with  the  pro 
visions  of  this  act  shall  be  redeemable  on  demand,  in  coin,  at  the  treasury  of 
the  United  States  or  at  the  office  of  any  assistant  treasurer  of  the  United 
States,  and  when  so  redeemed  may  be  reissued  ;  but  no  greater  or  less 
amount  of  such  notes  shall  be  outstanding  at  any  time  than  the  cost  of  the 
silver  bullion,  and  the  standard  silver  dollars  coined  therefrom,  then  held  in 
the  treasury,  purchased  by  such  notes  ;  and  such  treasury  notes  shall  be  a 
legal  tender  in  payment  of  all  debts,  public  and  private,  except  where  other 
wise  expressly  stipulated  in  the  contract,  and  shall  be  receivable  for  cus 
toms,  taxes,  and  all  public  dues,  and  when  so  received  may  be  reissued  ;  and 
such  notes,  when  held  by  any  national  banking  association,  may  be  counted 
as  a  part  of  its  lawful  reserve.  That,  upon  demand  of  the  holder  of  any  of 
the  treasury  notes  herein  provided  for,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall, 
under  such  regulations  as  he  may  prescribe,  redeem  such  notes  in  gold  or 
silver  coin,  at  his  discretion,  it  being  the  established  policy  of  the  United 
States  to  maintain  the  two  metals  on  a  parity  with  each  other  upon  the 
present  legal  ratio,  or  such  ratio  as  may  be  provided  by  law. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  829 

"SEC.  3.  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  each  month  coin 
2,000,000  ounces  of  the  silver  bullion  purchased  under  the  provisions  of  this 
act  into  standard  silver  dollars  until  the  1st  day  of  July,  1891,  and  after 
that  time  he  shall  coin  of  the  silver  bullion  purchased  under  the  provisions  of 
this  act  as  much  as  may  be  necessary  to  provide  for  the  redemption  of  the 
treasury  notes  herein  provided  for,  and  any  gain  or  seigniorage  arising  from 
such  coinage  shall  be  accounted  for  and  paid  into  the  treasury. 

"SEC.  4.  That  the  silver  bullion  purchased  under  the  pro  visions  of  this  act 
shall  be  subject  to  the  requirements  of  existing  law  and  the  regulations  of 
the  mint  service  governing  the  methods  of  determining  the  amount  of  pure 
silver  contained,  and  the  amount  of  charges  or  deductions,  if  any,  to  be 
made. 

"  SEC.  5.  That  so  much  of  the  act  of  February  28,  1878,  entitled  <  An 
act  to  authorize  the  coinage  of  the  standard  silver  dollar  and  to  restore  its 
legal  tender  character,'  as  requires  the  monthly  purchase  and  coinage  of  the 
same  into  silver  dollars  of  not  less  than  |2,000,000  nor  more  than  |4,000,000 
worth  of  silver  bullion,  is  hereby  repealed. 

"SEC.  6.  That  upon  the  passage  of  this  act  the  balances  standing  with 
the  treasurer  of  the  United  States  to  the  respective  credits  of  national  banks, 
for  deposits  made  to  redeem  the  circulating  notes  of  such  banks,  and  all  de 
posits  thereafter  received  for  like  purpose,  shall  be  covered  into  the  treas 
ury  as  a  miscellaneous  receipt,  and  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States  shall 
redeem,  from  the  general  cash  in  the  treasury,  the  circulating  notes  of  said 
banks  which  may  come  into  his  possession  subject  to  redemption  ;  and  upon 
the  certificate  of  the  comptroller  of  the  currency  that  such  notes  have  been 
received  by  him,  and  that  they  have  been  destroyed  and  that  no  new  notes 
will  be  issued  in  their  place,  reimbursement  of  their  amount  shall  be  made 
to  the  treasurer,  under  such  regulations  as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
may  prescribe,  from  an  appropriation  hereby  created,  to  be  known  as 
'National  bank  notes:  Redemption  account,'  but  the  provisions  of  this  act 
shall  not  apply  to  the  deposits  received  under  section  3  of  the  act  of  June 
20,  1874,  requiring  every  national  bank  to  keep  in  lawful  money,  with  the 
treasurer  of  the  United  States,  a  sum  equal  to  five  per  cent,  of  its  circulation, 
to  be  held  and  used  for  the  redemption  of  its  circulating  notes ;  and  the 
balance  remaining  of  the  deposit  so  covered  shall,  at  the  close  of  each 
month,  be  reported  on  the  monthly  public  debt  statement  as  debt  of  the 
United  States  bearing  no  interest. 

"  SEC.  7.  That  this  act  shall  take  effect  thirty  days  from  and  after  its 
passage." 

The  authorship  of  this  law  has  been  generally  credited  to  me, 
and  it  was  commonly  called  the  "  Sherman  silver  law,"  though 
I  took  but  little  part  in  framing  the  legislation  until  the  bill 
got  into  conference.  The  situation  at  that  time  was  critical. 


830  RECOLLECTIONS 

A  large  majority  of  the  Senate  favored  free  silver,  and  it  was 
feared  that  the  small  majority  against  it  in  the  other  House 
might  yield  and  agree  to  it.  The  silence  of  the  President  on 
the  matter  gave  rise  to  an  apprehension  that  if  a  free  coinage 
bill  should  pass  both  Houses  he  would  not  feel  at  liberty  to 
veto  it.  Some  action  had  to  be  taken  to  prevent  a  return  to 
free  silver  coinage,  and  the  measure  evolved  was  the  best  ob 
tainable.  I  voted  for  it,  but  the  day  it  became  a  law  I  was 
ready  to  repeal  it,  if  repeal  could  be  had  without  substituting 
in  its  place  absolute  free  coinage. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  act  varied  greatly  from  the  House 
bill  before  the  free  coinage  amendment  was  attached.  The 
amount  of  silver  bullion  to  be  purchased  was  changed  from 
$4,500,000  worth  per  month  to  4,500,000  ounces  per  month. 
This  change,  owing  to  the  fall  in  price  of  silver,  not  then 
anticipated,  greatly  reduced  the  quantity  to  be  purchased. 
The  House  conferees  yielded  reluctantly  to  the  striking  out  of 
the  section  in  the  bill  providing  for  the  redemption  of  the 
notes  in  bullion,  a  plan  that  had  been  urged  by  Secretary  Win- 
dom.  In  lieu  thereof,  however,  a  clause  declaring  that  it  was 
the  purpose  of  the  government  to  maintain  the  parity  of  the 
metals  was  inserted.  This  was  a  most  important  amendment 
and  one  that  has  been  generally  accepted  as  indicating  the  pur 
pose  of  the  country  to  maintain  all  dollars  at  par  with  each 
other. 

The  chief  merit  of  this  law  was  that  it  suspended  the  per 
emptory  coinage  of  the  silver  purchased  under  it  into  silver 
dollars  which  could  not  be  circulated,  but  were  hoarded  in  the 
treasury  at  great  cost  and  inconvenience.  It  required  the 
monthly  purchase  of  a  greater  amount  of  silver  than  before,  but 
that  could  be  held  in  the  form  of  bullion,  and  could  be  paid  for 
by  treasury  notes  equal  in  amount  to  the  cost  of  the  bullion, 
the  whole  of  which  was  held  in  the  treasury  as  security  for 
the  payment  of  the  notes.  If  silver  bullion  did  not  decline  in 
market  value  it  could,  if  necessary,  be  coined  without  loss,  and 
thus  the  parity  of  the  notes  with  gold  could  be  readily  main 
tained  according  to  the  declared  policy  of  the  law.  The  friends 
of  free  coinage  stoutly  asserted  that  this  purchase  of  silver 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  831 

bullion  would  not  only  prevent  its  depreciation,  but  would 
advance  its  market  value,  and  thus  be  a  gain  to  the  govern 
ment.  I  did  not  believe  this  but  hoped  that  it  would  not 
decline  in  value,  and,  in  any  event,  it  was  better  to  stop  the 
compulsory  coinage  of  the  bullion  into  dollars,  as  to  force  them 
into  circulation  would  reduce  the  purchasing  power  of  the  dol 
lar  and  bring  the  United  States  to  the  single  standard  of  silver. 
Being  compelled  to  choose  between  the  measure  proposed  and 
the  free  coinage  of  silver  I  preferred  the  former,  and  voted  for 
the  bill  and,  thus,  with  others,  became  responsible  for  it. 

Contrary  to  the  expectation  of  the  friends  of  silver  it  stead 
ily  declined  in  market  value.  The  compulsory  purchase  of  the 
enormous  aggregate  of  fifty-four  million  ounces,  or  2,250  tons 
Troy,  each  year,  did  not  maintain  the  market  value  of  silver, 
but  it  steadily  declined  so  that  the  silver  purchased  each  year 
entailed  an  annual  loss  of  more  than  $10,000,000. 

When  the  result  became  apparent  I  was  anxious  to  arrest 
the  purchase  of  silver,  and  I  never  could  comprehend  why  any 
one  not  directly  interested  in  the  mining  of  silver  could  favor 
a  policy  involving  so  heavy  a  loss  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  Long  before  the  second  election  of  Mr.  Cleveland  I  ad 
vocated  the  repeal  of  what  became  known  as  the  "  Sherman 
act,"  and  heartily  supported  and  voted  for  the  repeal  he  recom 
mended. 

In  the  previous  Congress  I  had  introduced  a  bill  u  to  declare 
unlawful,  trusts  and  combinations  in  restraint  of  trade  and 
production,"  but  no  action  was  taken  upon  it.  On  the  4th  of 
December  I  again  introduced  this  bill,  it  being  the  first  Senate 
bill  introduced  in  that  Congress.  It  was  referred  to  the  conir 
mittee  on  finance,  and,  having  been  reported  back  with  amend 
ments,  I  called  it  up  on  the  27th  of  February,  and  said  that  I 
did  not  intend  to  make  any  extended  remarks  upon  it  unless  it 
should  become  necessary  to  do  so.  Senator  George  made  a 
long  and  carefully  prepared  speech,  from  which  it  appeared 
that  while  he  favored  the  general  purpose  of  the  bill  he  ob 
jected  to  it  on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  constitutional.  This 
objection  was  shared  by  several  Senators.  I  subsequently  re 
ported  from  the  committee  on  finance  a  substitute  for  the  bill, 


832  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  on  the  21st  of  March  made  a  long  speech  in  support  of  it 
in  which  I  said: 

"  I  did  not  originally  intend  to  make  any  extended  argument  on  this 
trust  bill,  because  I  supposed  that  the  public  facts  upon  which  it  is  founded 
and  the  general  necessity  of  some  legislation  were  so  manifest  that  no  de 
bate  was  necessary  to  bring  those  facts  to  the  attention  of  the  Senate. 

"  But  the  different  views  taken  by  Senators  in  regard  to  the  legal  ques 
tions  involved  in  the  bill,  and  the  very  able  speech  made  by  the  Senator 
from  Mississippi  [Mr.  George]  relative  to  the  details  of  the  bill,  led  me  to 
the  conclusion  that  it  was  my  duty,  having  reported  the  bill  from  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  to  present,  in  as  clear  and  logical  a  way  as  I  can,  the 
legal  and  practical  questions  involved  in  the  bill. 

"  The  object  of  this  bill,  as  shown  by  the  title,  is  '  to  declare  unlawful, 
trusts  and  combinations  in  restraint  of  trade  and  production.'  It  declares 
that  certain  contracts  are  against  public  policy,  null  and  void.  It  does  not 
announce  a  new  principle  of  law,  but  applies  old  and  well-recognized  princi 
ples  of  the  common  law  to  the  complicated  jurisdiction  of  our  state  and 
federal  government.  Similar  contracts  in  any  state  in  the  Union  are  now, 
by  common  or  statute  law,  null  and  void.  Each  state  can  and  does  prevent 
and  control  combinations  within  the  limit  of  the  state.  This  we  do  not  pro 
pose  to  interfere  with.  The  power  of  the  state  courts  has  been  repeatedly 
exercised  to  set  aside  such  combinations  as  I  shall  hereafter  show,  but  these 
courts  are  limited  in  their  jurisdiction  to  the  state,  and,  in  our  complex 
system  of  government,  .are  admitted  to  be  unable  to  deal  with  the  great  evil 
that  now  threatens  us. 

"  Unlawful  combinations,  unlawful  at  common  law,  now  extend  to  all 
the  states  and  interfere  with  our  foreign  and  domestic  commerce  and  with 
the  importation  and  sale  of  goods  subject  to  duty  under  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  against  which  only  the  general  government  can  secure  relief. 
They  not  only  affect  our  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  but  trade  and 
transportation  among  the  several  states.  The  purpose  of  this  bill  is  to 
enable  the  courts  of  the  United  States  to  apply  the  same  remedies  against 
combinations  which  injuriously  affect  the  interests  of  the  United  States  that 
have  been  applied  in  the  several  states  to  protect  local  interests. 

********* 

"  This  bill,  as  I  would  have  it,  has  for  its  single  object  to  invoke  the  aid 
of  the  courts  of  the  United  States  to  deal  with  the  combinations  described 
in  the  first  section,  when  they  affect  injuriously  our  foreign  and  interstate 
commerce  and  our  revenue  laws,  and  in  this  way  to  supplement  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  established  rules  of  the  common  and  statute  law  by  the  courts 
of  the  several  states  in  dealing  with  combinations  that  affect  injuriously  the 
industrial  liberty  of  the  citizens  of  these  states.  It  is  to  arm  the  federal 
courts  within  the  limits  of  their  constitutional  power,  that  they  may  cooper 
ate  with  the  state  courts  in  checking,  curbing,  and  controlling  the  most 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  833 

dangerous  combinations  that  now  threaten  the  business,  property,  and  trade 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  And  for  one  I  do  not  intend  to  be 
turned  from  this  course  by  finespun  constitutional  quibbles  or  by  the  plausi 
ble  pretexts  of  associated  or  corporate  wealth  and  power. 

"It  is  said  that  this  bill  will  interfere  with  la,wful  trade,  with  the  cus 
tomary  business  of  life.  I  deny  it.  It  aims  only  at  unlawful  combinations. 
It  does  not  in  the  least  affect  combinations  in  aid  of  production  where  there 
is  free  and  fair  competition.  It  is  the  right  of  every  man  to  work,  labor, 
and  produce  in  any  lawful  vocation,  and  to  transport  his  production  on  equal 
terms  and  conditions  and  under  like  circumstances.  This  is  industrial 
liberty,  and  lies  at  the  foundation  of  the  equality  of  all  rights  and  privi 
leges." 

I  then  recited  the  history  of  such  legislation  in  England, 
from  the  period  of  Coke  and  Littleton  to  the  present  times.  I 
also  quoted  numerous  decisions  in  the  courts  of  the  several 
states,  and  explained  the  necessity  of  conferring  upon  the 
courts  of  the  United  States  jurisdiction  of  trusts  and  combina 
tions  extending  over  many  states. 

Various  amendments  were  offered  and  a  long  debate  fol 
lowed,  until,  on  the  25th  of  March,  Mr.  George  moved  to  refer 
the  whole  subject  to  the  committee  on  the  judiciary.  I  op 
posed  this  motion  on  the  ground  that  such  a  reference  would 
cause  delay  and  perhaps  defeat  all  action  upon  the  bill.  I 
stated  that  I  desired  a  vote  upon  it,  corrected  and  changed  as 
the  Senate  deemed  proper.  The  motion  was  defeated  by  the 
vote  of  yeas  18,  nays  28.  Subsequently,  however,  the  bill 
was  referred  to  the  committee  on  the  judiciary,  with  instruc 
tions  to  report  within  twenty  days.  On  the  2nd  of  April  Mr. 
Edmunds,  chairman  of  that  committee,  reported  a  substitute 
for  the  bill,  and  stated  that,  while  it  did  not  entirely  meet  his 
views,  he  was  willing  to  support  it.  Mr.  Vest,  Mr.  George 
and  Mr.  Coke,  members  of  the  committee,  also  made  state 
ments  to  the  same  effect.  When  the  bill  was  taken  up  on  the 
8th  of  April  I  said  I  did  not  intend  to  open  any  debate  on 
the  subject,  but  would  state  that  after  having  fairly  and  fully 
considered  the  substitute  proposed  by  the  committee  on  the 
judiciary,  I  would  vote  for  it,  not  as  being  precisely  what 
wanted,  but  as  the  best  thing,  under  all  the  circumstances,  that 
the  Senate  was  prepared  to  give  in  that  direction.  The  bill 


834  RECOLLECTIONS 

passed  by  the  vote  of  52  yeas  and  1  nay,  Senator  Blodgett,  of 
New  Jersey,  alone  voting  in  the  negative.  It  was  passed  by 
the  House  and  after  being  twice  referred  to  committees  of  con 
ference  was  finally  agreed  to,  the  title  having  been  changed 
to  "An  act  to  protect  trade  and  commerce  against  unlawful 
restraints  and  monopolies,"  and  was  approved  by  the  President 
June  26, 1890. 

The  law  as  finally  agreed  to  is  as  follows: 

"SEC.  1.  Every  contract,  combination  in  the  form  of  trust  or  otherwise, 
or  conspiracy,  in  restraint  of  trade  or  commerce  among  the  several  states,  or 
with  foreign  nations,  is  hereby  declared  to  be  illegal.  Every  person  who 
shall  make  any  such  contract,  or  engage  in  any  such  combination  or  con 
spiracy,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and,  on  conviction  thereof, 
shall  be  punished  by  fine  not  exceeding  five  thousand  dollars,  or  by  imprison 
ment  not  exceeding  one  year,  or  by  both  said  punishments,  in  the  discretion 
of  the  court. 

"  SEC.  2.  Every  person  who  shall  monopolize,  or  attempt  to  monopolize, 
or  combine  or  conspire  with  any  other  person,  or  persons,  to  monopolize, 
any  part  of  the  trade  or  commerce  among  the  several  states,  or  with  foreign 
nations,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and,  on  conviction 
thereof,  shall  be  punished  by  fine  not  exceeding  five  thousand  dollars,  or  by 
imprisonment  not  exceeding  one  year,  or  by  both  said  punishments,  in  the 
discretion  of  the  court. 

"  SEC.  3.  Every  contract,  combination  in  form  of  trust  or  otherwise,  or 
conspiracy,  in  restraint  of  trade  or  commerce  in  any  territory  of  the  United 
States  or  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  in  restraint  of  trade  or  commerce 
between  any  such  territory  and  another,  or  between  any  such  territory  or 
territories  and  any  state  or  states  or  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  with  foreign 
nations,  or  between  the  District  of  Columbia  and  any  state  or  states  or  foreign 
nations,  is  hereby  declared  illegal.  Every  person  who  shall  make  any  such 
contract,  or  engage  in  any  such  combination  or  conspiracy,  shall  be  deemed 
guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and,  on  conviction  thereof,  shall  be  punished  by 
fine  not  exceeding  five  thousand  dollars,  or  by  imprisonment  not  exceeding 
one  year,  or  by  both  said  punishments,  in  the  discretion  of  the  court. 

"  SEC.  4.  The  several  circuit  courts  of  the  United  States  are  hereby  in 
vested  with  jurisdiction  to  prevent  and  restrain  violations  of  this  act ;  and  it 
shall  be  the  duty  of  the  several  district  attorneys  of  the  United  States,  in 
their  respective  districts,  under  the  direction  of  the  attorney  general,  to 
institute  proceedings  in  equity  to  prevent  and  restrain  such  violations. 
Such  proceedings  may  be  by  way  of  petition  setting  forth  the  case  and  pray 
ing  that  such  violation  shall  be  enjoined  or  otherwise  prohibited.  When 
the  parties  complained  of  shall  have  been  duly  notified  of  such  petition  the 
court  shall  proceed,  as  soon  as  may  be,  to  the  hearing  and  determination  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  835 

the  case  ;  and  pending  such  petition,  and  before  final  decree,  the  court  may 
at  any  time  make  such  temporary  restraining  order  or  prohibition  as  shall  be 
deemed  just  in  the  premises. 

"  SEC.  5.  Whenever  it  shall  appear  to  the  court  before  which  any  pro 
ceeding  under  section  four  of  this  act  may  be  pending,  that  the  ends  of 
justice  require  that  other  parties  should  be  brought  before  the  court,  the 
court  may  cause  them  to  be  summoned,  whether  they  reside  in  the  district  in 
which  the  court  is  held  or  not ;  and  subposnas  to  that  end  may  be  served  in 
any  district  by  the  marshal  thereof. 

"SEC.  6.  Any  property  owned  under  any  contract  or  by  any  combina 
tion,  or  pursuant  to  any  conspiracy  (and  being  the  subject  thereof)  men 
tioned  in  section  one  of  this  act,  and  being  in  the  course  of  transportation 
from  one  state  to  another,  or  to  a  foreign  country,  shall  be  forfeited  to  the 
United  States,  and  may  be  seized  and  condemned  by  like  proceedings  as 
those  provided  by  law  for  the  forfeiture,  seizure,  and  condemnation  of  prop 
erty  imported  into  the  United  States  contrary  to  law. 

"  SEC.  7.  Any  person  who  shall  be  injured  in  his  business  or  property  by 
any  other  or  corporation,  by  reason  of  anything  forbidden  or  declared  to  be 
unlawful  by  this  act,  may  sue  therefor  in  any  circuit  court  of  the  United 
States  in  the  district  in  which  the  defendant  resides  or  is  found,  without  re 
spect  to  the  amount  in  controversy,  and  shall  recover  threefold  the  damages 
by  him  sustained,  and  the  costs  of  the  suit,  including  a  reasonable  attorney's 
fee. 

"  SEC.  8.  That  the  word  '  person,'  or  '  persons,'  wherever  used  in  this  act, 
shall  be  deemed  to  include  corporations  and  associations  existing  under  or 
authorized  by  the  laws  of  either  the  United  States,  the  laws  of  any  of  the 
territories,  the  laws  of  any  state,  or  the  laws  of  any  foreign  country." 

Since  the  passage  of  this  act  I  have  carefully  studied  and 
observed  the  effect,  upon  legitimate  trade  and  production,  of 
the  combination  of  firms  and  corporations  to  monopolize  a  par 
ticular  industry.  If  this  association  is  made  merely  to  promote 
production  or  to  create  guilds  for  friendly  intercourse  between 
persons  engaged  in  a  common  pursuit,  it  is  beneficial,  but  such 
is  not  the  object  of  the  great  combinations  in  the  United  States. 
They  are  organized  to  prevent  competition  and  to  advance 
prices  and  profits.  Usually  the  capital  of  several  corporations, 
often  of  different  states,  is  combined  into  a  single  corporation, 
and  sometimes  this  is  placed  under  the  control  of  one  man. 
The  power  of  this  combination  is  used  to  prevent  and  destroy  all 
competition,  and  in  many  cases  this  has  been  successful,  which 
has  resulted  in  enormous  fortunes  and  sometimes  a  large 


836  RECOLLECTIONS 

advance  in  prices  to  the  consumer.  This  law  may  not  be  suffi 
cient  to  control  and  prevent  such  combinations,  but,  if  not,  the 
evil  produced  by  them  will  lead  to  effective  legislation.  I 
know  of  no  object  of  greater  importance  to  the  people.  I  hope 
the  courts  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  states,  will 
deal  with  these  combinations  so  as  to  prevent  and  destroy 
them. 

On  the  18th  of  May,  1890,  I  was  drawn  into  a  casual  de 
bate  with  Mr.  Eustis,  of  Louisiana,  which  extended  to  others, 
on  the  relations  of  the  north  and  the  south,  or,  rather,  between 
Union  and  Confederate  soldiers.  The  subject  before  the  Senate 
was  a  bill  to  aid  the  illiterate  in  obtaining  a  common  school 
education.  The  chief  benefit  of  the  measure  would  have  inured 
to  the  south,  especially  to  the  negroes  of  the  south.  Mr.  Eustis 
complained  of  the  15th  amendment  to  the  constitution.  I  ex 
plained  to  him  that  this  amendment  would  never  have  been 
adopted  but  for  the  action  of  the  south  in  depriving  the  enfran 
chised  voter,  not  only  of  his  rights  of  citizenship,  but  of  the 
ordinary  rights  of  humanity.  I  gave  the  history  of  the  recon 
struction  acts,  the  first  of  which  was  framed  by  a  committee  of 
which  I  was  chairman.  It  was  based  upon  the  restoration  of 
the  southern  states  to  all  the  rights  and  privileges  they  enjoyed 
before  the  war,  subject  to  such  changes  as  were  made  necessary 
by  the  abolition  of  slavery  as  the  result  of  the  war.  There  was 
then  no  feeling  of  hostility  to  the  people  of  the  south.  I  had 
heard  at  that  time  no  expression  of  opinion  except  of  kind 
ness  to  them.  There  was  a  universal  appreciation  of  the  fact 
that  while  they  were  wrong — radically  wrong,  as  we  thought, 
in  waging  a  useless  and  bloody  war  against  the  Union  of  this 
country  —  yet  they  were  honest  in  their  convictions,  they  be 
lieved  the  doctrines  they  fought  for  were  the  doctrines  of  the 
constitution,  and  there  was,  therefore,  a  spirit  of  generosity,  of 
forbearance,  of  kindness,  to  these  people,  and  everything  they 
could  ask  for  in  reason  would  have  been  granted  to  them. 

It  was  not  then  contemplated  to  arm  the  negroes  with 
suffrage.  A  few,  and  but  a  few,  Senators  made  such  a  propo 
sition,  but  it  was  scouted  and  laid  aside.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  the  Ku-Klux  crimes  and  violence  broke  out,  and  the  laws 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  837 

of  the  southern  states  were  so  cruel,  so  unjust,  so  wrong  in  our 
view  of  the  rights  of  the  colored  people,  and  of  white  Repub 
licans  as  well,  that  the  people  of  the  north  resented  this  injus 
tice.  These  laws  burned  like  coals  of  fire  in  the  northern 
breast.  This  led  to  the  reconstruction  acts,  and  the  adoption 
of  the  15th  amendment.  The  14th  amendment  was  the  act 
of  the  conservative  Senators  and  Members,  such  as  Fessenden, 
Trumbull  and  Doolittle.  The  15th  amendment  was  the  natural 
result  of  cruelty  and  outrage  in  the  south.  This  amendment 
has  been  practically  nullified  by  the  conservatives  of  the  north, 
and  now  the  people  of  the  south  have  increased  political 
power  by  reason  of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  while,  backed  by 
public  opinion  in  the  south,  they  deprive  the  colored  people, 
by  whom  they  gained  this  power,  of  their  political  rights,  and 
that  by  processes  that  are  denounced  as  criminal  by  every 
free  state.  Time,  no  doubt,  will  correct  this  evil.  If  justice  is 
done  to  the  negroes  they  will  advance  in  intelligence  with  the 
improvement  of  their  condition,  and  with  the  benefit  of  their 
labor  the  south  will  become  more  prosperous  by  the  diversity 
of  employments.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  in  a  brief 
period  the  south  will  engage  in  manufactures  and  become 
more  prosperous  than  in  the  days  of  slavery. 

On  the  20th  of  May,  the  death  of  William  D.  Kelley  was 
announced  in  the  Senate.  He  entered  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  as  I  left  it  to  take  my  seat  in  the  Senate,  but  our 
frequent  meetings  in  the  consideration  of  bills  of  a  finan 
cial  character  led  to  a  friendship  which  was  unbroken,  and 
which  imposed  on  me  the  duty  of  responding  to  the  usual 
resolutions  presented  on  the  death  of  a  Member.  When  Mr. 
Kelley  entered  the  House  as  a  Member  from  the  city  of  Phila 
delphia,  he  had  arrived  at  the  mature  age  of  forty-six,  and  had 
an  established  reputation  for  ability,  industry,  and  fidelity  to 
duty.  He  had  been  trained  in  the  school  of  poverty,  making 
his  own  way  in  the  world,  gathering  knowledge  by  the  wayside. 
He  labored  for  several  years  at  his  trade  as  a  mechanic,  but, 
prompted  by  a  restless  thirst  for  knowledge,  studied  law, 
and  for  several  years  practiced  the  legal  profession.  In  due 
time  he  became  a  judge  and  served  as  such  for  ten  years,  so 


838    •  RECOLLECTIONS 

that  when  he  entered  public  life  as  a  Member  of  the  House  he 
was  a  trained  lawyer,  with  strong  convictions  upon  economic 
questions,  and  bold  and  earnest  on  all  the  stern  issues  of  the 
Civil  War. 

The  creed  to  which  he  devoted  himself  consisted  of  but 
three  articles:  That  the  Union  must  be  preserved  at  all  hazards, 
that  the  national  government  should  exercise  its  exclusive 
power  to  provide  money  for  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  the  laborer  of  our  country  should  be  protected  in  his 
industry  from  undue  competition. 

On  the  8th  of  July  a  similar  announcement  was  made  of 
the  death  of  Samuel  S.  Cox,  late  a  Representative  of  the  city 
of  New  York.  He  had  been  a  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio 
before  the  Civil  War,  and  shared  in  the  exciting  and  dangerous 
scenes  in  Congress  at  that  time,  and  I  felt  it  became  my  duty, 
as  one  of  the  few  surviving  actors  in  those  events,  to  pay  a  just 
tribute  to  the  qualities  of  head  and  heart  that  made  him  and 
kept  him  a  leader  among  the  public  men  of  our  country  for  a 
period  of  more  than  thirty-three  years,  longer  than  the  average 
life  of  a  generation.  This  duty  was  the  more  imperative  upon 
me  as  he  was  a  native  of  Ohio,  for  forty  years  a  resident, 
and  for  eight  years  a  Representative  in  Congress  from  that 
state,  honored  and  respected  by  all  of  whatever  party  or  creed, 
and  beloved  by  his  associates  as  but  few  in  political  life  can 
hope  to  be. 

I  doubt  if  there  was  a  single  measure  placed  on  the  statute 
book,  during  his  time,  which  appealed  to  sympathy,  charity, 
justice,  and  kindness  for  the  poor,  the  distressed  or  the  unfort 
unate,  which  did  not  receive  his  hearty  support.  If  kindness 
bestowed  is  never  lost,  then  Mr.  Cox  has  left  an  inheritance  to 
thousands  who  will  revere  his  memory  while  life  lasts. 

Perhaps  his  most  pleasing  trait  was  his  genial,  social 
manner.  Always  gay,  cheerful  and  humorous,  he  scattered 
flowers  on  the  pathway  of  his  friends  and  acquaintances.  His 
wit  was  free  from  sting.  If  in  the  excitement  of  debate  he 
inflicted  pain,  he  was  ready  and  prompt  to  make  amends, 
and  died,  as  far  as  I  know,  without  an  enemy  or  an  un- 
healed  feud. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


839 


When,  on  the  27th  of  September,  1890,  a  bill  was  pending 
to  restrict  alien  contract  labor,  I  heartily  supported  it,  and, 
after  referring  to  the  conditions  which  justified  the  act  of  1864,' 
said  that  since  that  time  the  class  of  immigration  coming  from 
some  foreign  countries  had  been  such  as  would  make  it  proper 
to  exclude  a  portion  of  it,  and  therefore  I  was  in  favor  of  the 
bill  or  any  other  bill  that  would  prevent  the  poisoning  of  the 
blood  of  our  people  in  any  way  whatever  by  the  introduction  of 
either  disease,  crime,  or  vice  into  our  midst,  and  would  vote  to 
exclude  all  paupers  or  persons  who  were  unable  to  earn  an 
honest  livelihood  by  labor.  That  is  the  correct  principle.  I 
think  we  did,  during  the  war,  go  to  the  extreme  in  one  direction 
to  induce  people  to  come  among  us  to  share  our  benefits  and 
advantages,  and  we  gave  the  reasons  why  we  did  so;  but  now 
the  period  has  arrived  when  men  of  all  parties,  all  conditions 
of  life,  all  creeds,  ought  to  be  willing  to  limit  and  regulate 
immigration,  so  that  only  those  who  are  able  to  labor  and  toil 
in  the  ordinary  occupations  of  life  and  to  earn  a  livelihood 
should  be  allowed  to  come. 

The  most  important  measure  adopted  during  this  Congress 
was  what  is  properly  known  as  the  McKinley  tariff  law.  I  had 
not  given  as  much  care  and  attention  to  this  bill  as  other  Sena 
tors  on  the  committee  on  finance  had,  nor  did  I  participate 
in  its  preparation  as  fully  as  they.  When  the  Mills  bill  came 
to  the  Senate  in  1888,  the  work  of  preparing  amendments  to, 
or  a  substitute  for,  that  bill  was  intrusted  to  Messrs.  Allison, 
Aldrich,  and  Hiscock.  Their  work  was  submitted  to  the  full 
committee  on  finance,  and,  after  careful  examination,  was 
reported  to  the  Senate,  and  was  known  as  "the  Senate  bill"  to 
distinguish  it  from  the  "Mills  bill,"  for  which  it  was  substituted. 
When  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  came  to  the  Senate  on  the  21st 
of  May,  1890,  it  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance  and 
was  there  submitted  to  the  same  sub-committee  that  had 
considered  the  Mills  bill.  The  McKinley  bill,  as  amended  by 
the  committee  on  finance,  was  in  substance  the  Senate  bill 
of  1888. 

It  is  not  necessary  here  to  refer  to  the  long  debate  in  the  Sen 
ate  on  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  and  the  amendments  proposed 


840  RECOLLECTIONS 

in  the  Senate.  The  result  was  a  disagreement  between  the 
two  Houses  and  the  reference  of  the  disagreeing  votes  to  a 
committee  of  conference,  of  which  I  was  a  member.  When  the 
report  of  the  committee  of  conference  came  before  the  Senate 
I  made  a  long  speech  justifying,  as  I  thought,  the  public  policy 
involved  in  the  proposed  tariff  taxation.  I  stated  that  the  sub 
committee  named  was  entitled  to  the  credit  of  all  the  labor 
expended  on  the  bill,  that  as  a  member  of  the  committee  of 
ways  and  means  or  on  finance  I  had  participated  in  framing 
all  the  former  revenue  laws  since  1858,  but  as  to  this  bill 
I  had  done  only  what  I  thought  was  my  duty  in  keeping 
pace  with  the  labor  of  the  sub-committee,  and  in  examining 
the  bill  as  far  as  I  could  consistently  with  other  duties,  and 
giving  my  judgment  upon  its  details  whenever  I  thought  it 
necessary. 

My  speech  was  turned  into  a  colloquial  debate  by  the  inter 
ruptions  of  several  Senators,  among  whom  were  Gray,  Carlisle, 
Gibson  and  Paddock,  but  this  enabled  me  to  meet  the  chief  ob 
jections  to  the  conference  report.  More  than  four- fifths  of  the 
provisions  of  the  bill,  as  reported  by  the  conference,  were  pre 
cisely  in  the  language  of  the  bin  as  passed  by  the  House.  The 
residue  was  chiefly  taken  from  the  Senate  bill,  fully  discussed 
in  the  previous  session.  The  rates  of  duties  must  neces 
sarily  be  changed  from  time  to  time  to  meet  the  change  in 
prices,  the  course  and  balance  of  trade,  the  relative  amounts 
of  exports  and  imports,  and  the  amount  of  revenue  required. 
These  changes  are  rapid  and  unforeseen,  so  that  under  any  sys 
tem  of  taxation  the  revenue  may  rise  or  fall,  whatever  may  be 
the  rates  of  duty  or  taxes.  Parties  and  politicians,  in  defining 
their  political  creeds,  talk  about  a  tariff  for  revenue  and  a  tariff 
for  protection.  These  are  misleading  phrases,  for  every  tariff 
for  revenue  imposed  on  any  imported  article  necessarily  pro 
tects  or  favors  the  same  article  produced  in  the  United  States, 
which  is  not  subject  to  the  tariff  tax. 

The  real  struggle  in  tariff  legislation  is  one  of  sections,  or,  as 
General  Hancock  truly  said,  it  is  "  a  local  question."  The  Repub 
lican  party  affirms  that  it  is  for  a  protective  tariff.  The  Demo 
cratic  party  declares  that  it  is  for  a  tariff  for  revenue  only  ;  but 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


841 


generally,  when  Republicans  and  Democrats  together  are  fram 
ing  a  tariff,  each  Member  or  Senator  consults  the  interest  of  his 
"  deestrict "  or  state.  It  so  happens  that  by  the  constitutional 
organization  of  the  Senate,  two  sections  have  an  unequal  allot 
ment  of  Senators  in  proportion  to  population.  The  New  Eng 
land  States  have  twelve  able  and  experienced  Senators,  with  a 
population,  according  to  the  census  of  1890,  of  4,700,745,  or  one 
Senator  for  less  than  400,000  inhabitants.  The  nine  states  west 
of  the  Missouri,  commonly  classified  as  the  silver  or  western 
states,  have  eighteen  Senators,  with  a  population  of  2,814,400, 
or  one  Senator  for  less  than  160,000  inhabitants.  This  repre 
sentation  in  the  Senate  gives  these  groups  of  states  a  very  de 
cided  advantage  in  tariff  legislation.  The  average  of  Senators 
to  the  whole  population  is  one  for  712,000  inhabitants.  This 
inequality  of  representation  cannot  be  avoided.  It  was  espe 
cially  manifest  in  framing  the  tariff  of  1883,  when  New  Eng 
land  carried  a  measure  that  was  condemned  by  public  opinion 
from  the  date  of  its  passage. 

I  undertook,  in  my  speech,  to  define  the  condition  of  tariff 
legislation,  and  the  position  of  each  party  in  regard  to  it.  I 
said: 

"A  change  and  revision  has  been  demanded  by  both  parties  since  1883. 
The  tariff  law  of  1883  did  not  give  satisfaction  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  It  had  many  imperfections  in  it.  I  always  thought  the  great  error 
was  made  in  1883  in  not  making,  as  the  substantial  basis,  as  the  real  sub 
stance  of  the  tariff  law  of  that  year,  the  report  of  the  tariff  commission. 
Whether  that  was  wise  or  unwise,  it  is  certain  that  the  tariff  of  1883  never 
gave  satisfaction.  There  were  defects  found  in  it  in  a  short  time,  and  from 
then  till  now  the  subject  of  the  revision  of  the  tariff  has  been  a  matter 
of  constant  debate  in  both  Houses.  It  has  been  the  subject  of  political 
debate  before  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  two  several  presidential  cam 
paigns,  and  the  election  of  at  least  two  Congresses  depended  upon  ques 
tions  arising-  out  of  the  tariff,  until  finally  the  Republican  party,  controlling 
in  the  Senate,  and  the  Democratic  party,  controlling  in  the  other  House,  un 
dertook  to  bring  before  the  people  of  the  United  States  their  rival  theories 
as  to  the  tariff.  We  had  the  Mills  bill  two  years  ago.  It  was  very  care 
fully  examined  and  sent  to  us  as  a  Democratic  production.  It  came  here 
and  in  place  of  it  there  was  substituted  what  was  called  the  Senate  bill  of 
1888.  That  was  sent  back  to  the  House,  and  the  House  disagreed  to  it,  and 
thus  this  controversy  was  at  once  cast  into  the  presidential  election.  Here 
were  the  platforms  of  the  two  great  parties  embodied  in  the  form  of  bills, 


842  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  the  choice  between  them,  not  having  been  decided  in  Congress,  was  re 
mitted  to  the  people,  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  passed  their  judg 
ment  upon  the  general  principles  involved  in  these  bills. 

"  Now,  what  are  those  general  principles  ?  1  think  I  can  state  them 
very  clearly  and  very  briefly.  On  the  one  hand,  the  Democratic  party  be 
lieve  in  a  tariff  for  revenue  only,  sometimes,  they  say,  with  incidental  pro 
tection,  but  what  they  mean  is  a  tariff  intended  solely  to  raise  money  to 
carry  on  the  operations  of  the  government.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Repub 
lican  party  believe  that  we  should  do  something  more  besides  merely  pro 
viding  revenue,  but  that  we  should  so  levy  the  duties  on  imported  goods 
that  they  would  not  only  yield  us  an  ample  revenue  to  carry  on  the  opera 
tions  of  the  government,  but  that  they  would  do  more  ;  that  they  would 
protect,  foster,  and  diversify  American  industry.  This  broad  line  of  de- 
markation  entered  into  the  presidential  contest. 

"  Mr.  president,  the  result  of  it  all  is  that  the  Republican  party  carried 
not  only  both  Houses  of  Congress,  but  they  carried  the  popular  voice, 
elected  the  President,  and  now  all  branches  of  the  government  are  governed 
by  the  Republican  ideas  and  not  by  the  Democratic  ideas. 

"  What  then  was  done  ?  The  House  of  Representatives  took  up  the 
Senate  bill  of  1888,  revised  it,  modified  it,  and  changed  it  so  as  to  suit  the 
popular  will  of  the  present  day,  and  sent  it  to  us,  and  we  made  some 
changes  in  it,  and  that  is  the  bill  now  before  us.  To  say  that  anyone  can  be 
misled  or  may  be  deceived  or  does  not  know  the  contents  of  this  bill  is  to 
confess  a  degree  of  ignorance  that  I  would  not  impute  to  any  Senator  of  the 
United  States  or  to  any  Member  of  Congress. 

"  There  are  two  or  three  principles  involved  in  this  bill ;  first,  that  it  is 
the  duty  of  Congress  to  foster,  protect  and  diversify  American  industry.  We 
believe  that  whenever  a  new  industry  can  be  started  in  our  country  with  a 
successful  hope  of  living,  with  a  reasonable  protection  against  foreign  manu 
factures,  we  ought  to  establish  it  here,  and  that  that  is  a  good  policy  for  the 
country.  It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  show  that  this  policy  is  as  old  as  our 
constitution  ;  that  Washington  proclaimed  it ;  that  even  Jefferson  and  Mad 
ison  and  the  old  Republican  Presidents  of  the  former  times  were  in  favor  of 
that  doctrine,  and  that  General  Jackson  advocated  it  in  the  most  emphatic 
way  in  many  different  forms  of  speech.  It  has  come  down  to  us,  and  we  are 
trying  now  to  carry  out  that  idea,  to  encourage  home  production  by  putting 
a  tax  upon  foreign  productions.  As  this  tax  does  not  apply  to  home  produc 
tion,  therefore  it  is  a  protection  against  the  importation  of  foreign  goods  to 
the  extent  of  the  tax  levied.  We  think  that  this  tax  ought  to  be  put  at 
such  a  rate  as  will  give  to  our  people  here  a  chance  to  produce  the  articles 
and  pay  a  fair  return  for  the  investment  made  and  for  the  labor  expended  at 
prices  higher  in  this  country  than  in  any  country  in  the  world.  That  is  the 
first  rule,  and  I  believe  that  that  rule  has  been  carried  out,  and  I  think 
liberally,  and  so  as  to  secure  increased  production  at  home  and  a  larger 
market." 


> 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  843 

I  am  not  entirely  content  with  this  statement  of  the  posi 
tion  of  the  two  great  parties,  nor  do  I  believe  that  any  line  of 
demarkation  between  them  can  be  made,  or  ought  it  to  be 
made.  If  any  proof  of  this  is  required  I  need  only  refer  to  the 
unhappy  result  of  the  tariff  law  of  the  last  Congress,  which  left 
the  country  without  sufficient  revenue  to  meet  current  ex 
penses  of  the  government,  and  caused  the  absorption  for  such 
expenses  of  the  gold  reserved  for  the  maintenance  of  resump 
tion,  which  now  endangers  our  financial  system.  I  will  have 
occasion  to  refer  to  this  subject  hereafter. 

On  the  10th  day  of  May,  1890,  I  reached  the  age  of  sixty- 
seven  years.  My  wife  determined  to  celebrate  the  event  and 
invited  a  distinguished  party,  among  whom  were  President 
Harrison,  Vice  President  Morton,  Sir  Julian  Pauncefote  and 
General  Sherman,  to  dine  with  us  on  the  evening  of  that  day, 
the  dinner  to  be  followed  by  a  general  reception.  I  was  accus 
tomed  to  pass  each  milestone  of  my  journey  in  life  without 
notice,  but  as  we  were  both  in  good  health  I  readily  yielded  to 
her  wish.  Undue  importance  was  given  by  the  papers  to  this 
social  gathering  and  I  received  many  letters  of  congratulation 
and  read  many  kindly  notices  in  papers  representing  each  of 
the  two  great  parties.  I  looked  upon  this  as  evidence  that  I 
had  arrived  at  that  period  of  life  when  a  difference  in  political 
opinions  was  no  longer  regarded  as  a  ground  of  personal  dis 
favor. 

Soon  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress  I  returned  to  Ohio 
and  entered  actively  into  the  political  canvass.  The  election 
was  for  secretary  of  state  and  a  few  state  officers,  but  the  chief 
contest  was  upon  the  election  of  Members  of  Congress.  I 
made  my  first  speech  in  the  Ohio  canvass  at  Wilmington  on 
the  16th  of  October.  It  was  a  prepared  speech  and  dealt 
mainly  with  the  recent  acts  of  Congress.  I  opened  with  a  gen 
eral  comparison  of  the  two  great  parties  of  the  country.  The 
subjects  discussed  were  the  trust  law,  the  pension  legislation, 
the  silver  law  and  the  McKinley  tariff  law.  I  defended  the  lat 
ter  as  a  protective  measure  that,  while  reducing  taxation, 
maintained  the  protection  of  all  American  industries  impar 
tially.  I  continued  in  the  canvass  diligently,  speaking  almost 


844  RECOLLECTIONS 

every  day  until  the  election.  Among  the  largest  meetings  was 
one  at  Findlay  on  the  28th  of  October  and  one  at  Music  Hall, 
Cincinnati,  on  the  31st,  where  Governor  Foraker  and  I  spoke 
together.  The  meeting  at  Music  Hall  was  especially  notable 
for  the  number  and  enthusiasm  of  those  present. 

During  this  canvass,  on  the  25th  of  October,  I  attended  a 
meeting  at  the  city  hall,  Pittsburg,  which  was  largely  attended. 
The  chief  interest  in  this  busy,  thriving  city  was  the  tariff 
question,  to  which  I  mainly  confined  my  speech.  In  opening  I 
said: 

"While  on  my  way  here  I  wondered  what  in  the  world  the  people 
of  Pittsburg  wanted  to  hear  me  for — why  they  should  invite  a  Buck 
eye  from  Ohio  to  talk  to  them  about  Republican  principles?  This  city 
of  Pittsburg  is  the  birthplace  of  the  Republican  party.  Here  that  grand 
party  commenced  its  series  of  achievements  which  have  distinguished  it  more 
than  any  other  party  that  ever  existed  in  ancient  or  modern  times;  because 
it  has  been  the  good  fortune  of  the  Republican  party  to  confer  upon  the 
people  of  the  United  States  greater  benefits  than  were  ever  conferred  by 
any  other  political  organization  on  mortal  men.  We  have  had  periods  in 
our  existence  which  demonstrated  this.  When,  in  1853,  you  or  your  ances 
tors  organized  the  Republican  party,  our  only  object  was  to  resist  the  ex 
tension  of  slavery  over  our  western  territory.  Afterward,  in  1861,  the  only 
object  of  the  Republican  party  was  to  maintain  the  union  of  these  states,  to 
preserve  our  country  as  an  inheritance  for  your  children  and  your  children's 
children.  In  1876  the  object  of  the  Republican  party  was  to  make  good 
the  promises  contained  in  our  notes,  and  to  make  all  our  money  as  good  as 
gold  and  silver  coin.  Now,  the  great  issue  between  the  parties,  not  so 
great  as  in  the  past,  but  still  worthy  of  discussion,  is  how  shall  we  levy  the 
taxes  to  support  the  national  government?  That  is  the  question  that  is  to 
be  discussed  mainly  to-night." 

The  mention  of  the  McKinley  tariff  law  was  received  with 
immense  applause  and  cheers.  Continuing,  I  said: 

"  That  bill  is  very  well  named.  It  is  named  after  Wm.  McKinley,  a 
kind  of  Pennsylvania-Ohio  Dutchman,  with  a  little  Scotch-Irish  mixed  in 
him,  too — a  brilliant  neighbor  of  mine,  whom,  I  am  told,  you  have  had  the 
pleasure  of  hearing.  It  is  true  that  this  bill  was  made  up  largely  of  what 
was  called  the  Senate  bill  of  the  year  before,  and  new  lines  had  contributed 
toward  the  formation  of  that  bill;  but  it  was  properly  named  after  Mr.  Mc 
Kinley  because  of  his  indomitable  pluck,  his  ability,  his  energy. 

"It  was  pushed  through  the  House  after  great  opposition,  because  the 
Democrats,  as  usual,  opposed  that,  as  they  opposed  everything  else." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  845 

The  election  in  Ohio  resulted  in  Kepublican  success,  Daniel 
J.  Ryan,  the  head  of  the  ticket,  being  elected  secretary  of  state 
by  about  11,000  majority. 

Shortly  after  the  election  I  was  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
and  was  there  interviewed.  I  was  reported  to  have  said: 

"The  Republican  defeats  do  not  bother  me  at  all,  I  have  seen  many 
such  revulsions  before  and  we  get  around  all  right  again.  It  does  us  good, 

we  become  more  active  and  careful.     It  will  be  all  rip-ht. 

o 

"  I  will  cite  an  instance  in  my  own  state,  Ohio.  Last  year  we  lost  our 
governor,  this  year  we  carry  the  state  by  a  splendid  majority.  The  Demo 
crats  fixed  up  the  congressional  districts  so  we  would  get  six  Congressmen 
only,  but  we  got  eight." 

"What  of  Major  McKinley's  election  to  Congress?" 

"  Major  McKinley  is,  I  fear,  defeated,  though  when  I  left  Ohio  it  was 
thought  that  he  had  succeeded  by  a  small  majority.  If  he  could  have  run 
in  his  old  district  his  majority  would  have  been  3,500  or  4,000,  against 
2,000  received  by  him  two  years  ago.  But  they  placed  him  in  a  district  of 
three  Democratic  counties  and  only  one  Republican  county,  in  which  the 
Democratic  majority  is  upward  of  2,000.  It  looks  now  as  if  he  is  defeated 
by  about  130  votes.  It  simply  means  that  the  major  will  be  the  next  Gov 
ernor  of  Ohio.  He  made  a  splendid  canvass  and  a  magnificent  run,  and  de 
feat  is  not  the  proper  name  for  the  result.  Mr.  McKinley  told  me  before  the 
election  that  he  did  not  expect  to  succeed  with  such  odds  against  him. 

"As  to  the  general  result  of  the  congressional  elections,  I  have  seen  such 
convulsions  a  dozen  times  or  more,  but  they  have  had  no  permanent  effect. 
In  1878,  when  I  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  we  lost  the  House  and  Senate 
both,  but  two  years  later,  in  1880,  we  rallied  and  recovered  all  that  we  had 
lost  and  elected  a  Republican  President  besides.  I  do  not  regard  the  pres 
ent  situation  with  apprehension.  The  country  will  be  wiser  by  next  year 
and  better  able  to  pass  upon  the  issues." 

The  second  session  of  the  51st  Congress  met  on  the  1st  of 
December,  1890.  The  annual  message  of  the  President  dealt 
with  the  usual  topics.  The  surplus  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1890,  including  the  amount  applied  to  the  sinking 
fund,  was  $105,344,496.  In  referring  to  the  act  "directing  the 
purchase  of  silver  bullion  and  the  issue  of  treasury  notes 
thereon,'7  approved  July  14,  1890,  the  President  said: 

"  It  has  been  administered  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  with  an 
earnest  purpose  to  get  into  circulation,  at  the  earliest  possible  dates,  the  full 
monthly  amounts  of  treasury  notes  contemplated  by  its  provisions,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  give  to  the  market  for  silver  bullion  such  support  as  the 


846  RECOLLECTIONS 

law  contemplates.  The  recent  depreciation  in  the  price  of  silver  has  been 
observed  with  regret.  The  rapid  rise  in  price  which  anticipated  and  fol 
lowed  the  passage  of  the  act  was  influenced  in  some  degree  by  speculation, 
and  the  recent  reaction  is  in  part  the  result  of  the  same  cause  and  in  part  of 
the  recent  monetary  disturbances.  Some  months  of  further  trial  will  be 
necessary  to  determine  the  permanent  effect  of  the  recent  legislation  upon 
silver  values,  but  it  is  gratifying  to  know  that  the  increased  circulation  se 
cured  by  the  act  has  exerted,  and  will  continue  to  exert,  a  most  beneficial 
influence  upon  business  and  upon  general  values." 

On  the  18th  of  December  I  reported,  from  the  committee  on 
finance,  a  bill  to  provide  against  the  contraction  of  the  cur 
rency,  and  for  other  purposes.  This  bill  embodied  several  finan 
cial  bills  on  the  calendar  which  had  been  reported  by  the 
committee,  and  it  was  deemed  best  to  include  them  in  a  single 
measure.  The  bill  was  recommitted  and  again  reported  by  me 
on  the  23rd  of  December,  when  Mr.  Stewart  gave  notice  of  and 
had  read  an  amendment  he  intended  to  offer  providing  for  the 
free  coinage  of  silver. 

On  January  5,  1891,  at  the  expiration  of  the  morning  hour, 
Mr.  Stewart  moved  to  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  this  bill. 
By  a  combination  of  seven  Eepublican  with  the  Democratic 
Senators  the  motion  was  carried,  thus  displacing  the  regu 
lar  order  of  business,  which  was  a  bill  relating  to  the  election 
of  Members  of  Congress,  and  which  had  been  under  discussion 
for  several  days. 

Mr.  Stewart  then  offered,  as  an  amendment  to  the  amend 
ment  of  the  committee,  then  pending,  the  following  provision : 

"  That  any  owner  of  silver  bullion,  not  too  base  for  the  operations  of  the 
mint,  may  deposit  the  same  in  amounts  of  the  value  of  not  less  than  $100,  at 
any  mint  of  the  United  States,  to  be  formed  into  standard  dollars  or  bars,  for 
his  benefit  and  without  charge,  and  that,  at  the  said  owner's  option,  he  may 
receive  therefor  an  equivalent  of  such  standard  dollars  in  treasury  notes  of 
the  same  form  and  description,  and  having  the  same  legal  qualities,  as  the 
notes  provided  for  by  the  act  approved  July  14, 1890,  entitled  'An  act  direct 
ing  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion,  and  the  issue  of  treasury  notes  thereon, 
and  for  other  purposes.'  And  all  such  treasury  notes  issued  under  the  pro 
visions  of  this  act  shall  be  a  legal  tender  for  their  nominal  amount  in  pay 
ment  of  all  debts,  public  and  private,  and  shall  be  receivable  for  customs, 
taxes,  and  all  public  dues,  and  when  so  received  may  be  reissued  in  the 
same  manner,  and  to  the  same  extent,  as  other  treasury  notes." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  847 

This  being  an  amendment  to  an  amendment,  no  further 
modification  or  change  could  be  made  to  the  bill  until  it  was 
disposed  of.  Mr.  Stewart  made  some  remarks,  and  in  conclu 
sion  said : 

"  I  do  not  intend  further  to  comment,  at  this  time,  on  the  amendment  to 
the  bill  which  I  have  offered.  If  it  shall  be  adopted,  then  there  are  other 
portions  of  the  bill  which  can  be  stricken  out.  The  amendment  I  have 
offered  presents  the  question  naked  and  simple.  Will  you  remonetize  silver 
and  place  it  back  where  it  was  before  it  was  excluded  from  the  mints  of  the 
United  States  and  Europe?" 

I  was  taken  by  surprise  at  the  sudden  presentation  of  this 
question,  but  promptly  took  the  floor  and  said : 

"  The  sudden  and  unexpected  change  of  the  scene,  the  introduction  of 
an  entirely  new  topic  into  our  debate,  must  not  pass  by  without  the  serious 
and  sober  attention  of  every  Senator  on  this  floor  to  the  revolutionary  meas 
ure  now  proposed.  I  do  not  wish  to,  nor  will  I,  nor  can  I,  regard  this  as 
a  political  question,  because  we  know  that  the  local  interests  of  a  certain 
portion  of  our  number — -and  I  do  not  object  to  Senators  representing  the 
interest  of  their  constituents- — lead  them  to  opinions  different  from  the  opin 
ions  of  Senators  from  the  larger  states  containing  the  great  mass  of  the 
population  of  this  country,  not  only  in  the  north,  but  in  the  south  ;  and 
therefore,  while  the  Republican  party  may  be  weakened  by  the  unexpected 
defection  of  a  certain  portion  of  our  number  who  agree  with  us  in  political 
opinions  generally,  yet  that  will  not  relieve  the  minority  in  this  body,  our 
Democratic  associates,  from  the  sober  responsibility  which  they  will  assume 
by  aiding  in  the  adoption  of  this  measure.  At  the  very  outset  of  this  dis 
cussion  I  appeal  to  the  sober  judgment  of  Senators  to  consider  the  responsi 
bility  which  they  take  in  adopting  what  I  regard  as  a  revolution  more 
full  of  injury,  more  dangerous  in  its  character,  and  more  destructive  in  its 
results,  than  any  measure  which  has  been  proposed  for  years. 

"Now,  what  is  this  question?  The  Senator  from  Nevada  [Mr.  Stewart], 
representing  a  state  whose  chief  production  is  silver,  offers  an  amendment  to 
change  entirely  the  standard  of  valuation  of  all  the  property  of  the  United 
States.  At  present  all  contracts  are  founded  upon  what  is  called  the  gold 
standard.  Every  particle  of  property  we  enjoy,  every  obligation  of  contract, 
whether  by  the  national  government  or  by  each  individual  citizen,  is  now 
based  in  actual  fact  upon  the  gold  standard  of  25.8  grains.  That  is  the 
standard  of  all  the  commercial  nations  of  the  world.  It  is  the  standard  of 
France,  which,  like  ourselves,  has  used  silver  to  a  large  extent.  It  is  the 
standard  of  value  of  France  and  every  country  of  Europe." 

I  then,  at  considerable  length,  stated  the  objections  to  the 
free  coinage  of  silver  and  the  revolution  it  would  create  in  the 


848  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

financial  condition  of  the  country.  This  led  to  a  long  debate, 
participated  in  by  many  Senators,  On  the  13th  of  January  I 
made  a  long  and  carefully  considered  speech,  extending 
through  fourteen  pages  of  the  "Record,"  in  which  I  entered 
into  detail  in  reply  to  the  speeches  that  had  been  made,  and 
stated  the  objections  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  It  is  too  long 
to  insert  even  an  abstract  of  it  here.  I  have  carefully  read 
this  speech  and  refer  to  it  as  the  first  of  three  speeches,  the  sec 
ond  being  delivered  on  the  30th  of  June,  1892,  and  the  third  on 
August  30,  1893,  as  the  best  presentation  I  have  ever  made  of 
the  question  involved,  and  as  containing  all  the  material  facts 
bearing  upon  the  question  of  free  coinage  and  the  folly  of  its 
adoption. 

It  was  manifest  that  the  combination  that  had  been  made 
intended  to  force  the  adoption  of  the  amendment.  The  vote 
on  it  was  taken  on  the  14th  of  January  and  the  result  was  yeas 
42  and  nays  30.  Nearly  all  the  Senators  from  the  western 
group  of  states,  though  Republicans,  voted  for  the  amendment 
in  favor  of  free  coinage.  Only  four  voted  against  it.  So  the 
amendment  of  Mr.  Stewart  was  agreed  to.  The  bill  was  fur 
ther  discussed  and  changed  to  conform  to  the  amendment  and 
finally  passed  the  Senate  by  the  vote  of  yeas  39,  nays  27,  but 
failed  to  pass  the  House. 

Thus  the  debate  and  the  adoption  by  the  Senate  of  free 
coinage  defeated  all  financial  legislation  during  that  session. 


CHAPTER  LV1I. 
EFFORTS  TO  CONSTRUCT  THE  NICARAGUAN  CANAL. 

Early  Recognition  of  the  Needs  of  a  Canal  Across  the  Isthmus  Connecting  North  and 
South  America  —  M.  de  Lesseps  Attempts  to  Build  a  Water  Way  at  Panama  — 
Feasibility  of  a  Route  by  Lake  Nicaragua  —  First  Attempts  in  1825  to  Secure 
Aid  from  Congress  —  The  Clayton-Bulwer  Convention  of  1850  —  Hindrance 
to  the  Work  Caused  by  This  Treaty  —  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations    in    1891  —  Failure  to  Secure  a  Treaty  Between    the    United 
States  and  Nicarauga  in  1884  —  Cleveland's  Reasons  for  Withdraw 
ing  This  Treaty  —  Incorporation  of  the  Maritime  Canal  Company  of 
Nicaragua  —  Inevitable    Failure  of    Their  Attempts  Unless  Aided 
by     the     Government  —  Why    We    Should    Purchase    Outright 
the  Concessions  of  the  Maritime  Company  —  My  Last  Letter 
from     General     Sherman  —  His     Death     from     Pneumonia 
After    a  Few    Days'    Illness  —  Messages     of      President 
Harrison  —  Resolutions  —  My     Commemorative     Ad 
dress     Delivered     Before     the     Loyal     Legion. 

ONE  of  the  most  important  subjects  considered  by  the 
Senate  within  the  last  ten  years,  to  which  I  have 
given  special  attention,  is  the  construction  of  a  ship 
canal  across  Central  America.  The  American  conti 
nents,  stretching  from  the  polar  regions  of  the  north  to  the 
Straits  of  Magellan,  south  of  the  50th  parallel  of  south  latitude, 
present  a  barrier  to  navigation  from  the  east  to  the  west,  to 
overcome  which  has  been  the  anxious  desire  of  mankind  ever 
since  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus.  It  was  the 
object  of  his  memorable  voyage  to  find  a  water  way  from 
Spain  to  China  and  India.  While  his  discovery  was  an  event 
of  the  greatest  importance,  yet  it  was  a  disappointment  to 
him,  and  in  all  his  subsequent  voyages  he  sought  to  find  a  way 
through  the  newly-found  land  to  the  Indian  Ocean.  The  spirit 
of  enterprise  that  was  aroused  by  his  reports  led  many  adven 
turers  to  explore  the  new  world,  and  before  many  years  the 
peculiar  formation  of  the  long  strip  of  land  connecting  North 

S.-54  (8-J9) 


850  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  South  America  was  clearly  defined.  The  Spaniards  con 
quered  Mexico  and  Peru,  and  at  this  early  period  conceived 
the  idea  of  a  canal  across  the  isthmus,  but  the  obstruction 
could  not  be  overcome  by  the  engineering  of  that  day.  The 
region  of  Central  America  was  soon  occupied  by  Spain,  and 
was  divided  into  many  colonies,  which,  in  process  of  time, 
became  independent  of  Spain,  and  of  each  other. 

During  the  four  centuries  that  have  elapsed  since  the  dis 
covery,  the  construction  of  a  canal  across  the  isthmus  has  been 
kept  in  view,  and  by  common  consent  the  routes  at  Panama 
and  through  Lake  Nicaragua  have  been  regarded  as  the  best. 
That  at  Panama  is  the  shortest,  but  is  impracticable,  as  was 
shown  by  the  abortive  attempt  of  M.  de  Lesseps.  The  route 
by  Lake  Nicaragua  was  early  regarded  by  the  American  peo 
ple  as  the  only  adequate,  efficient  and  practicable  passage. 
Though  burdened  with  the  delays  of  lockage,  it  is  more  prac 
tical,  less  costly  and  more  useful  than  the  one  at  Panama 
would  have  been,  and  will  accomplish  the  same  object.  When, 
in  1825,  the  independence  of  the  republic  of  Nicaragua  was 
secured,  that  government  appealed  to  the  United  States  for 
assistance  in  executing  the  work  of  a  canal  by  that  route. 
Mr.  Clay,  then  Secretary  of  State,  took  an  active  interest  in 
the  subject,  and  said,  in  a  letter  to  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  States  to  the  congress  of  Panama  : 

"  A  canal  for  navigation  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans  should 
form  a  proper  subject  of  consideration  at  the  congress.  The  vast  object,  if 
it  should  ever  be  accomplished,  will  be  interesting  in  a  greater  or  less  degree 
to  all  parts  of  the  world  ;  but  especially  to  this  continent  will  accrue  its 
greatest  benefits ;  and  to  Colombia,  Mexico,  Central  America,  Peru,  and  the 
United  States,  more  than  any  other  of  the  American  nations." 

No  action  was  taken,  as  the  discordant  interests  of  the 
several  Central  American  states  prevented.  When  California 
was  acquired  as  the  result  of  the  Mexican  War,  and  gold  was 
discovered  in  its  soil,  the  necessity  for  some  means  of  speedy 
transit  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  coast  became  imperative. 
The  route  by  Panama,  being  the  shortest  line  across  the  isthmus, 
was  naturally  taken  by  the  eager  gold  seekers  and  a  railroad 
was  soon  after  constructed  over  this  route.  The  movement  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

travel  and  transportation  across  the  isthmus  tempted  M.  de 
Lesseps  and  his  associates  to  undertake  the  task  of  construct 
ing  a  canal,  with  the  result  already  stated. 

Prior  to  1850  the  movements  of  the  British  government  to 
seize  the  country  at  the  mouth  of  the  San  Juan  Eiver  in 
Nicaragua,  with  the  evident  view  of  controlling  the  construc 
tion  of  a  canal  by  way  of  Lake  Nicaragua,  excited  in  this  coun 
try  the  deepest  interest  and  apprehension.  This  led  to  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  convention  of  1850,  by  which  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  stipulated  that  neither  of  the  governments 
"will  ever  obtain  for  itself  any  exclusive  control  over  the  canal 
or  colonize  or  assume  or  exercise  any  domain  over  Nicaragua, 
Costa  Rica,  the  Mosquito  Coast,  or  any  part  of  Central 
America." 

It  provided  for  the  exertion  of  the  influence  of  the  two 
governments  in  facilitating  the  construction  of  the  work  by 
every  means  in  their  power,  and  that  after  completion  they 
would  defend  its  neutrality,  with  the  privilege  of  withdrawing 
such  guaranty  on  notice.  It  also  provided  for  inviting  other 
governments  to  come  into  the  same  arrangement,  and  that  each 
party  should  enter  into  treaty  stipulations  with  such  of  the 
Central  American  states  as  might  be  deemed  advisable  for 
carrying  out  the  great  design  of  the  convention.  It  declared 
that  no  time  should  be  unnecessarily  lost  in  commencing  and 
constructing  the  canal,  and,  therefore,  that  the  two  govern 
ments  would  give  their  support  and  encouragement  to  such 
persons  as  might  first  offer  to  commence  the  same  with  the 
necessary  capital,  and  that,  if  any  persons  then  already  had  ob 
tained  the  right  to  build  it  from  the  Central  American  govern 
ment  and  should  fail,  each  of  the  two  governments  should  be 
free  to  afford  its  protection  to  any  other  company  that  should 
be  prepared  to  proceed  with  work. 

This  treaty  has  given  rise  to  much  discussion,  and  has  ever 
since  been  a  hindrance  to  the  great  work  it  proposed  to  advance. 
The  British  government  has  repeatedly  violated  the  treaty  by 
extending  its  possessions  and  strengthening  its  influence  in 
that  part  of  the  world.  The  report  made  by  me,  as  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  foreign  relations,  on  the  10th  of  January, 


852  RECOLLECTIONS 

1891,  in  response  to  a  resolution  of  the  Senate,  contains  a  full 
statement  of  the  results  of  that  treaty.  As  this  report  has  been 
widely  circulated  and  was  considered  an  important  document, 
it  is  but  just  for  me  to  say  that,  while  I  presented  it,  two  other 
members  of  the  committee  participated  in  its  preparation. 
The  first  part,  relating  to  negotiations,  was  written  by  Senator 
Edmunds;  the  second  part,  relating  to  the  then  condition  of 
the  work  on  the  Nicaragua  Canal  and  its  value,  tonnage  and 
business,  by  Senator  Morgan;  and  the  residue,  in  respect  to  the 
financial  aspect  of  the  subject,  the  cost  of  the  work  proposed 
and  the  aid  that  should  be  given  by  the  United  States  in  its 
construction,  by  me.  The  framing  of  a  bill  to  carry  into  effect 
the  recommendations  of  the  committee  was  the  work  of  the 
full  committee.  I  do  not  think  it  necessary  to  restate  here  the 
position  of  the  committee,  as  no  definite  action  has  been  taken 
by  Congress  on  the  bill  reported.  The  report  was  signed  by 
each  member  of  the  committee,  as  follows:  John  Sherman, 
Chairman,  Geo.  F.  Edmunds,  Wm.  P.  Frye,  Wm.  M.  Evarts,  J. 
N.  Dolph,  John  T.  Morgan,  Joseph  E.  Brown,  H.  B.  Payne,  J.  B. 
Eustis. 

There  are,  however,  questions  connected  with  this  subject 
which  are  of  vital  interest  to  the  United  States,  and  not  pre 
sented  in  that  report.  By  the  treaty  negotiated  in  1884,  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  Nicaragua,  the  canal  was  to  be 
built  by  the  United  States.  This  treaty  was  sent  to  the  Sen 
ate  on  December  10,  1884,  by  President  Arthur,  who,  in  strong 
and  earnest  language,  recommended  its  ratification.  It  had 
been  frequently  debated,  but  was  still  pending  in  the  Senate 
when  Mr.  Cleveland  became  President.  I  do  not  feel  at  liberty 
to  state  the  causes  of  delay,  nor  the  ground  taken,  nor  the  votes 
given  either  for  or  against  it,  as  the  injunction  of  secrecy  in 
respect  to  it  has  not  been  removed,  but  I  have  regarded  as  a 
misfortune  its  practical  defeat  by  the  want  of  a  two-thirds  vote, 
required  by  the  constitution  to  ratify  a  treaty.  The  terms 
granted  in  it  by  Nicaragua  were  liberal  in  the  broadest  sense. 
The  complete  control  of  the  canal  and  its  appurtenances,  and  the 
manner  of  its  construction,  were  invested  in  the  United  States. 
The  conditions  proposed  would  have  made  it  an  international 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  853 

work  of  great  importance  to  all  commercial  nations,  while 
ample  authority  was  reserved  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
to  protect  its  investment  with  tolls  sufficient  to  pay  the  interest 
and  refund  the  principal. 

At  the  called  session  of  March,  1885,  Mr.  Cleveland  withdrew 
the  treaty,  not  from  opposition  to  its  general  purposes,  but  be 
cause,  as  he  stated  in  his  annual  message  in  December,  1885,  it 
was  "  coupled  with  absolute  and  unlimited  engagements  to  de 
fend  the  territorial  integrity  of  the  states  where  such  interests 
lie."  He  held  that  this  clause  was  an  "entangling  alliance, 
inconsistent  with  the  declared  policy  of  the  United  States." 
This  objection  to  the  treaty  could  have  been  easily  removed  by 
negotiation,  as  Mr.  Bayard,  a  Member  of  the  Senate  when  the 
treaty  was  pending,  and  Secretary  of  State  under  President 
Cleveland,  very  well  knew.  Thus,  by  an  unfortunate  division 
in  the  Senate  and  the  action  of  the  President,  the  construction 
of  the  canal  by  the  United  States  was  prevented.  Subsequently, 
in  1887,  concessions  were  made  by  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica 
to  a  private  association  of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  which 
led  to  the  incorporation,  by  Congress,  of  the  Maritime  Canal 
Company  of  Nicaragua. 

The  interposition  of  a  private  corporation  between  the 
United  States  and  Nicaragua  has  created  all  the  delays  and 
embarrassments  that  have  followed.  Such  a  corporation  can 
obtain  money  only  by  selling  its  bonds  bearing  a  high  rate  of 
interest,  secured  by  a  mortgage  of  all  its  property  and  conces 
sions,  and  its  stock  must  accompany  the  bonds.  Experience 
has  shown  that  such  a  work  cannot  be  executed,  especially  on 
foreign  soil,  without  the  support  and  aid  of  a  powerful  govern 
ment.  If  such  aid  is  rendered  it  must  be  to  the  full  cost  of  the 
work,  and  all  the  benefits  should  inure  to  the  people  and  not 
to  the  corporation  or  its  stockholders.  The  experience  of  the 
United  States  in  the  construction  of  the  Pacific  railroads  is  an 
example  of  the  inevitable  result  of  copartnership.  The  at 
tempt  of  the  Maritime  Company  to  construct  such  a  work  as 
the  Nicaragua  canal  without  the  aid  of  the  government  will 
end  either  in  failure  or  at  a  cost,  in  bonds  and  stock,  the  inter 
est  of  which  would  be  so  great  that  the  cost  of  the  transit  of 


854  RECOLLECTIONS 

vessels  through  the  canal  would  deter  their  owners  from  using 
it,  and  goods  would  be,  as  now,  transferred  by  rail  to  and  from 
Panama. 

The  method  of  aiding  the  Maritime  Canal  Company  pro 
posed  in  the  bill  reported  by  me,  and  again  recently  by  Senator 
Morgan,  is  as  good  as  any  that  can  be  devised,  but  I  greatly 
prefer  the  direct  and  absolute  purchase  of  the  concessions  of 
that  company,  and  the  negotiation  of  new  treaties  with  Nica 
ragua  and  Costa  Rica  upon  the  basis  of  the  former  treaty,  and 
the  execution  of  the  work  under  the  supervision  of  the  engineer 
corps  of  the  United  States  in  the  same  manner  that  internal 
improvements  are  made  in  this  country.  The  credit  of  the 
United  States  will  secure  a  loan  at  the  lowest  possible  rate  of 
interest,  and  with  money  thus  obtained,  and  with  the  confi 
dence  of  contractors  that  they  will  receive  their  pay  for  work 
done,  the  cost  will  be  reduced  to  the  actual  sum  needed.  It  is 
the  interest  of  the  commercial  world  as  well  as  of  the  United 
States  that  the  tolls  charged  on  the  passage  of  vessels  should 
be  as  low  as  possible,  and  this  will  be  secured  by  the  construc 
tion  of  the  work  by  the  government. 

If  the  present  owners  of  the  concessions  from  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica  will  not  accept  a  reasonable  price  for  their  privi 
leges  and  for  the  work  done,  to  be  fixed  by  an  impartial  tribunal, 
it  is  better  for  the  United  States  to  withdraw  any  offer  of  aid ; 
but  if  they  will  accept  such  an  award  the  United  States  should 
take  up  the  work  and  realize  the  dream  and  hopes  of  Colum 
bus.  At  present  the  delay  of  action  by  Congress  grows  out  of 
the  fact  that  no  detailed  scientific  survey  of  the  route  has  been 
made  by  the  engineer  corps  of  the  United  States.  The  only 
approach  to  such  a  survey  was  the  one  made  by  A.  G.  Meno- 
cal,  an  accomplished  civil  engineer  of  the  navy,  but  it  was  felt 
that  this  was  not  sufficient  to  justify  the  United  States  in  un 
dertaking  so  great  and  expensive  a  work.  In  accordance  with 
this  feeling  the  53rd  Congress  directed  the  Secretary  of  War  to 
cause  a  thorough  survey  to  be  made  and  to  submit  a  full  re 
port  to  the  next  Congress,  to  convene  December  2,  1895.  This 
survey  is  now  in  progress  and  will  no  doubt  largely  influence 
the  future  action  of  Congress. 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  855 

If  the  survey  ordered  and  now  (1895)  being  made  should  con 
firm  the  reports  of  Menocal  there  is  no  reason  why  the  United 
States  should  not  assume  and  execute  this  great  work  without 
ultimate  loss,  and  with  enormous  benefit  to  the  commerce  of 
the  world.  It  will  be  a  monument  to  our  republic  and  will 
tend  to  widen  its  influence  with  all  the  nations  of  Central  and 
South  America. 

The  last  letter  I  received  from  General  Sherman  was  as 
follows: 

No.  75  WEST  71sx  STREET,  NEW  YORK,          ) 
Tuesday,  February  3,  1891.  j 

DEAR  BROTHER: — I  am  drifting  along  in  the  old  rut — in  good  strength, 
attending  about  four  dinners  out  per  week  at  public  or  private  houses,  and 
generally  wind  up  for  gossip  at  the  Union  League  club.  Last  night,  dis 
cussing  the  effect  of  Mr.  Windom's  death  and  funeral,  several  prominent 
gentlemen  remarked  that  Windom's  fine  speech  just  preceding  his  death 
was  in  line  with  yours  on  the  silver  question  in  the  Senate,  and  also  with  a 
carefully  prepared  interview  of  you  by  George  Alfred  Townsend  which  I 
had  not  seen.  I  have  ordered  of  my  book  man  the  New  York  '  Sun '  of 
Sunday,  February  1st,  which  contains  the  interview. 

You  sent  me  a  copy  of  your  speech  in  pamphlet  form  which  was  begged 
of  me,  and  as  others  naturally  apply  for  copies,  I  wish  you  would  have  your 
secretary  send  me  a  dozen,  that  I  may  distribute  them. 

All  well  here  and  send  love.  Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

Soon  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter  I  was  notified  of  the 
dangerous  illness  of  my  brother  at  his  residence  in  the  city  oi 
New  York.  I  at  once  went  to  his  bedside,  and  remained  with 
him  until  his  death,  at  two  o'clock  of  Saturday,  the  14th  o\: 
February.  In  his  later  years,  after  his  removal  to  New  York, 
he  entered  into  the  social  life  of  that  city.  He  was  in  demand 
at  weddings,  dinners,  parties,  reunions  of  soldiers,  and  public 
meetings,  where  his  genial  nature  and  ready  tact,  his  fund  of 
information  and  happy  facility  of  expression,  made  him  a  uni 
versal  favorite.  He  was  temperate  in  his  eating  and  drinking, 
but  fond  of  companionship,  and  always  happy  when  he  had  his 
old  friends  and  comrades  about  him.  He  enjoyed  the  so 
ciety  of  ladies,  and  did  not  like  to  refuse  their  invitations  to 
social  gatherings.  In  conversation  with  men  or  women,  old  or 
young,  he  was  always  interesting.  He  was  often  warned  that 


856  RECOLLECTIONS 

at  three  score  and  ten  he  could  not  endure  the  excitement  of 
such  a  life,  and  he  repeatedly  promised  to  limit  his  engage 
ments.  Early  in  February  he  exposed  himself  to  the  inclement 
weather  of  that  season,  and  contracted  a  cold  which  led  to 
pneumonia,  and  in  a  few  days  to  death.  He  was  perfectly  con 
scious  of  his  condition  and  probable  fate,  but  had  lost  the 
power  of  speech  and  could  only  communicate  his  wishes  by 
signs.  His  children  were  with  him,  and  hundreds  daily  inquired 
about  him  at  his  door  ;  among  them  were  soldiers  and  widows 
whom  he  had  aided. 

During  the  last  hours  of  General  Sherman,  his  family,  Avho 
had  been  bred  in  the  Catholic  faith,  called  in  a  Catholic  priest 
to  administer  extreme  unction  according  to  the  ritual  of  that 
church.  The  New  York  "  Times,"  of  the  date  of  February 
13,  made  a  very  uncharitable  allusion  to  this  and  intimated 
that  it  was  done  surreptitiously,  without  my  knowledge.  This 
was  not  true  but  the  statement  deeply  wounded  the  feelings  of 
his  children.  I  promptly  sent  to  the  "  Times  "  the  following 
letter,  which  was  published  and  received  with  general  satis 
faction  : 

"A  paragraph  in  your  paper  this  morning  gives  a  very  erroneous  view 
of  an  incident  in  General  Sherman's  sick  chamber,  which  wounds  the  sen 
sitive  feelings  of  his  children,  now  in  deep  distress,  which,  under  the  cir 
cumstances,  I  deem  it  proper  to  correct.  Your  reporter  intimates  that 
advantage  was  taken  of  my  temporary  absence  to  introduce  a  Catholic 
priest  into  General  Sherman's  chamber  to  administer  the  rite  of  extreme  unc 
tion  to  the  sick  man,  in  the  nature  of  a  claim  that  he  wras  a  Catholic.  It  is 
well  known  that  his  children  have  been  reared  by  their  mother,  a  devoted 
Catholic,  in  her  faith,  and  now  cling  to  it.  It  is  equally  well  known  that 
General  Sherman  and  myself,  as  well  as  all  my  mother's  children,  are,  by 
inheritance,  education,  and  connection,  Christians,  but  not  Catholics,  and 
this  has  been  openly  avowed,  on  all  proper  occasions,  by  General  Sherman  ; 
but  he  is  too  good  a  Christian,  and  too  humane  a  man,  to  deny  to  his  chil 
dren  the  consolation  of  their  religion.  He  was  insensible  at  the  time  and 
apparently  at  the  verge  of  death,  but  if  he  had  been  well  and  in  the  full  exer 
cise  of  his  faculties,  he  would  not  have  denied  to  them  the  consolation  of  the 
prayers  and  religious  observances  for  their  father  of  any  class  or  denomina 
tion  of  Christian  priests  or  preachers.  Certainly,  if  I  had  been  present,  I 
would,  at  the  request  of  the  family,  have  assented  to  and  reverently  shared 
in  an  appeal  to  the  Almighty  for  the  life  here  and  hereafter  of  my  brother, 
whether  called  a  prayer  or  extreme  unction,  and  whether  uttered  by  a  priest 


OF  JOHN   SHERMAN.  857 

or  a  preacher,  or  any  other  good  man  who  believed  what  he  spoke  and  had 
an  honest  faith  in  his  creed. 

"  I  hear  that  your  reporter  uttered  a  threat  to  obtain  information  which  I 
cannot  believe  you  would  for  a  moment  tolerate.  We  all  need  charity  for 
our  frailties,  but  I  can  feel  none  for  anyone  who  would  wound  those  already 
in  distress." 

President  Harrison  announced  General  Sherman's  death  to 
both  Houses  of  Congress  in  the  following  words : 

"  To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  :  The  death  of  William 
Tecumseh  Sherman,  which  took  place  to-day  at  his  residence  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  at  1  o'clock  and  50  minutes  p.  m.,  is  an  event  that  will  bring 
sorrow  to  the  heart  of  every  patriotic  citizen.  No  living  American  was  so 
loved  and  venerated  as  he.  To  look  upon  his  face,  to  hear  his  name,  was  to 
have  one's  love  of  country  intensified.  He  served  his  country,  not  for  fame, 
not  out  of  a  sense  of  professional  duty,  but  for  love  of  the  flag  and  of  the 
beneficent  civil  institutions  of  which  it  was  the  emblem.  He  was  an  ideal 
soldier,  and  shared  to  the  fullest  the  espirit  de  corps  of  the  army  ;  but  he 
cherished  the  civil  institutions  organized  under  the  constitution,  and  was  a 
soldier  only  that  these  might  be  perpetuated  in  undiminished  usefulness  and 
honor.  He  was  in  nothing  an  imitator. 

"  A  profound  student  of  military  science  and  precedent,  he  drew  from 
them  principles  and  suggestions,  and  so  adapted  them  to  novel  conditions 
that  his  campaigns  will  continue  to  be  the  profitable  study  of  the  military 
profession  throughout  the  world.  His  genial  nature  made  him  comrade  to 
every  soldier  of  the  great  Union  army.  No  presence  was  so  welcome  and 
inspiring  at  the  camp-fire  or  commandery  as  his.  His  career  was  complete  ; 
his  honors  were  full.  He  had  received  from  the  government  the  highest 
rank  known  to  our  military  establishment,  and  from  the  people  unstinted 
gratitude  and  love.  No  word  of  mine  can  add  to  his  fame.  His  death  has 
followed  in  startling  quickness  that  of  the  Admiral  of  the  Navy ;  and  it  is  a 
sad  and  notable  incident  that,  when  the  department  under  which  he  served 
shall  have  put  on  the  usual  emblems  of  mourning,  four  of  the  eight  execu 
tive  departments  will  be  simultaneously  draped  in  black,  and  one  other  has 
but  to-day  removed  the  crape  from  its  walls. 

BEN.T.  HARRISON." 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  February  14,  1891. 

The  following  resolutions  were  offered  in  the  Senate  and 
unanimously  agreed  to : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Senate  receives  with  profound  sorrow  the  an 
nouncement  of  the  death  of  William  T.  Sherman,  late  general  of  the  armies 
of  the  United  States. 

"Resolved,  That  the  Senate  renews  its  acknowledgments  of  the  inesti 
mable  services  he  rendered  his  country  in  the  day  of  its  extreme  trial, 


s-,s  RECOLLECTIONS 

laments  the  great  loss  the  country  has  sustained,  and  deeply  sympathizes 
with  his  family  in  their  bereavement. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  presiding  officer  is  requested  to  appoint  a  commit 
tee  of  five  Senators  to  attend  the  funeral  of  the  late  General  Sherman. 

"  Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  forwarded  to  the  family 
of  the  deceased." 

Eloquent  and  appropriate  speeches  were  made  by  Senators 
Hawley,  Manderson,  Morgan  and  Pierce. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  the  message  of  the  Presi 
dent  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  military  affairs,  for  ap 
propriate  action  thereon  and  the  following  resolutions  were 
reported  by  Mr.  Cutcheon  and  adopted: 

"Resolved,  That  the  House  of  Representatives  has  heard  with  profound 
sorrow  of  the  death,  at  his  home  in  New  York  City,  on  the  14th  instant,  of 
William  Tecumseh  Sherman,  the  last  of  the  generals  of  the  armies  of  the 
United  States. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  mourn  him  as  the  greatest  soldier  remaining  to  the 
republic  and  the  last  of  that  illustrious  trio  of  generals  who  commanded  the 
armies  of  the  United  States  —  Grant,  Sherman,  and  Sheridan  —  who  shed 
imperishable  glory  upon  American  arms,  and  were  the  idolized  leaders  of 
the  Union  army. 

"Resolved,  That  we  hereby  record  the  high  appreciation  in  which  the 
American  people  hold  the  character  and  services  of  General  Sherman,  as  one 
of  the  greatest  soldiers  of  his  generation,  as  one  of  the  grandest  patriots  that 
our  country  has  produced,  and  as  a  noble  man  in  the  broadest  and  fullest 
meaning  of  the  word. 

"  We  mingle  our  grief  with  that  of  the  nation,  mourning  the  departure  of 
her  great  son,  and  of  the  survivors  of  the  battle-scarred  veterans  whom  he 
led  to  victory  and  peace.  We  especially  tender  our  sympathy  and  condo 
lence  to  those  who  are  bound  to  him  by  the  ties  of  blood  and  strong  personal 
affection. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  speaker  appoint  a  committee  of  nine  Members  of 
the  House  to  attend  the  funeral  of  the  late  general  as  representatives  of  this 
body. 

"  Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  forwarded  by  the  clerk 
of  the  House  to  the  family  of  General  Sherman." 

Eloquent  tributes  were  paid  to  his  memory  by  Messrs. 
Cutcheon,  Grosvenor,  Outhwaite,  Henderson,  Cogswell,  Van- 
dever,  Wheeler  and  Williams. 

General  Sherman  had  expressed  the  desire  that  his  body  be 
buried  by  the  side  of  his  wife  in  a  cemetery  in  St.  Louis.  In 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  859 

February,  1890,  on  the  occasion  of  his  seventieth  birthday,  the 
members  of  Ransom  Post,  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  of 
which  he  was  the  first  commander,  sent  him  many  congratula 
tory  letters  and  telegrams.  In  replying  to  these,  among  other 
things  he  wrote : 

"  I  have  again  and  again  been  urged  to  allow  my  name  to  be  transferred 
to  the  roster  of  some  one  of  the  many  reputable  posts  of  the  Grand  Army  of 
the  Republic  in  New  York,  but  my  invariable  answer  has  been  '  no  ; '  that 
Ransom  Post  has  stood  by  me  since  its  beginning  and  I  will  stand  by  it  to 
my  end,  and  then  that,  in  its  organized  capacity,  it  will  deposit  my  poor 
body  in  Calvary  Cemetery  alongside  my  faithful  wife  and  idolized  '  soldier 
boy.'  My  health  continues  good,  so  my  comrades  of  Ransom  Post  must 
guard  theirs,  that  they  may  be  able  to  fulfill  this  sacred  duty  imposed  by 
their  first  commander.  God  bless  you  all." 

I  vividly  recall  the  impressive  scene  in  the  city  of  New 
York  when  his  body  was  started  on  its  long  journey.  The  peo 
ple  of  the  city,  in  silence  and  sadness,  filled  the  sidewalks  from 
71st  to  Courtland  street,  and  watched  the  funeral  train,  and  a 
countless  multitude  in  every  city,  town  and  hamlet  on  the  long 
road  to  St.  Louis  expressed  their  sorrow  and  sympathy.  His 
mortal  remains  were  received  with  profound  respect  by  the 
people  of  that  city,  among  whom  he  had  lived  for  many  years, 
and  there  he  was  buried  by  the  side  of  his  wife  and  the  children 
who  had  gone  before  him. 

In  February,  1892,  I  was  requested,  by  the  New  York  Com- 
mandery  of  the  Military  Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion,  to  deliver 
an  address  commemorative  of  General  Sherman.  1  did  so,  on 
the  6th  of  April  of  that  year,  but,  as  many  of  the  incidents 
therein  mentioned  have  been  already  stated,  I  only  add  a  few 
paragraphs  from  its  close: 

"And  here  I  might  end,  but  there  are  certain  traits  and  characteristics  of 
General  Sherman  upon  which  I  can  and  ought  to  speak  with  greater  knowl 
edge  and  confidence  than  of  his  military  career.  He  was  distinguished,  first 
of  all,  from  his  early  boyhood,  for  his  love  and  veneration  for,  and  obedience 
to,  his  mother.  There  never  was  a  time — since  his  appointment  as  a  cadet,  to 

her  death that  he  did  not  insist  upon  sharing  with  her  his  modest  pay,  and 

gave  to  her  most  respectful  homage  and  duty.  It  is  hardly  necessary 
in  this  presence  to  refer  to  his  devotion  to  his  wife,  Ellen  Ewing  Sherman. 
They  were  born  in  neighboring  households,  reared  from  childhood  in  the 
same  family,  early  attached  and  pledged  to  each  other,  married  when  he 


860  RECOLLECTIONS 

reached  the  grade  of  captain,  shared  in  affection  and  respect  the  joys  and 
sorrows  of  life,  and  paid  the  last  debt  to  nature  within  a  few  months  of  each 
other. 

"The  same  affection  and  care  were  bestowed  upon  his  children.  Many 
of  his  comrades  will  recall  the  visit  of  his  wife  and  his  son  Willie,  a  lad  of 
thirteen,  at  his  camp  on  the  Big  Black,  after  the  surrender  of  Vicksburg. 
Poor  Willie  believed  he  was  a  sergeant  in  the  13th  United  States  Infantry. 
He  sickened  and  died  at  Memphis  on  his  way  home.  No  one  who  reads  it 
but  will  remember  the  touching  tribute  of  sorrow  his  father  wrote,  a  sorrow 
that  was  never  dimmed,  but  was  often  recalled  while  life  lasted. 

"  General  Sherman  always  paid  the  most  respectful  attention  to  women 
in  every  rank  and  condition  of  life— -the  widow  and  the  orphan,  the  young 
and  the  old.  While  he  was  often  stern  and  abrupt  to  men,  he  was  always 
kind  and  gentle  to  women,  and  he  received  from  them  the  homage  they 
would  pay  to  a  brother.  His  friendship  for  Grant  I  have  already  alluded  to, 
but  it  extended  in  a  lesser  degree  to  all  his  comrades,  especially  those  of 
West  Point.  No  good  soldier  in  his  command  feared  to  approach  him  to 
demand  justice,  and  everyone  received  it  if  in  his  powrer  to  grant  it.  He 
shared  with  them  the  hardships  of  the  march  and  the  camp,  and  he  was  con 
tent  with  the  same  ration  given  to  them.  Simple  in  his  habits,  easy  of 
approach,  considerate  of  their  comfort,  he  was  popular  with  his  soldiers. 
even  when  exacting  in  his  discipline.  The  name  of  'Uncle  Billy,'  given  to 
him  by  them,  was  the  highest  evidence  of  their  affection. 

"  He  was  the  most  unselfish  man  I  ever  knew.  He  did  not  seek  for  high 
rank,  and  often  expressed  doubts  of  his  fitness  for  high  command.  He  be 
came  a  warm  admirer  of  Abraham  Lincoln  as  the  war  progressed,  and  more 
than  once  expressed  to  him  a  desire  for  subordinate  duty.  He  never  asked 
for  promotion,  but  accepted  it  when  given.  His  letters  to  me  are  full  of 
urgent  requests  for  the  promotion  of  officers  who  rendered  distinguished 
services,  but  never  for  his  own.  When  the  bill  for  the  retirement  of  officers 
at  the  age  of  sixty-three  was  pending,  he  was  excepted  from  its  operation. 
He  telegraphed  me,  insisting  that  no  exception  should  be  made  in  his  favor, 
that  General  Sheridan  should  have  the  promotion  and  rank  of  general,  which 
he  had  fairly  earned.  This  was  granted,  but  Congress  with  great  kindness 
continued  to  General  Sherman  the  full  pay  of  a  general  when  he  was  placed 
on  the  retired  list. 

"  In  his  business  relations  he  was  bound  by  a  scrupulous  sense  of  honor 
and  duty.  I  never  knew  of  him  doing  anything  which  the  most  exacting 
could  say  was  dishonorable,  a  violation  of  duty  or  right.  I  could  name 
many  instances  of  this  trait,  which  I  will  not,  but  one  or  two  cases  will 
suffice.  When  a  banker  in  California,  several  of  his  old  army  friends, 
especially  from  the  south,  trusted  him  with  their  savings  for  investment. 
He  invested  their  money  in  good  faith  in  what  were  considered  the  very 
best  securities  in  California,  but  when  Page,  Bacon  &  Co.,  and  nearly  every 
banker  in  San  Francisco,  failed  in  1855,  all  securities  were  dishonored,  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  861 

many  of  them  became  worthless.  General  Sherman,  though  not  responsible 
in  law  or  equity  for  a  loss  that  common  prudence  could  not  foresee,  yet  felt 
that  he  was  '  in  honor '  bound  to  secure  from  loss  those  who  had  confided  in 
him,  and  used  for  that  purpose  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  his  own  savings. 

"  So,  in  the  settlements  of  his  accounts  in  Louisiana,  wrhen  he  had  the 
entire  control  of  expenditures,  he  took  the  utmost  care  to  see  that  every  dol 
lar  was  accounted  for.  He  resigned  on  the  18th  of  January,  and  waited 
until  the  23rd  of  February  for  that  purpose.  The  same  exact  accountability 
was  practiced  by  him  in  all  accounts  w7ith  the  United  States.  In  my  per 
sonal  business  relations  with  him,  I  found  him  to  be  exact  and  particular  to 
the  last  degree,  insisting  always  upon  paying  fully  every  debt,  and  his  share 
of  every  expense.  I  doubt  if  any  man  living  can  truly  say  that  General 
Sherman  owes  him  a  dollar,  while  thousands  know  he  was  generous  in  giv 
ing  in  proportion  to  his  means.  He  had  an  extreme  horror  of  debt  and 
taxes.  He  looked  upon  the  heavy  taxes  now  in  vogue  as  in  the  nature  of 
confiscation,  and  in  some  cases  sold  his  land,  rapidly  rising  in  value,  because 
the  taxes  assessed  seemed  to  him  unreasonable. 

"  While  the  war  lasted,  General  Sherman  was  a  soldier  intent  upon  put 
ting  down  what  he  conceived  to  be  a  causeless  rebellion.  He  said  that  war 
was  barbarism  that  could  not  be  refined,  and  the  speediest  way  to  end  it  was 
to  prosecute  it  with  vigor  to  complete  success.  When  this  was  done,  and 
the  Union  was  saved,  he  was  for  the  most  liberal  terms  of  conciliation  and 
kindness  to  the  southern  people.  All  enmities  were  forgotten  ;  his  old 
friendships  were  revived.  Never  since  the  close  of  the  war  have  I  heard 
him  utter  words  of  bitterness  against  the  enemies  he  fought,  nor  of  the  men 
in  the  north  who  had  reviled  him. 

"  To  him  it  was  a  territorial  war  ;  one  that  could  not  have  been  avoided. 
Its  seeds  had  been  planted  in  the  history  of  the  colonies,  in  the  constitution 
itself,  and  in  the  irrepressible  conflict  between  free  and  slave  institutions. 
It  was  a  war  by  which  the  south  gained,  by  defeat,  enormous  benefits,  and 
the  north,  by  success,  secured  the  strength  and  development  of  the  repub 
lic.  No  patriotic  man  of  either  section  would  willingly  restore  the  old  con 
ditions.  Its  benefits  are  not  confined  to  the  United  States,  but  extend  to 
all  the  countries  of  America.  Its  good  influence  will  be  felt  by  all  the 
nations  of  the  world,  by  opening  to  them  the  hope  of  free  institutions.  It 
is  one  of  the  great  epochs  in  the  march  of  time,  which,  as  the  years  go  by, 
will  be,  by  succeeding  generations  of  freemen,  classed  in  importance  with 
the  discovery  of  America  and  our  Revolutionary  War.  It  was  the  good 
fortune  of  General  Sherman  to  have  been  a  chief  actor  in  this  great  drama, 
and  to  have  lived  long  enough  after  its  close  to  have  realized  and  enjoyed 
the  high  estimate  of  his  services  by  his  comrades,  by  his  countrymen,  and 
by  mankind.  To  me,  his  brother,  it  is  a  higher  pride  to  know  and  to  say 
that  in  all  the  walks  of  private  life — as  a  son,  a  brother,  a  husband,  a  father, 
a  soldier,  a  comrade,  or  a  friend — he  was  an  honorable  gentleman,  without 
fear  and  without  reproach." 


CHAPTER  LVIII. 
THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1890-91  IN  OHIO. 

Public  Discussion  of  My  Probable  Reelection  to  the  Senate— My  Visit  to  the  Ohio 
Legislature    in    April,    1891  —  Reception    at    the  Lincoln  League  Club — Ap 
pointed  by  the  Republicans  as  a  Delegate   to    the  State  Convention   at 
Columbus  —  Why  My  Prepared  Speech  Was  Not  Delivered  —  Attack 
on  Me  by  the  Cincinnati   "  Enquirer  "  —  Text  of  the  Address  Printed 
in  the  "  State  Journal  "  —  Beginning  of  a  Canvass  with  Governor 
Foraker  as  a  Competitor  for   the  Senatorship  —  Attitude 
of  George  Cox,  a  Cincinnati  Politician,  Towards  Me  — 
Attempt  to  Form  a  "  Farmers'  Alliance  "  or  People's 
Party  in  Ohio — "Seven  Financial  Conspiracies"  — 
Mrs.  Emery's  Pamphlet  and  My  Reply  to  It. 

DURING  the  winter  of   1890-91   the   question   of  my 
reelection  to  the  Senate  was  the  subject  of  newspaper 
discussion  not  only  in  Ohio,  but  in  other  states.     As  a 
rule  the   leading  newspapers  in  the   eastern  states 
strongly  favored  my  return  to  the  Senate,  and  much  the  larger 
number  of  Republican  papers  in  Ohio  expressed  the  same  de 
sire.    In  the  west,  wherever  the  free  coinage  of  silver  was  fa 
vored,  a  strong  opposition  to  me  was  developed.     I  had  not 
expressed  any  wish  or  intention  to  be  a  candidate  and  turned 
aside  any  attempt  to  commit  me  on  the  subject.     I  could  quote 
by  the  score  articles  in  the  public  prints  of  both  political  par 
ties  highly  complimentary  to   me,  but  most  of  these  turned 
upon  free  coinage  of  silver,  which  I  did  not  regard  as  a  politi 
cal  issue. 

After  the  adjournment  of  Congress  on  the  4th  of  March  the 
Cincinnati  "Enquirer"  formally  announced,  as  "upon  the  as 
surance  of  the  Senator  himself,"  that  I  would  not  again  be  a 
candidate  for  reelection.  The  next  day  that  paper  repeated 
that  a  well-known  Sherman  man,  whose  name  was  not  given, 
said :  "  Your  article  is  correct.  Mr.  Sherman  is  not,  nor  will 
he  be  again,  a  candidate  for  the  Senate."  Both  declarations 
were  without  foundation,  and  I  supposed  the  intention  of  the 

(862) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  863 

"  Enquirer  "  was  to  force  a  contest  among  Republicans  for  the 
nomination.  I  paid  no  attention  to  these  publications,  but 
they  were  the  basis  of  comment  in  the  newspapers  in  Ohio. 
The  discussion  of  this  question  extended  to  other  states,  and 
indicated  the  desire  of  a  large  majority  of  the  papers,  east  of 
the  Mississippi  River,  that  I  be  reflected.  I  insert  an  extract 
from  a  long  article  in  the  Chicago  "  Inter-Ocean  "  of  the  22nd 
of  March,  1891 : 

"  The  most  important  event  booked  for  1892  is  that  of  a  successor  to 
John  Sherman  in  Ohio,  and  already  the  matter  is  being  discussed,  as  well  it 
might  be,  and  the  interest  is  by  no  means  confined  to  that  state.  John  Sher 
man  belongs  to  the  whole  country,  and  it  is  no  reflection  upon  the  useful 
ness  of  any  other  public  man  to  say  that  his  retirement  to  private  life  would 
be  the  greatest  strictly  personal  loss  the  nation  could  now  sustain." 

1  do  not  care  to  quote  the  many  kindly  opinions  expressed 
of  me  at  that  period. 

I  returned  to  Ohio  early  in  April  on  a  brief  visit  to  Mans 
field,  and  to  pay  my  respects  to  the  general  assembly,  then  in 
session  at  Columbus.  At  Mansfield  I  was  met  by  a  correspond 
ent  of  the  " Enquirer"  and  answered  a  multitude  of  questions. 
Among  others  I  was  asked  if  I  would  respond  to  the  call  of  the 
members  of  the  Ohio  legislature  to  meet  them  at  Columbus.  I 
answered :  "  Yes,  I  will  go  to  Columbus  on  Tuesday  next,  and 
from  there  to  Washington,  to  return  here  with  my  family  in 
May  for  the  summer.'7  He  said  :  "  Is  there  any  significance  in 
this  Columbus  visit?"  I  answered  :  "None  whatever  so  far  as 
I  know."  In  leaving  he  said :  "Tell  me,  did  your  trip  here  at 
this  time  have  any  reference  to  your  fences,  their  building  or 
repair?"  "No,"  I  said,  "I  came  here  to  build  a  barn.  lam 
just  about  to  commence  it."  He  bade  me  good-bye  without 
saying  a  word  about  my  declining  or  being  elected  as  Senator. 

I  went  to  Columbus  on  the  7th,  arriving  late  in  the  even 
ing,  but  not  too  late  to  meet  many  gentlemen  and  to  give  to 
a  correspondent  of  the  "Commercial  Gazette"  an  interview. 
On  the  next  day,  in  pursuance  of  a  custom  that  has  existed  in 
Ohio  for  many  years,  I,  as  a  Senator  elected  by  the  legislature, 
was  expected  to  make  a  formal  call  upon  that  body  when  in 
session,  and  during  my  visit  to  eschew  politics.  Accompanied 


SG4  RECOLLECTIONS 

by  a  committed  of  the  senate  I  called  upon  Governor  Campbell. 
We  were  then  and  had  always  been  personal  friends.  He  ac 
companied  me  to  the  senate,  which  took  a  recess,  when  brief 
and  complimentary  addresses  were  made,  and  I  thanked  the 
senate  for  the  reception.  After  handshaking  and  pleasant 
talk  I  was  escorted  to  the  house  of  representatives,  where  the 
same  simple  ceremony  was  observed.  I  visited  the  state  board 
of  equalization,  then  engaged  in  the  important  duty  of  equaliz 
ing  the  taxes  imposed  in  the  several  counties  and  cities  of  the 
state.  At  their  request  I  expressed  my  opinion  of  the  system 
of  taxation  in  existence  in  Ohio,  which  I  regarded  as  exceed 
ingly  defective  by  reason  of  restrictive  clauses  in  the  constitu 
tion  of  the  state  adopted  in  1851. 

On  the  evening  of  that  day  I  attended  a  reception  at  the 
Lincoln  League  Club.  The  rooms  were  filled  with  members  of 
the  league  and  their  friends.  Governor  Campbell  came  with 
his  daughter,  and  all  joined  in  an  evening  of  sociability.  I  was 
called  upon  for  a  speech  and  responded  briefly,  stating  that  I 
was  there  not  as  a  partisan  or  Republican,  but  as  a  son  of  Ohio. 

On  the  6th  of  June  I  was  appointed  by  the  Republicans  of 
Richland  county  as  a  delegate  to  the  state  convention.  In  a 
brief  speech  to  the  county  convention,  I  said  : 

"  The  next  state  convention  will  be  a  very  important  one  in  many  re 
spects.  In  one  or  two  matters  the  business  has  already  been  done.  It  has 
been  settled  that  Major  McKinley  will  be  nominated  Governor  of  Ohio,  and 
that  he  will  be  elected.  Of  the  balance  of  the  ticket  I  say  nothing.  There 
are  so  many  good  men  for  candidates  that  we  can  make  no  mistake  in  any  of 
them." 

Resolutions  were  adopted  indorsing  the  platforms  of  the 
last  state  and  national  conventions,  declaring  a  belief  in  the 
doctrine  of  protection  to  labor  and  American  industries,  and 
indorsing  the  wisdom  of  the  Republican  party  in  continuing 
the  advocacy  of  the  protective  tariff.  I  was  remembered  by 
resolutions  thanking  me  for  services  rendered  to  the  country, 
and  Senators  W.  S.  Kerr  and  W.  Hildebrand  were  compli 
mented  for  their  efficiency  in  the  state  senate. 

A  resolution  indorsing  William  McKinley  for  unanimous 
nomination  for  governor  passed  amidst  enthusiastic  applause. 

Upon  attending  the  state  convention  at  Columbus,  on  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


865 


17th  of  June,  I  was  advised  that  objection  would  be  made  to 
my  designation  as  chairman,  and  that  Mr.  Bushnell  would  be 
pressed  for  that  honor.  I  promptly  said  I  did  not  wish  the 
position,  and  urged  the  selection  of  Bushnell,  who  was  fairly 
entitled  to  it  for  his  active  agency  as  chairman  of  the  state 
committee.  The  central  committee  had  invited  me  to  address 
the  convention,  and  I  was  prepared  to  do  so,  but,  feeling  that 
after  McKinley  was  unanimously  nominated  for  governor  my 
speech  would  delay  the  convention  in  completing  the  ticket,  I 
declined  to  speak,  but  the  convention  insisted  upon  it,  and  I 
did  respond  very  briefly,  saying  I  would  hand  my  speech  to 
the  "State  Journal."  Out  of  this  incident  the  "Enquirer" 
made  the  story  that  I  had  been  "snubbed"  by  the  convention, 
through  the  influence  of  Governor  Foraker  and  other  gentle 
men  named  by  it.  The  correct  account  of  my  action  was  stated 
in  the  "  State  Journal"  as  follows : 

"  After  Major  McKinley  had  finished  speaking  there  were  enthusiastic 
calls  for  Senator  Sherman.  The  demand  became  so  vigorous  that  General 
Bushnell  was  unable  to  secure  quiet.  Senator  Sherman  marched  down  the 
middle  aisle  from  his  seat  in  his  delegation  just  under  the  balcony.  Perhaps 
no  one  received  such  generous  recognition  as  did  the  senior  Senator  from 
Ohio.  Although  Senator  Sherman  had  prepared  a  speech  he  did  not  attempt 
to  deliver  it.  He  said  he  had  intended  to  insist  on  his  right  as  a  delegate 
not  to  hear  any  more  oratory,  but,  to  proceed  with  the  business  of  the  con 
vention.  He  gave  the  'State  Journal'  an  appreciated  compliment  by  advis 
ing  all  the  delegates  who  desired  to  know  what  his  speech  contained  to  buy 
this  morning's  ^  State  Journal.'  His  remarks  were  felicitous  and  he  was 
frequently  interrupted  by  applause." 

The  prepared  speech  as  published  in  the  "Journal"  gave 
satisfaction,  not  only  to  the  Republicans  in  Ohio,  but  to  the 
party  all  over  the  country,  and  was  printed  in  many  of  the 
leading  journals  of  the  United  States.  My  refusal  to  deliver 
it  in  the  sweltering  heat  of  the  convention  enabled  that  body 
to  rapidly  clear  the  business  it  met  to  transact,  and  the 
unfounded  imputations  about  leading  Republicans  fell  harmless. 
Perhaps  the  incident  is  hardly  of  sufficient  importance  to  bear 
any  extended  reference.  I  was  a  member  of  the  convention, 
and  we  wanted,  I  among  the  rest,  to  conclude  the  business  that 
had  called  us  together. 


S— 55 


866  RECOLLECTIONS 

While  the  statement  ii?  the  " Enquirer"  and  in  other  Demo 
cratic  papers  was  not,  in  my  opinion,  true,  yet  the  charge  of  a 
purpose  on  the  part  of  members  of  the  convention  to  humili 
ate  or  "snub"  me,  by  inviting  me  to  address  the  convention  and 
then  denying  me  the  opportunity,  led  to  a  very  general  popu 
lar  discussion  of  the  selection  of  United  States  Senator  by 
the  legislature  then  to  be  elected.  The  choice  seemed,  by 
general  acquiescence,  to  rest  between  Governor  Foraker  and 
myself  in  case  the  Republicans  should  have  a  majority  of  the 
legislature.  There  could  be  no  difference  as  to  the  weight  of 
public  opinion  outside  of  Ohio,  as  represented  by  the  leading 
journals  of  both  political  parties.  Even  such  independent  pa 
pers  as  the  Chicago  " Evening  Post,"  the  "Boston  Herald,"  the 
Springfield  (Massachusetts)  "Republican"  and  the  New  York 
"  Evening  Post,"  and  I  can  say  the  great  body  of  the  Republican 
journals  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  warmly  urged  my  reelection.  With 
this  general  feeling  prevailing  I  considered  myself  a  candi 
date,  without  any  announcement,  and  entered  into  the  canvass 
as  such.  I  also  regarded  Governor  Foraker  as  my  competitor 
fairly  entitled  to  aspire  to  the  position  of  Senator,  though  he 
did  not,  at  first,  publicly  announce  his  candidacy.  Young,  ac 
tive  and  able,  with  a  brilliant  military  record  vouched  for  by 
General  Sherman,  twice  elected  Governor  of  Ohio,  he  was  jus 
tified  in  entering  the  contest.  In  the  latter  part  of  June  he 
was  reported  to  have  said  that  I  would  be  reflected,  but  this 
was  regarded  in  a  Pickwickian  sense.  Candidates  for  the  legis 
lature  were  chosen  in  many  counties  according  to  senatorial 
preferences,  but,  so  far  as  I  recall,  there  was  no  contest  over 
such  nominations  bitter  enough  to  cause  the  defeat  of  any 
nominee. 

No  serious  difficulty  arose  until  the  latter  part  of  July,  when 
I  was  advised  that  George  B.  Cox,  a  well-known  politician  in 
Cincinnati,  who,  it  was  understood,  controlled  the  Republican 
primaries  in  that  city,  would  not  allow  any  man  to  be  nom 
inated  for  either  branch  of  the  legislature  who  did  not  spe 
cifically  agree  to  vote  for  whoever  he  (Cox)  should  designate  as 
United  States  Senator.  This  I  regarded,  if  the  statement  were 
true,  as  a  corrupt  and  dangerous  power  to  be  conferred  upon 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  867 

any  man,  which  ought  not  to  be  submitted  to.  I  went  to  Cin 
cinnati,  partly  to  confer  with  Foraker,  and  chiefly  in  pursuance 
of  a  habit  of  visiting  that  city  at  least  once  a  year.  I  met 
Foraker,  and  he  promptly  disclaimed  any  knowledge  of  such 
a  requirement  in  legislative  nominations.  Cox  also  called 
on  me,  and  said  the  delegation  would  probably  be  divided 
between  Foraker  and  myself.  I  could  say  nothing  more  to 
him.  Foraker  gave  a  written  answer  to  an  inquiry  of  the 
"  Commercial  Gazette,"  in  which  he  said  he  was  a  candidate, 
and  no  one  knew  it  better  than  I.  This  was  quite  true  and 
proper.  In  a  published  interview  I  said  : 

"  Governor  Foraker  and  I  have  always  been  friends,  and  I  am  always 
glad  to  see  him.  He  has  a  right  to  the  position  he  has  taken  in  regard  to 
the  senatorship,  and  it  is  a  proper  one.  One  man  has  just  as  much  right  to 
try  it  as  another." 

"Are  McKinley  and  Butterworth  candidates  for  Senator?" 

"  I  do  not  know,  but  they  have  a  right  to  be." 

The  only  question  that  remained  was  whether  Cox  had  a 
delegation  pledged  to  obey  his  wish,  and  this  was  to  be  ascer 
tained  in  the  future. 

During  the  spring  and  summer  of  1891  there  was  an  attempt 
to  organize  a  new  party  in  Ohio,  under  the  name  of  the  Farmers' 
Alliance,  or  People's  party,  based  mainly  upon  what  were  al 
leged  to  be  "seven  financial  conspiracies."  These  so-called 
"  conspiracies "  were  the  great  measures  by  which  the  union 
cause  was  maintained  during  and  since  the  war.  The  Alliance 
was  greatly  encouraged  by  its  success  in  defeating  Senator 
Ingalls  and  replacing  him  by  Senator  Peffer,  and  proposed  that 
I  should  follow  Ingalls.  Pamphlets  were  freely  distributed 
throughout  the  state,  the  chief  of  which  was  one  written  by  a 
Mrs.  Emery,  containing  ninety-six  pages.  I  was  personally 
arraigned  in  this  pamphlet  as  the  "head  devil"  of  these  con 
spiracies,  and  the  chief  specifications  of  my  crimes  were  the 
laws  requiring  the  duties  on  imported  goods  to  be  paid  in  coin, 
the  payment  in  coin  of  the  principal  and  interest  of  the  public 
debt,  the  act  to  strengthen  the  public  credit,  the  national  bank 
ing  system,  and,  in  her  view,  the  worst  of  all,  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments. 


868  RECOLLECTIONS 

At  first  I  paid  no  attention  to  this  pamphlet,  but  assumed 
that  intelligent  readers  could  and  would  answer  it.  In  October 
I  received  a  letter  calling  my  attention  to  it  and  asking  me  to 
answer  it.  This  I  did  by  the  following  letter  which  I  was  ad 
vised  had  a  beneficial  effect  in  the  western  states,  where  the 
pamphlet  was  being  mainly  circulated: 

MANSFIELD,  O.,  October  12,  1891. 
MR.  CHARLES  F.  STOKEY,  Canton,  O. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: — Yours  of  the  8th,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  S.  E.  V. 
Emery's  pamphlet  called  '  Seven  Financial  Conspiracies  Which  Have  En 
slaved  the  American  People,'  is  received. 

Some  time  since,  this  wild  and  visionary  book  was  sent  to  me,  and  I  read 
it  with  amusement  and  astonishment  that  anyone  could  approve  of  it  or  be 
deceived  by  its  falsehoods. 

The  '  seven  financial  conspiracies  '  are  the  seven  great  pillars  of  our  finan 
cial  credit,  the  seven  great  financial  measures  by  which  the  government 
was  saved  from  the  perils  of  war  and  by  which  the  United  States  has  become 
the  most  flourishing  and  prosperous  nation  in  the  world. 

The  first  chapter  attributes  the  Civil  War  to  an  infamous  plot  of  capital 
ists  to  absorb  the  wealth  of  the  country  at  the  expense  of  the  people,  when 
all  the  world  knows  that  the  Civil  War  was  organized  by  slaveholders  to 
destroy  the  national  government  and  to  set  up  a  slaveholding  confederacy 
in  the  south  upon  its  ruins.  The  '  Shylock,'  described  by  Mrs.  Emery,  is  a 
phantom  of  her  imagination.  The  '  Shy  locks  of  the  war  '  were  the  men  who 
furnished  the  means  to  carry  on  the  government,  and  included  in  their  num 
ber  the  most  patriotic  citizens  of  the  northern  states,  who,  uniting  their 
means  with  the  services  and  sacrifices  of  our  soldiers,  put  down  the  re 
bellion,  abolished  slavery,  and  preserved  and  strengthened  our  govern 
ment. 

The  first  of  her  '  conspiracies '  she  calls  the  exception  clause  in  the  act 
of  February  25,  1862,  by  which  the  duties  on  imported  goods  were  required 
to  be  paid  in  coin  in  order  to  provide  the  means  to  pay  the  interest  on  our 
bonds  in  coin.  This  clause  had  not  only  the  cordial  support  of  Secretary 
Chase,  but  of  President  Lincoln,  and  proved  to  be  the  most  important  finan 
cial  aid  of  the  government  devised  during  the  war.  Goods  being  imported 
upon  coin  values,  it  was  but  right  that  the  duty  to  the  government  should 
be  paid  in  the  same  coin.  Otherwise  the  duties  would  have  been  constantly 
diminishing  with  the  lessening  purchasing  power  of  our  greenbacks.  If 
the  interest  of  our  debt  had  not  been  paid  in  coin,  we  could  have  borrowed 
no  money  abroad,  and  the  rate  of  interest,  instead  of  diminishing  as  it  did, 
would  have  been  largely  increased,  and  the  volume  of  our  paper  money 
would  necessarily  have  had  to  be  increased  and  its  value  would  have  gone 
down  lower  and  lower,  and  probably  ended,  as  Confederate  money  did,  in 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

being  as  worthless  as  rags.  This  exception  clause  saved  our  public  credit  by 
making  a  market  for  our  bonds,  and  the  coin  was  paid  by  foreigners  for  the 
privilege  of  entering  our  markets. 

^  As  for  the  national  banking  system— the  second  of  her  '  conspiracies  '— 
it  is  now  conceded  to  have  produced  the  best  form  of  paper  money  issued 
by  banks  that  has  ever  been  devised.  It  was  organized  to  take  the  place  of 
the  state  banks,  which,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  had  outstanding  over 
$200,000,000  of  notes,  of  value  varying  from  state  to  state,  and  most  of  them 
at  a  discount  of  from  five  to  twenty-five  per  cent.  It  was  absolutely  neces 
sary  to  get  rid  of  these  state  bank  notes  and  to  substitute  for  them  bank 
notes  secured  beyond  doubt  by  the  deposit  of  United  States  bonds,  a  sys 
tem  so  perfect  that  from  the  beginning  until  now  no  one  has  lost  a  dollar  on 
the  circulating  notes  of  national  banks.  The  system  may  have  to  give  way 
because  we  are  paying  off  our  bonds,  but  no  sensible  man  will  ever  propose 
in  this  country  to  go  back  to  the  old  system  of  state  banks,  and  if  some  se 
curity  to  take  the  place  of  United  States  bonds  can  be  devised  for  national 
bank  notes,  the  system  will  be  and  ought  to  be  perpetuated. 

The  third  '  conspiracy  '  referred  to  is  contraction  of  the  currency.  It  has 
been  demonstrated  by  official  documents  that  from  the  beginning  of  the 
war  to  this  time  the  volume  of  our  currency  has  been  increasing,  year  by 
year,  more  rapidly  than  our  population.  In  1860  the  total  amount  of  all  the 
money  in  circulation  was  $435,000,000,  when  our  population  was  31,000,000, 
and  half  of  this  was  money  of  variable  and  changing  value.  Now  we  have 
in  circulation  $1,500,000,000,  with  a  population  of  64,000,000,  and  every 
dollar  of  this  money  is  as  good  as  gold,  all  kinds  equal  to  each  other,  passing 
from  hand  to  hand  and  paid  out  as  good  money,  not  only -in  the  United 
States,  but  among  all  the  commercial  countries  of  the  world.  Our  money 
has  increased  nearly  fourfold,  while  our  population  has  only  doubled. 

The  statements  made  by  Mrs.  Emery  about  the  contraction  of  our  cur 
rency  are  not  only  misleading  but  they  are  absolutely  false.  She  states  that 
in  1868  $473,000,000  of  our  money  was  destroyed,  and  in  1869  $500,000,000 
of  our  money  passed  into  a  cremation  furnace,  and  in  1870  $67,000,000  was 
destroyed.  Now  these  statements  are  absolutely  false.  What  she  calls 
money  in  these  paragraphs  was  the  most  burdensome  form  of  interest-bearing 
securities,  treasury  notes  bearing  seven  and  three-tenths  per  cent,  interest, 
and  compound  interest  notes.  These  were  the  chief  and  most  burdensome 
items  of  the  public  debt.  They  were  paid  off  in  the  years  named  and  were 
never  at  any  time  for  more  than  a  single  day  money  in  circulation.  When 
issued  they  were  received  as  money,  but  as  interest  accrued  they  became 
investments  and  were  not  at  all  in  circulation. 

These  statements  of  Mrs.  Emery  are  palpable  falsehoods,  which  if  stated 
by  a  man  would  justify  a  stronger  word.  It  is  true  that  in  1866  Mr.  Mc- 
Culloch,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  the  administration  of  Andrew  John 
son,  wished  to  bring  about  resumption  by  contraction,  and  a  bill  was  passed 
providing  for  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  greenbacks  to  $300,000,000,  but 


870  RECOLLECTIONS 

this  was  very  soon  after  repealed  and  the  greenbacks  retained  in  circulation. 
I  was  not  in  favor  of  the  contraction  of  the  greenbacks,  and  the  very  speech 
that  she  quotes,  in  which  I  described  the  effects  of  contraction  and  the  diffi 
culty  of  resuming,  was  made  against  the  bill  providing  for  the  reduction  of 
the  greenbacks. 

The  next  '  conspiracy '  to  which  she  refers  was  the  first  act  of  General 
Grant's  administration  'to  strengthen  the  public  credit.'  A  controversy  had 
existed  whether  the  5-20  bonds  could  be  paid  in  greenbacks.  I  maintained 
and  still  believe  that  by  a  fair  construction  of  the  loan  laws  we  had  a  right 
to  pay  the  principal  of  the  bonds  as  they  matured  in  greenbacks  of  the  kind 
and  character  in  existence  when  the  bonds  were  issued,  but  I  insisted  that  it 
was  the  duty  of  the  government  to  define  a  time  when  the  greenbacks  should 
be  either  redeemed  or  maintained  at  par  in  coin,  that  this  was  a  plain  obli 
gation  of  honor  and  duty  which  rested  upon  the  United  States,  and  that  it 
was  not  honorable  or  right  to  avail  ourselves  of  our  own  negligence  in  re 
storing  these  notes  to  the  specie  standard  in  order  to  pay  the  bonds  in  the 
depreciated  money.  This  idea  is  embodied  in  the  credit-strengthening  act. 

The  fifth  *  conspiracy '  of  what  she  calls  '  this  infernal  scheme '  was  the 
refunding  of  the  national  debt.  This  operation  of  refunding  is  regarded  by 
all  intelligent  statesmen  as  of  the  highest  value,  and  was  conducted  with  re 
markable  success.  At  the  date  of  the  passage  of  the  refunding  act,  July 
14,  1870,  we  had  outstanding  bonds  bearing  five  and  six  per  cent,  interest 
for  about  $1,500,000,000.  By  the  wise  providence  of  Congress,  we  had 
reserved  the  right  of  redeeming  a  portion  of  this  debt  within  five  years,  and 
a  portion  of  it  within  ten  years,  so  that  the  debt  was,  in  the  main,  then 
redeemable  at  bur  pleasure.  It  was  not  possible  to  pay  it  in  coin  and  it 
was  not  honorable  to  pay  it  in  greenbacks,  especially  as  that  could  only  have 
been  done  by  issuing  new  greenbacks  far  beyond  the  volume  existing  dur 
ing  the  war,  and  which  would  at  once  depreciate  in  value  and  destroy  the 
public  credit  and  dishonor  the  country.  We,  therefore,  authorized  the 
exchange,  par  for  par,  of  bonds  bearing  four,  four  and  a  half,  and  five  per 
cent,  interest  for  the  bonds  bearing  a  higher  rate  of  interest.  The  only 
contest  in  Congress  upon  the  subject  was  whether  the  new  bonds  should 
run  five,  ten  and  fifteen  years,  or  ten,  fifteen  and  thirty  years.  I  advocated 
the  shorter  period,  but  the  House  of  Representatives,  believing  that  the  new 
bonds  would  not  sell  at  par  unless  running  for  a  longer  period,  insisted 
that  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  should  run  for  thirty  years.  Greenbackers, 
like  Mrs.  Emery,  who  now  complain  that  the  bonds  run  so  long  and  cannot 
be  paid  until  due,  are  the  same  people  who  insisted  upon  making  the  bonds 
run  thirty  years.  It  required  some  ten  years  to  complete  these  refunding 
operations — of  which  the  larger  part  was  accomplished  when  I  was  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury — and  they  resulted  in  a  saving  of  one-third  of  the 
interest  on  the  debt.  So  far  from  it  being  in  the  interest  of  the  bond 
holders,  it  was  to  their  detriment  and  only  in  the  interest  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  871 

The  next  « conspiracy '  complained  of  is  the  alleged  demonetization  of 
silver.  By  the  act  revising  the  coinage  in  1873,  the  silver  dollar,  which  had 
been  suspended  by  Jefferson  in  1805  and  practically  demonetized  in  1835 
and  suspended  by  minor  coins  in  1853,  and  which  was  issued  only  in  later 
years  as  a  convenient  form  in  which  to  export  silver  bullion,  and  the  whole 
amount  of  which,  from  the  beginning  of  the  government  to  the  passage  of 
the  act  referred  to,  was  only  eight  million  dollars,  was,  by  the  unanimous  vote 
of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  without  objection  from  anyone,  dropped  from  our 
coinage,  and  in  its  place,  upon  the  petition  of  the  legislature  of  California, 
was  substituted  the  trade  dollar  containing  a  few  more  grains  of  silver.  A 
few  years  afterwards,  silver  having  fallen  rapidly  in  market  prices,  Congress 
restored  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar,  limiting  the  amount  to  not  exceed 
ing  four  million  nor  less  than  two  million  a  month,  and  under  this  law  in  a 
period  of  twelve  years  we  issued  over  400,000,000  silver  dollars,  fifty  times 
the  amount  that  had  been  coined  prior  to  1873.  And  now  under  existing 
law  we  are  purchasing  54,000,000  ounces  of  silver  a  year  ;  so  that  what  she 
calls  the  demonetization  of  silver  has  resulted  in  its  use  in  our  country  to 
an  extent  more  than  fiftyfold  greater  than  before  its  demonetization. 

In  spite  of  this,  in  consequence  of  the  increased  supply  of  silver  and 
the  cheapening  processes  of  its  production,  it  is  going  down  in  the  market 
and  is  only  maintained  at  par  with  gold  by  the  fiat  of  the  different  govern 
ments  coining  it.  Now  the  deluded  people  belonging  to  the  class  of  Mrs. 
Emery  are  seeking  to  cheapen  the  purchasing  power  of  the  dollar,  in  the 
hands  of  the  farmer  and  laborer,  by  the  free  coinage  of  silver  and  the  de 
monetization  of  gold.  Silver  and  gold  should  be  used  and  maintained  as 
current  money,  but  only  on  a  par  with  each  other,  and  this  can  only  be  done 
by  treating  the  cheaper  metal  as  subsidiary  and  coining  it  only  as  demanded 
for  the  use  of  the  people. 

The  seventh  '  financial  conspiracy '  is  the  pride  and  boast  of  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States,  the  restoration  of  our  notes,  long  after  the  war 
was  over,  to  the  standard  of  coin  ;  in  other  words,  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments.  This  measure,  which  met  the  violent  opposition  of  such  wild 
theorists  as  Mrs.  Emery,  has  demonstrated  its  success,  in  the  judgment  of  all 
intelligent  people,  not  only  in  the  United  States,  but  in  all  the  countries  of  the 
world.  There  is  no  standard  for  paper  money,  except  coin.  The  United  States 
postponed  too  long  the  restoration  of  its  notes  to  coin  standards.  Since  it 
had  the  courage  to  do  this  under  the  resumption  act,  on  the  1st  day  of  Janu 
ary,  1879,  we  have  had  in  the  United  States  a  standard  of  gold  with  coins  of 
silver,  nickel  and  copper,  maintained  at  that  standard  by  the  fiat  of  the  gov 
ernment,  and  paper  money  in  various  forms,  as  United  States  notes,  national 
bank  notes,  gold  certificates,  silver  certificates,  and  treasury  notes,  all  at  par 
with  gold. 

To  call  this  a  <  conspiracy'  or  an  'infamous  plot '  is  a  misnomer  of  terms 
which  will  not  deceive  any  intelligent  man,  but  it  is  rather  the  glory  and  pride 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States  that  it  not  only  has  been  able,  in  the  past 


872  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

thirty  years,  to  put  down  a  great  rebellion  and  to  abolish  slavery,  but  to  ad 
vance  the  credit  of  the  United  States  to  the  highest  rank  among  nations,  to 
largely  increase  the  currency  of  the  country,  to  add  enormously  to  our  pro 
ductive  interests,  and  to  develop  our  resources  of  the  mine,  the  field,  and  the 
workshop,  to  a  degree  unexampled  in  the  history  of  nations.  Intelligent 
people,  who  reason  and  observe,  will  not  be  deceived  or  misled  by  the  wild 
fanaticism  and  the  gloomy  prophecies  of  Mrs.  Emery.  Temporary  condi 
tions  growing  out  of  the  failure  of  any  portion  of  our  crops  will  not  discour 
age  them  ;  the  exaggerations  of  the  morbid  fancy  will  not  mislead  them. 

A  candid  examination  of  the  great  financial  measures  of  the  last  thirty  years 
will  lead  people  to  name  what  Mrs.  Emery  calls  'the  seven  financial  con 
spiracies  '  as  the  seven  great,  wise,  and  statesmanlike  steps  which  have  led 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  through  perils  and  dangers  rarely  encoun 
tered  by  any  nation,  from  a  feeble  confederacy  with  four  millions  of  slaves, 
and  discordant  theories  of  constitutional  power,  to  a  great,  free  republic, 
made  stronger  by  the  dangers  it  has  passed,  a  model  and  guide  for  the 
nations  of  the  world. 

As  for  Mrs.  Emery's  criticisms  upon  me  personally,  I  do  not  even  deem 
them  worthy  of  answer.  She  repeats  the  old  story  that  I  was  interested  in 
the  First  National  Bank  of  New  York  and  gave  it  the  free  use  of  the  peo 
ple's  money.  This  is  a  plain  lie,  contradicted  and  disproved  over  and  over 
again.  I  never  had  the  slightest  interest  in  the  bank,  direct  or  indirect,  and, 
as  the  public  records  will  show,  gave  it  no  favors,  but  treated  it  like  all 
other  depositaries  of  public  money  and  held  it  to  the  most  rigid  accounta 
bility;  nor  have  I  in  any  case  derived  the  slightest  pecuniary  benefit  from 
any  measure  either  pending  in  or  before  Congress  since  I  have  been  in 
public  life.  Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

I  had  faith  in  the  good  sense  and  conservative  tendencies 
of  the  people,  and  believed  they  would  not  be  deluded  by  such 
fantasies  and  fallacies  as  were  contained  in  the  platform  of 
the  People's  party.  That  party  made  a  very  active  canvass, 
and  expected,  as  a  prominent  member  of  it  said,  "  to  hold  the 
balance  of  power  in  the  legislature  and  dictate  who  the  next 
United  States  Senator  from  Ohio  shall  be,  and  you  may  depend 
upon  it  that  that  man  will  not  be  John  Sherman." 

This  Alliance  subsequently  changed  its  ground  from  irre 
deemable  paper  money  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  Profess 
ing  to  care  for  the  farmers  and  laborers  it  sought  in  every  way 
to  depreciate  the  purchasing  power  of  their  money. 


CHAPTER  LIX. 
FREE  SILVER  AND  PROTECTION  TO  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIES. 

My  Views  in  1891  on  the  Free  Coinage  of  Silver  -  Letter  to  an  Ohio  Newspaper  on 
the  Subject— A  Problem  for  the  Next  Congress  to  Solve  — Views  Regarding 
Protection  to  American  Industries  by  Tariff  Laws— My  Deep  Interest  in  this 
Campaign  — Its  Importance  to  the  Country  at  Large— Ohio  the  Battle 
Ground  of  These  Financial  Questions  —  Opening  the  Campaign  in 
Paulding  Late  in  August  —  Extracts  from  My  Speech  There— 
Appeal  to  the  Conservative  Men  of  Ohio  of  Both  Parties  — 
Address  at  the  State  Fair  at  Columbus  —  Review  of  the 
History  of  Tariff  Legislation  in  the  United  States  — 
Five  Republican  Principles  Pertaining  to  the  Reduc 
tion  of  Taxes  —  Speeches  at  Cleveland,  Toledo, 
Cincinnati    and    Elsewhere  —  McKinley's 
Election  by  Over  21,000  Plurality. 

IN  the  progress  of  the  canvass  of  1891  it  was  apparent  that 
the  farmers  of  Ohio  would  not  agree  to  free  coinage  of 
silver,  and  divided  as  usual  between  the  two  great  parties. 
In  the  heat  of  this  contest  I  wrote  to  the  "Cyclone"  the 
following  letter : 

MANSFIELD,  O.,  July  7,  1891. 
EDITORS  «  CYCLONE,'  WASHINGTON  C.  H. 

MY  DEAR  SIRS: — In  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  6th,  I  can  only  say 
that  my  views  on  the  question  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  are  fully  stated 
in  the  speech  I  made  at  the  last  session  of  the  Senate,  a  copy  of  which  I 
send  you,  and  I  can  add  nothing  new  to  it. 

I  can  appreciate  the  earnest  demand  of  the  producers  of  silver  bullion, 
that  the  United  States  should  pay  $1.29  an  ounce  for  silver  bullion  which  in 
the  markets  of  the  world  has  been  for  a  series  of  years  worth  only  about  one 
dollar  an  ounce — sometimes  a  little  more,  sometimes  a  little  less,  but  I  can 
not  appreciate  why  any  farmer  or  other  producer  should  desire  that  the 
government  should  pay  for  any  article  more  than  its  market  value.  The 
government  should  purchase  the  articles  it  needs,  like  all  other  purchasers, 
at  the  market  price.  The  distinction  sought  to  be  made  in  favor  of  silver  is 
without  just  foundation.  The  government  now  buys  in  the  open  market 
more  than  the  entire  domestic  production  of  silver  bullion,  because  it  needs 
it  for  coinage  and  as  the  basis  of  treasury  notes.  I  gladly  contributed  my 
full  share  to  this  measure,  and  would  do  anything  in  my  power  to  advance 

(873) 


874  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  market  value  of  silver  to  its  legal  ratio  to  gold,  but  this  can  only  be 
done  in  concert  with  other  commercial  nations.  The  attempt  to  do  it  by 
the  United  States  alone  would  only  demonstrate  our  weakness. 

To  the  extent  that  the  enormous  demand  made  by  the  existing  law 
advances  the  price  of  silver,  the  producer  receives  the  benefit,  and  to-day  the 
production  of  silver  is  probably  the  most  profitable  industry  in  the  United 
States.  To  ask  more  seems  to  me  unreasonable,  and,  if  yielded  to,  will 
bring  all  our  money  to  the  single  silver  standard  alone,  demonetize  gold  and 
detach  the  United  States  from  the  standards  of  the  great  commercial  nations 
of  the  world.  The  unreasonable  demand  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  reasonable  demand  for  the  increase  of  the  volume  of 
money  required  by  the  increase  of  business  and  population  of  the  United 
States. 

We  have  provided  by  existing  laws  for  the  increase  of  money  to  an 
amount  greater  than  the  increase  of  business  and  population  ;  but,  even  if 
more  money  is  required,  there  are  many  ways  of  providing  it  without  cheapen 
ing  its  purchasing  power,  or  making  a  wide  difference  between  the  kinds  of 
money  in  circulation  based  on  silver  and  gold.  More  than  ninety-two  per 
cent,  of  all  payments  is  now  made  in  checks,  drafts  and  other  commercial 
devices.  All  kinds  of  circulating  notes  are  now  equal  to  each  other  and  are 
kept  at  the  gold  standard  by  redemption  and  exchange.  Our  money  and 
our  credit  are  now  equal  to  or  better  than  those  of  the  most  civilized  nations 
of  the  world,  our  productions  of  every  kind  are  increasing,  and  it  seems  to 
me  almost  a  wild  lunacy  for  us  to  disturb  this  happy  condition  by  changing 
the  standard  of  all  contracts,  inducing  special  contracts  payable  in  gold,  and 
again  paying  gold  to  the  capitalists,  and  silver  (at  an  exaggerated  price)  to 
the  farmer,  laborer  and  pensioner. 

I  would  not  be  true  to  my  convictions  of  what  is  best  for  the  good  of  my 
constituents  if  I  did  not  frankly  and  firmly  stand  by  my  opinions,  whatever 
may  be  the  effect  upon  me  personally.  My  greatest  obligations  have  been 
to  the  farmers  of  Ohio,  and  I  would  be  unworthy  of  their  trust  and  confidence 
if  I  did  not  beseech  them  to  stand  by  the  financial  policy  which  will  secure 
them  the  best  results  for  their  labor  and  productions,  and  the  comfort  and 
prosperity  of  all  classes  alike.  Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

When  this  letter  was  written  the  demand  for  the  free  coin 
age  of  silver  was  at  its  height.  I  knew  that  my  position  was 
not  a  popular  one,  yet  felt  confident  that  in  the  end  the  people 
would  become  convinced  that  no  change  should  be  made  in 
the  standard  of  value  then  existing,  and  that  the  use  of  silver 
as  money  should  be  continued  and  it  should  be  maintained  at 
par  with  gold,  but  that  when  the  volume  of  it  became  so  great 
as  to  threaten  the  demonetization  of  gold,  its  coinage  should 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  875 

be  discontinued  and  silver  bullion  in  the  treasury  should  be 
represented  by  treasury  notes  in  circulation  equal  in  ftmount 
to  the  cost  of  the  silver  bullion.  This  was  the  basis  of  the  act 
of  1890,  but,  unfortunately,  the  amount  of  silver  bullion  pro 
duced  in  the  United  States  and  in  the  world  at  large  so  rapidly 
increased  that  it  continually  declined  in  market  value.  Every 
purchase  of  it  entailed  great  loss  to  the  United  States.  How 
to  deal  with  this  condition  was  the  problem  for  the  next  Con 
gress  to  solve. 

On  the  31st  of  August,  in  response  to  an  inquiry  from  the 
editor  of  the  "  Citizen,"  a  newspaper  published  in  Urbana,  Ohio, 
I  wrote  the  following  letter  in  regard  to  the  policy  of  protection 
to  American  industries  by  tariff  laws: 

"A  protective  tariff  was  the  first  measure  provided  by  the  first  Congress 
of  the  United  States.  No  nation  can  be  independent  without  a  diversity  of 
industries.  A  single  occupation  may  answer  for  an  individual,  but  a  nation 
must  be  composed  of  many  men  of  many  employments.  Every  nation  ought 
to  be  independent  of  other  nations  in  respect  to  all  productions  necessary 
for  life  and  comfort  that  can  be  made  at  home.  These  are  axioms  of  polit 
ical  economy  so  manifestly  true  that  they  need  no  demonstration.  The 
measure  of  protection  is  a  proper  subject  of  dispute,  but  there  should  be 
no  dispute  as  to  the  principle  of  protection  in  a  country  like  ours,  possessing 
almost  every  raw  material  of  nature  and  almost  every  variety  of  produc 
tions.  We  have  prospered  most  when  our  industries  have  been  best  pro 
tected.  The  vast  variety  of  our  manufactures,  now  rivaling  in  quantity 
those  of  countries  much  older  than  ours,  is  the  result  of  protection. 

"Every  President,  from  Washington  clown  to  Jackson,  inclusive,  de 
clared  in  favor  of  the  principle  of  protection.  Every  eminent  statesman  of 
the  early  period,  including  Calhoun,  favored  this  policy.  The  owners  of 
slaves,  engaged  chiefly  in  the  production  of  cotton,  became  hostile  to  pro 
tection,  and,  with  those  engaged  in  foreign  commerce,  were  the  representa 
tive  free  traders  of  the  United  States.  Now  that  slavery  is  abolished  and 
the  south  has  entered  upon  the  development  of  her  vast  natural  resources, 
and  it  has  been  proven  that  our  foreign  commerce  is  greater  under  protect 
ive  laws,  there  should  be  no  opposition  in  any  portion  of  our  country  to  the 
protection  of  American  industry  by  wise  discriminating  duties. 

"  The  principle  of  protection  should  be  applied  impartially  and  fairly  to 
all  productions,  whether  of  the  workshop  or  the  farm.  The  object  is  to 
diversify  employment  and  to  protect  labor,  and  this  protection  should  be 
impartially  applied  without  respect  to  the  nature  of  the  production.  All 
experience  has  established  the  invariable  fact  that  domestic  production,  by 
inducing  competition,  in  a  brief  period,  lowers  the  price  of  all  protected 


876 


RECOLLECTIONS 


articles.  In  the  whole  range  of  productions  this  result  has  been  universal. 
Whenever  it  is  apparent  that  a  new  industry  can  be  established,  as  is  the 
case  now  with  the  manufacture  of  tin  plate,  it  is  good  policy  to  give  to  the 
industry  a  liberal  degree  of  protection,  with  the  assurance  that  if  we  have 
the  raw  material  on  equal  conditions  we  can  after  a  time  compete  with  the 
imported  article. 

"  The  policy  of  a  nation  upon  economic  questions  should  be  fixed  and 
stable.  The  McKinley  law,  as  now  framed,  though  it  may  be  open  to  criti 
cism  as  to  details,  is  a  strictly  protective  measure,  fair  and  just  as  applied  to 
all  industries,  with  ample  provisions  to  secure  reciprocity  in  the  exchange 
of  domestic  productions  for  articles  we  cannot  produce.  It  ought  to  be 
thoroughly  tested  by  the  experience  of  several  years.  It  is  not  good  policy 
to  disturb  it  or  keep  the  public  mind  in  suspense  about  it.  It  will,  as  I 
think,  demonstrate  its  wisdom,  but  if  not,  with  the  light  of  experience,  it 
can  be  modified.  The  highest  policy  and  the  greatest  good  to  our  people 
lie  in  the  full  trial  of  this  effort,  to  establish,  upon  a  firm  foundation,  the 
domestic  production  of  every  article  essential  to  American  life  and  inde 
pendence." 

These  two  letters,  on  the  "free  coinage  of  silver"  and  the 
"  McKinley  tariff  law,"  frankly  expressed  my  opinions  on  the 
salient  questions  of  the  day.  With  respect  to  the  principles 
that  underlie  the  policy  of  protection,  I  have  already  stated  my 
opinions  in  commenting  upon  the  Morrill  tariff  law.  No  gen 
eral  tariff  bill  has  passed  during  my  service  in  Congress  that  met 
my  entire  approval.  It  is  easy  to  formulate  general  principles, 
but  when  we  come  to  apply  them  to  the  great  number  of  arti 
cles  named  on  the  tariff  list,  we  find  that  the  interests  of 
their  constituents  control  the  action  of  Senators  and  Mem 
bers.  The  McKinley  tariff  bill  was  not  improved  in  the  Senate. 
The  compact  and  influential  delegation  from  New  England 
made  its  influence  felt  in  support  of  industries  pursued  in 
that  section,  while  the  delegations  from  other  sections  were 
divided  on  party  lines.  The  tariff  law  was  not,  therefore,  con 
sistent  with  any  general  principle,  but  it  was  nearer  so  than 
the  one  in  force  before  its  passage,  and  the  necessity  of  pass 
ing  some  law  that  would  reduce  taxation  was  so  imperative 
that  the  differences  between  the  two  Houses  were  readily  com' 
promised.  The  execution  of  the  McKinley  law  under  President 
Harrison  demonstrated  that  it  would  furnish  ample  revenue  to 
support  the  government,  and  it  should  have  remained  on  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  877 

statute  book  with  such  slight  changes  as  experience  might 
have  shown  to  be  necessary.  The  Democratic  party,  however, 
was  opposed  to  the  protective  features  of  this  law,  took  ad 
vantage  of  its  defects,  and,  subsequently,  when  that  party 
came  into  power,  it  unwisely  undertook  to  make  a  new  tariff 
which  has  proven  to  be  insufficient  to  yield  the  needed  rev 
enue,  and  thus  created  the  necessity  of  using,  for  current  ex 
penses,  the  reserve  of  gold  specially  accumulated  in  the  treasury 
for  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes. 

I  felt  the  deepest  interest  in  this  campaign,  not  from  the 
selfish  desire  to  hold  longer  an  office  I  had  held  for  nearly 
thirty  years,  but  I  thought  that  in  Ohio  we  were  to  have  a  great 
financial  battle,  upon  the  result  of  which  might  depend  the 
monetary  system  of  the  United  States.  On  the  17th  of  August 
I  said  to  a  reporter : 

"  The  people  of  the  east  do  not  seem  to  understand  this  campaign.  They 
do  not  appear  to  have  any  comprehension  of  what  it  means  to  them  as  well 
as  the  country.  No  matter  what  their  differences  upon  the  tariff  question 
may  be,  every  Republican  who  wishes  the  success  of  his  party  should  be  made 
to  understand  that  there  is  another  and  perhaps  a  graver  question  to  be 
settled  in  Ohio  this  year.  While  our  politics  for  the  past  few  campaigns  have 
hinged  upon  minor  questions,  we  are  to-day  brought  back  to  the  financial 
problem  which  we  all  thought  had  been  settled  in  1875,  when  Mr.  Hayes 
won  the  fight  for  an  honest  dollar  against  Governor  Allen,  who  represented 
the  liberal  currency  idea.  Then  it  came  in  the  guise  of  greenbacks,  and 
now  it  comes  in  the  garb  of  free  silver.  That  conflict  made  Mr.  Hayes 
President  of  thexUnited  States.  What  the  decision  may  be  this  year  no  man 
can  tell." 

I  further  said  the  arguments  that  year  were  identically  the 
same  as  in  the  Hayes  and  Allen  contest  if  the  word  " silver"  was 
substituted  for  "greenbacks."  The  Democrats  had  declared  for 
unlimited  coinage,  and  we  had  declared  against  it.  The  Farm 
ers'  Alliance  came  in  as  allies  of  the  Democracy,  but,  while 
they  were  an  unknown  quantity,  they  did  not  appear  to  be 
very  dangerous.  I  could  not  find  that  they  made  much  im 
pression  on  Republican  farmers.  It  had  fallen  to  the  lot  of 
Ohio  to  be  the  battle  ground  on  which  these  financial  questions 
were  fought,  but  we  had  never  been  saddled  with  so  grave  a, 


378  RECOLLECTIONS 

conflict  as  that  year,  not  merely  for  the  reason  that  we  had 
both  the  financial  and  economic  questions  depending  upon  the 
result,  but  because  of  the  lack  of  action  and  moral  force  which 
did  not  seem  to  come  to  us  from  outside  the  state,  as  it  should 
and  had  years  before.  I  had  too  much  faith  in  the  Repub- 
licans  of  the  country  to  believe  that  when  they  understood  the 
situation  they  would  fail  to  arouse  themselves  to  the  necessi 
ties  of  the  hour. 

In  answer  to  a  question  as  to  how  the  canvass  would  be 
conducted,  I  said  that  Major  McKinley  and  those  close  to  him 
were  perfectly  competent  to  deal  with  the  management  of  the 
campaign  and  would  do  so.  I  should  in  my  opening  speech 
devote  myself  entirely  to  a  presentation  of  the  financial  part 
of  the  contest,  which  was  equal  in  importance  with  the  tariff. 
It  was  perhaps  unfortunate  for  both  that  two  such  questions 
should  come  up  for  discussion  at  the  same  time,  but  they  did 
and  the  issue  had  to  be  met.  The  only  thing  that  was  neces 
sary  to  insure  a  crowning  success  was  that  the  Republicans  of 
the  country  should  understand  that,  no  matter  what  their 
differences  upon  the  tariff  were,  they  had  a  vital  interest  in 
settling  the  financial  question  for  all  time  at  the  next  election 
in  the  State  of  Ohio.  The  prosperity  in  Ohio  was  a  great  aid 
to  the  Republicans.  The  crops  in  that  state  and  the  west  were 
larger  than  for  many  years.  Prices  were  good  and  the  farmers 
as  a  rule  prosperous.  This  naturally  made  them  regard  with 
grim  humor  the  talk  of  the  Alliance  lecturers  about  poverty 
and  distress.  Another  thing  which  helped  us  was  the  fact  that 
short  crops  were  the  rule  in  Europe.  In  reply  to  a  question  as 
to  the  senatorial  issue,  I  said  in  one  of  my  speeches : 

"I  have  no  regret  that  this  character  of  battle  is  prominent.  I  am 
rather  complimented  than  otherwise  to  be  again  selected  as  the  target  of 
this  crusade  againt  a  sound  currency.  It  is  a  question  that  has  been  near 
est  my  heart  for  a  good  many  years,  and  I  am  perfectly  willing  to  abide  the 
result  upon  my  position  thereon.  As  I  said  before  I  have  no  fears  as  to  the 
decision  for  the  right.  I  have  less  opposition  to  encounter  than  I  have  ever 
had  before,  and  should  we  carry  the  legislature,  which  I  believe  we  will,  I 
am  content  to  stand  by  the  judgment  of  the  Republicans  of  that  body,  no 
matter  what  it  may  be." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  379 

I  made  my  opening  speech  in  this  campaign  at  Paulding,  on 
the  27th  of  August.  It  was  mainly  confined  to  the  silver  ques 
tion.  1  quote  a  few  extracts  from  it : 

"It  has  been  said  by  many  persons  of  both  political  parties  that  this  is 
to  be  a  campaign  of  education.  I  believe  it  ought  to  be  so,  for  the  leading 
questions  involved  are  purely  business  questions,  affecting  material  interests 
common  alike  to  men  of  all  parties. 

«'  Upon  cwo  great  measures  of  public  policy  the  Republican  and  Demo 
cratic  parties  have  made  a  formal  and  distinct  issue,  and  these  are  to  be 
submitted  to  the  people  of  Ohio  in  November,  and  your  decision  will  have 
a  marked  effect  upon  public  opinion  throughout  the  United  States.  One  is 
whether  the  holder  of  silver  bullion  may  deposit  it  in  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States,  and  demand  and  receive  for  it  one  dollar  of  coined  money 
for  every  371  grains  of  fine  silver  deposited.  The  market  value  of  so  much 
silver  bullion  is  now  about  77  cents,  varying,  however,  from  day  to  day,  like 
other  commodities,  sometimes  more  and  sometimes  less.  The  other  question 
is  whether  the  policy  of  taxing  imported  goods  by  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  embodied  in  our  existing  tariff  law,  known  as  the  McKinley 
tariff,  is  a  wise  public  policy,  or  whether  it  should  be  superseded  by  what  is 
called  a  tariff  for  revenue  only,  as  embodied  in  what  is  known  as  the  Mills 
bill,  which  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1888,  and  was  rejected 
by  the  Senate. 

ft******** 

"  I  propose  upon  this  occasion  to  confine  myself  mainly  to  a  frank  and 
homely  discussion  of  the  money  question,  as  the  most  pressing,  not  that 
the  tariff  question  is  not  equally  important,  but  for  the  reason  that  I  can 
only  do  one  thing  at  a  time,  and  the  money  question  is  a  newer  one,  is  now 
before  us,  upon  which  Republicans  and  Democrats  alike  are  somewhat 
divided.  I  wish  to  appeal  to  the  reason  and  common  sense  of  the  people 
who  hear  me,  1'or  that  is  said  to  be  the  highest  wisdom. 

•K-**-***-*** 

"  Now,  you  all  know  that  the  money  in  circulation  in  the  United  States 
—  all  of  it — is  good,  as  good  as  gold.  It  will  pass  everywhere  and  buy  as 
much  as  the  same  amount  of  any  other  money  in  the  world.  Our  money  is 
of  many  kinds — gold,  silver,  nickel  and  copper  are  all  coined  into  money. 
Then  we  have  United  States  notes,  or  greenbacks,  gold  certificates,  silver 
certificates,  treasury  notes  and  national  bank  notes.  But  the  virtue  of  all 
these  many  kinds  of  money  is  that  they  are  all  good.  A  dollar  of  each  is  as 
good  as  a  dollar  of  any  other  kind.  All  are  as  good  as  gold.  But,  and 
here  comes  the  first  difficulty,  the  silver  in  the  silver  dollar  is  not  worth  as 
much  as  the  gold  in  the  gold  dollar.  The  nickel  in  that  coin  is  worth  but 
a  small  part  of  five  cents'  worth  of  silver.  And  the  copper  in  the  cent 
is  not  worth  one-fifth  of  the  nickel  in  a  five  cent  piece.  How  then,  you  may 
ask  me,  can  these  coins  be  made  equal  to  each  other?  The  answer  is 


880  RECOLLECTIONS 

that  coinage  is  a  government  monopoly,  and  though  the  copper  in  five  cents 
is  not  worth  a  nickel,  and  the  nickel  in  twenty  pieces  is  not  worth  a  silver 
dollar,  and  the  silver  in  sixteen  dollars  is  not  worth  sixteen  dollars  in  gold, 
yet,  as  the  government  coins  them,  and  receives  them,  and  maintains  them 
at  par  with  gold  coin,  they  are,  for  all  purposes,  money  equal  to  each  other, 
and  wherever  they  go,  even  into  foreign  countries,  they  are  received  and 
paid  out  as  equivalents. 

"  The  reason  of  all  this  is  that  the  United  States  limits  the  amount  of  all 
the  coins  to  be  issued  except  gold,  which,  being  the  most  valuable,  is  coined 
without  limit.  If  coinage  of  all  these  metals  was  free,  and  any  holder  of 
copper,  nickel,  silver  or  gold  could  carry  it  to  the  mint  to  be  coined,  we 
would  have  no  money  but  copper  and  nickel,  because  they  are  the  cheaper 
metals,  worth  less  than  one-fourth  of  what,  as  coin,  they  purport  to  be.  For 
the  same  reason,  if  the  coinage  of  silver  was  free  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  of 
silver  to  one  of  gold,  no  gold  would  be  coined,  because  sixteen  ounces  of 
silver  are  not  worth  one  ounce  of  gold. 

********* 

"  The  one  distinctive,  striking  feature  of  the  law  of  1890  is,  that  the 
United  States  will  not  pay  for  silver  bullion  more  than  its  market  value. 
And  why  should  we?  What  is  there  about  silver  bullion  that  distinguishes 
it  from  any  other  product  of  industry  that  the  government  needs?  When 
the  government  needs  food  and  clothing  for  the  army  and  navy  it  pays  only 
the  market  price  to  the  farmer  and  manufacturer.  The  value  of  silver  pro 
duced  is  insignificant  compared  with  the  value  of  any  of  the  articles  pro 
duced  by  the  farmer,  the  miner  and  manufacturer.  Nearly  all  the  silver 
produced  in  the  United  States  is  by  rich  corporations  in  a  few  new  states, 
and  its  production  at  market  price  is  far  more  profitable  than  any  crop  of  the 
farmer,  and  yet  it  is  the  demand  of  the  producer  of  silver  bullion  that  the 
United  States  should  pay  him  twenty-five  per  cent,  more  than  its  market 
value  that  lies  at  the  foundation  of  the  difference  between  the  Republican 
and  Democratic  parties. 

********* 

"  Our  Democratic  friends  differ  from  us  in  this  particular.  They  are  in 
favor  of  allowing  any  holder  of  silver  bullion,  foreign  or  domestic,  any  old 
silverware  or  melted  teapot,  any  part  of  the  vast  accumulated  hoard  of  silver 
in  India,  China,  South  America  and  other  countries  of  the  world,  estimated 
by  statisticians  to  be  $3,810,571,346,  to  present  it  to  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States  and  demand  one  dollar  of  our  money,  or  our  promises  to  pay 
money,  for  371  grains  of  silver,  or  any  multiple  of  that  sum,  though  this 
amount  of  silver  is  now  worth  only  77  cents,  and  has  for  a  period  of  years 
been  as  low  as  70  cents.  If  with  free  silver  we  receive  only  the  quantity  of  sil 
ver  we  are  required  to  purchase  by  exisiting  law,  the  United  States  would  pay 
over  $13,000,000  a  year  more  than  if  purchased  at  the  market  value,  and  this 
vast  sum  would  be  paid  annually  as  a  bounty  to  the  producers  of  silver  bullion. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  881 

"  But  this  is  not  the  worst  of  it.  Free  coinage  means  that  we  shall  pur 
chase  not  merely  four  and  a  half  million  ounces  a  month,  but  all  the  silver 
that  is  offered,  come  from  where  it  may,  if  presented  in  quantities  of  one  hun 
dred  ounces  at  a  time.  We  are  to  give  the  holder  either  coin  or  treasury 
notes,  at  his  option,  at  the  rate  of  one  dollar  for  every  371  grains,  now  worth  in 
the  market  77  cents.  Who  can  estimate  the  untold  hoards  of  silver  that  will 
come  into  the  treasury  if  this  policy  is  adopted  ? 

•&  •&  -x  *  -*  -x-  *•  •*  •* 

"  But  it  is  said  that  free  coinage  will  not  have  the  effect  I  have  stated  ; 
that  the  silver  in  sight  is  so  occupied  where  it  is  that  it  will  not  come  to  us. 
They  said  the  same  when  the  present  law  was  passed,  that  foreign  silver 
would  not  come  to  us.  Yet  our  purchase  of  4,500,000  ounces,  troy  weight, 
or  187  tons,  of  silver  a  month,  at  market  price,  brought  into  the  United  States 
large  amounts  of  silver  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  If  that  is  the  effect  of 
limited  purchases  at  one  dollar  an  ounce,  the  market  price,  what  will  be  the 
effect  of  unlimited  purchases  at  29  cents  an  ounce  more  than  market  price  ? 
It  would  inundate  us  with  the  vast  hoards  of  silver  in  countries  where  silver 
alone  is  current  money,  and  draw  to  us  all  the  rapidly-increasing  production 
of  silver  mines  in  the  world. 

"  But  they  say  with  free  coinage  the  price  of  silver  will  rise  to  its  old 
ratio  with  gold.  The  experience  of  all  the  world  belies  this  statement.  In 
no  country  in  the  world  where  free  coinage  exists  is  sixteen  ounces  of  silver 
equal  to  one  ounce  of  gold.  France  and  the  United  States  maintain  the 
parity  between  the  two  by  carefully  limiting  the  coinage  and  receiving  and 
redeeming  silver  coins  as  the  equivalent  of  gold.  But  wherever  free  coin 
age  exists  that  is  impossible.  With  free  coinage  the  market  value  of  the 
bullion  fixes  the  value  of  the  dollar.  The  Mexican  dollar  contains  more 
silver  than  the  American  dollar,  and  yet  the  Mexican  dollar  is  worth  about 
78  cents,  because  in  Mexico  coinage  is  free.  And  the  American  dollar  is 
worth  100  cents  because  in  the  United  States  coinage  is  limited.  So  in  all 
free  coinage  countries  where  silver  alone  is  coined  it  is  worth  its  market 
value  as  bullion.  In  all  countries  where  gold  circulates  the  coinage  of 
silver  is  limited,  but  is  used  as  money  in  even  greater  amounts  than  in 
countries  where  coinage  is  free.  This  is  the  case  in  France  and  the  United 
States.  The  free  coinage  of  silver  in  either  would  stop  the  coinage  of  gold. 
********* 

"  It  is  claimed  that  if  we  adopt  the  silver  standard  we  will  get  more 
money  for  our  labor  and  productions.  This  does  not  follow,  but,  even  if  it 
be  true,  the  purchasing  power  of  our  money  will  be  diminished.  All  ex 
perience  proves  that  labor  and  the  productions  of  the  farm  are  the  last  to 

advance  in  price. 

*  *  •*  *  *  * 

"  Some  say  that  we  want  more  money  to  transact  the  business  of  the  coun 
try.  Do  we  get  more  money  by  demonetizing  one-half  of  all  we  have? — for 
the  gold  now  in  circulation  is  more  than  one-half  of  the  coin  in  circulation." 

S.-56 


882  RECOLLECTIONS 

In  closing  this  speech  I  said  : 

"  I  appeal  to  the  conservative  men  of  Ohio  of  both  parties  to  repeat 
now  the  service  they  rendered  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  1875,  by 
the  election  of  Governor  Hayes,  in  checking  the  wave  of  inflation  that  then 
threatened  the  country.  You  can  render  even  a  greater  service  now  in  the 
election  of  Governor  McKinley,  in  defeating  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  and 
strengthening  the  hands  of  President  Harrison  and  the  Republican  Senate 
in  maintaining  American  industries,  a  full  dollar  for  all  labor  and  produc- 
t'ons,  the  untarnished  credit  of  the  American  people,  and  the  advancing 
growth  and  prosperity  of  our  great  republic.  1  have  endeavored  in  a  feeble 
way  to  promote  these  objects  of  national  policy,  and  now  that  I  am  growing 
old,  I  have  no  other  wish  or  ambition  than  to  inspire  the  young  men  of  Ohio 
to  take  up  the  great  work  of  the  generation  that  is  passing  away,  and  to  do 
in  their  time  as  much  as,  or  more  than,  the  soldiers  and  citizens  of  the  last 
forty  years  have  been  able  to  do  to  advance  and  elevate  our  government  to 
the  highest  standard  and  example  of  honor,  courage  and  industry  known 
among  men." 

These  extracts  give  an  imperfect  idea  of  the  speech,  which 
entered  into  many  details,  and  stated  the  effect  of  the  cheapen 
ing  of  the  dollar  on  the  wages  of  men  employed  as  laborers, 
and  on  farmers  who  would  be  cheated  by  the  diminished  power 
of  money. 

Being  confined  to  one  subject,  and  that  one  which  at  the 
time  excited  the  attention  of  the  people,  this  speech  was  widely 
copied,  and  received  general  approbation  from  the  press  of  the 
north  and  east,  and  was  commented  upon  favorably  in  coun 
tries  in  Europe,  where  the  fall  in  the  price  of  silver  was  the 
subject  of  anxious  interest.  It  also  excited  the  denunciation  of 
the  free  silver  states  in  the  west.  The  Democratic  platform 
of  Ohio  had  unfortunately  committed  that  great  party  to  the 
ideas  of  the  new  party  calling  itself  the  People's  party,  repre 
sented  mainly  by  the  disciples  of  the  old  greenback  fiat  money 
craze,  some  of  whom,  while  claiming  to  be  farmers,  do  their 
planting  in  law  offices,  and  whose  crops,  if  they  have  any,  are 
thistles  and  ragweeds.  That  part  of  the  platform  had  been 
adopted  by  but  a  bare  majority  of  the  Democratic  convention, 
and  Campbell,  their  candidate,  tried  to  evade  it. 

McKinley  promptly  recognized  the  importance  of  the  money 
question  in  the  pending  canvass,  and  at  once  presented  in  all 
his  speeches  the  two  vital  measures  of  his  party — good  money 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  883 

and  a  protective  tariff.    On  these  two  issues  the  Kepublican 
party  was  united  and  the  Democratic  party  divided. 

Early  in  September,  I  was  invited  by  the  managers  of  the 
state  fair  to  make  a  speech  on  the  17th  of  that  month  at  their 
grounds  at  Columbus,  on  the  political  issues  of  the  day,  and  ac 
cepted  the  invitation.  As  usual  during  the  fair  great  crowds 
assembled,  most  of  whom  no  doubt  felt  more  interested  in  the 
horse  races  and  sight-seeing  than  in  coinage  or  tariff,  but  many 
thousands,  mostly  farmers  from  all  parts  of  the  state,  were 
gathered  around  the  east  front  of  the  main  building.  At  the 
time  appointed  I  was  introduced  by  E.  W.  Poe,  the  state  audi 
tor,  with  the  usual  flattering  remarks,  and  commenced  my 
speech  as  follows: 

"  When  I  was  invited  to  speak  to  you  here  I  was  informed  that  I  was 
expected  to  present  my  views  on  the  leading  issues  of  the  day,  and  that  a 
like  invitation  had  been  given  to  Governor  Campbell  and  other  gentlemen 
holding  public  trusts  from  the  people  of  Ohio.  While  this  invitation  re 
lieves  me  from  the  charge  of  impropriety  in  introducing  a  political  question 
on  the  fair  grounds,  yet  I  am  admonished  by  the  presence  of  gentlemen  of 
all  parties  and  shades  of  opinion  that  common  courtesy  demands  that,  while 
frankly  stating  my  convictions,  I  will  respect  the  opinions  of  others  who 
differ  from  me.  I  propose,  therefore,  in  a  plain  way  to  give  you  my  views 
on  the  tariff  question,  now  on  trial  between  the  two  great  political  parties  of 
the  United  States.  It  is  somewhat  unfortunate  that  this  purely  business 
question  of  public  policy  is  being  discussed  on  party  lines,  but  it  is  made  a 
party  question  by  the  State  conventions  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic 
parties  of  Ohio,  and  we  must  accept  it  as  such,  though  I  would  greatly 
prefer,  and  I  intend  to  treat  it  here,  as  far  as  I  can,  as  a  purely  economic 
question." 

I  briefly  stated  the  history  of  tariff  legislation  in  the  United 
States,  what  was  meant  by  a  tariff  and  the  objects  sought  by 
it,  and  that  for  the  first  fifty  years  of  our  history  the  lines  were 
not  drawn  between  a  revenue  tariff  and  a  protective  tariff.  It 
was  in  those  days  the  common  desire  of  all  sections  to  obtain 
revenue  and  to  encourage  domestic  industries.  This  unity  of 
purpose  existed  until  1831,  when  the  south  had  become  almost 
exclusively  an  agricultural  region,  in  which  cotton  was  the 
chief  product  of  the  plantation  with  negro  slaves  as  the  la 
borers  and  when  the  north,  under  the  protective  policy,  had 


884  RECOLLECTIONS 

largely  introduced  manufactures,  and  naturally  wished  to  pro 
tect  and  enlarge  their  industries.  The  tariff  question  grew 
out  of  a  contest  between  free  and  slave  labor.  I  referred  to 
the  various  measures  adopted,  the  compromise  measure  of 
1833,  the  Whig  tariff  of  1842,  the  Walker  tariff  of  1846,  and 
the  Morrill  tariff  of  1861.  During  and  after  the  war,  for  many 
years,  any  tariff  that  would  produce  enough  revenue  to  meet 
current  expenditures  and  pay  the  interest  of  the  public  debt 
would  necessarily  give  ample  protection  to  domestic  indus 
tries.  To  meet  these  demands  we  had  to  levy  not  only  high 
duties  on  nearly  all  imported  goods,  but  to  add  internal  taxes, 
yielding  $300,000,000  annually,  on  articles  produced  in  this 
country.  When  this  large  revenue  was  no  longer  necessary, 
many  of  these  taxes  were  repealed,  and  then  the  tariff  again 
became  a  political  question  between  the  Republican  and  Demo 
cratic  parties.  I  then  stated  the  five  principles  or  rules  of 
action  adopted  by  the  Republican  party  in  the  reduction  of 
taxes,  all  of  which  were  applied  in  the  framing  of  the  McKin- 
ley  tariff  law,  as  follows : 

"  First.  To  repeal  all  taxes  on  home  production,  except  on  spirits,  tobac 
co,  and  beer. 

"  Second.  To  levy  the  highest  rates  of  duties  that  will  not  encourage 
smuggling,  on  articles  of  luxury  which  enter  into  the  consumption  of  the  rich. 

"  Third.  To  place  on  imported  articles  which  compete  with  articles  that 
can  be  manufactured  or  produced  in  the  United  States,  such  a  rate  of  duty 
as  will  secure  to  our  farmers  and  laborers  fair  prices,  fair  wages,  and  will 
induce  our  people  to  engage  in  such  manufacture  and  production. 

"Fourth.  To  repeal  all  duties  on  articles  of  prime  necessity  which  enter 
into  the  consumption  of  the  American  people  and  which  cannot  'be  pro 
duced  in  sufficient  quantity  in  this  country. 

"  Fifth.  To  grant  to  foreign  nations  the  reciprocal  right  of  free  impor 
tation  into  our  ports  of  articles  we  cannot  produce,  in  return  for  the  free  in 
troduction  into  their  ports  of  articles  of  American  production." 

I  entered  into  full  details  of  the  tariff  and  contrasted  the 
McKinley  act  with  the  Mills  bill  proposed  by  the  Democratic 
party,  but  which  never  became  a  law,  and  in  conclusion  said : 

"  And  now,  gentlemen,  it  is  for  you  to  say  whether  it  is  better  for  you, 
as  farmers,  or  producers,  or  consumers,  to  give  this  law  a  fair  trial,  with  the 
right  at  all  times  to  make  amendments,  or  to  open  it  up  and  keep  it  in  a  con 
test  between  two  political  parties.  If  we  could  all  divest  ourselves  of  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  885 

influence  of  party  feeling  we  would  have  no  difficulty  in  agreeing  that 
either  bill  is  better  than  a  constant  agitation  and  change  of  our  tariff  system. 
I  say  to  you  that  if  the  Mills  bill  had  become  a  law  in  1888,  I  should  have 
been  disinclined  to  agitate  its  repeal  until  it  had  a  fair  trial,  though  my 
study,  both  in  the  Senate  and  committee  on  finance,  led  me  to  oppose  it. 
It  seemed  to  me  a  retrograde  measure,  born  of  the  ideas  of  the  south, 
narrow  in  its  scope,  and  not  suited  to  a  great  country  of  unbounded  but 
undeveloped  resources.  Still,  as  I  say,  if  it  was  the  law,  I  would  not  repeal 
it  without  trial.  Now,  this  McKinley  bill  does  meet,  substantially,  my  views 
of  public  policy.  Some  items  I  would  like  to  change,  but,  on  the  whole,  it 
is  a  wise  measure  of  finance.  It  will  give  enough  revenue  to  support  the 
government.  It  is  an  American  law,  looking  only  to  American  interests. 
It  is  a  fair  law,  dealing  justly  by  all  industries.  It  is  an  honest  law,  pre 
venting,  as  far  as  law  can,  fraud  and  evasion.  It  is  a  comprehensive  law 
covering  the  whole  ground.  It  will  undoubtedly  establish  new  branches  of 
industry  in  our  country  not  now  pursued.  It  will  strengthen  others  now  in 
operation.  It  will  give  to  thousands  of  our  people  now  idle,  employment  at 
fair  wages.  It  will  give  to  our  farmers  a  greatly  enlarged  market  for  their 
productions,  and  encourage  them  in  producing  articles  not  now  produced, 
and  to  increase  their  flocks,  herds  and  horses  to  meet  the  new  demands." 

My  speech  was  as  free  from  partisanship  as  I  could  make 
it,  and  I  am  quite  willing  to  stand  upon  the  policy  I  defined. 

I  visited  Cleveland  a  few  days  later  and  met  many  of  the 
active  Republicans  of  that  city,  and  was  glad  to  learn  that  they 
were  practically  unanimous  for  my  reelection.  Among  other 
callers  was  a  correspondent  of  the  "  Plain  Dealer"  of  that  city, 
who  treated  me  fairly  in  stating  correctly  what  I  said  in 
answer  to  life  questions.  The  " Commercial  Gazette"  and  the 
"  Enquirer,"  of  Cincinnati,  also  published  long  interviews  with 
me,  and  incidents  of  my  life  given  by  my  neighbors.  I  began 
to  believe  that  these  interviews,  fairly  reported,  were  better 
modes  of  expressing  my  opinions  than  formal  speeches,  and 
were  more  generally  read. 

During  the  month  of  October  I  made  many  speeches  in  dif 
ferent  parts  of  the  state,  several  of  which  were  reported  in  full, 
but  the  general  tenor  of  all  may  be  gathered  from  those  already 
referred  to. 

Among  the  largest  meetings  I  attended  in  this  canvass  was 
one  at  Toledo,  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  of  October.  Here 
again  I  discoursed  about  currency  and  the  tariff,  but  the  salient 


386  RECOLLECTIONS 

points  had  become  so  familiar  to  me  that  I  could  speak  with 
ease  to  my  audience  and  to  myself.  As  soon  as  this  meeting 
was  over,  I  took  the  midnight  train  for  Dayton,  where  a 
"  burgo  "  feast  was  to  be  held  the  next  day  on  the  fair  grounds. 
This  was  by  far  the  largest  meeting  of  the  campaign.  There 
was  an  immense  crowd  on  the  grounds,  but  it  was  a  disagree 
able  day,  with  a  cloudy  sky,  a  chilly  atmosphere  and  a  cold 
raw  wind.  McKinley,  Foraker,  and  I  spoke  from  the  same 
stand,  following  each  other.  As  I  was  the  first  to  speak  I  had 
the  best  of  it,  and  as  soon  as  I  finished  left  the  grounds,  but 
they  held  the  great  audience  for  several  hours. 

On  the  evening  of  October  17,  Foraker  and  I  appeared  to 
gether  before  a  great  audience  in  Music  Hall,  Cincinnati. 

I  closed  my  part  in  this  canvass  at  Toledo  and  Cleveland  in 
the  week  before  the  election,  and  these  speeches  were  fairly 
and  fully  reported.  During  the  whole  contest  between  Foraker 
and  myself  there  was  nothing  said  to  disturb  our  friendly  rela 
tions.  The  election  resulted  in  the  success  of  the  Republican 
ticket  and  a  Republican  legislature,  McKinley  receiving  over 
21,000  plurality.  Immediately  after  the  election  it  was  an 
nounced  that  the  members  of  the  legislature  from  Hamilton 
county  were  unanimously  in  favor  of  Foraker  for  Senator.  This 
announcement,  and  especially  the  manner  of  it,  created  a  good 
deal  of  bad  feeling  in  the  state,  especially  as  it  was  alleged  and 
believed  that  George  Cox  had  full  control  of  the  delegation  and 
had  required  the  pledges  of  each  senator  and  member  to  vote 
for  United  States  Senator  as  he  dictated. 

During  the  entire  canvass  there  was  a  full  and  free  discus 
sion,  not  only  in  Ohio  but  throughout  the  United  States,  as  to 
the  choice  between  Foraker  and  myself.  It  was  known  that 
the  vote  in  the  legislature  would  be  close  and  the  friends  of 
each  were  claiming  a  majority  for  their  favorite.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  follow  the  progress  of  the  contest,  but  I  became 
satisfied  that  I  would  be  reflected,  although  the  most  positive 
assurances  were  published  that  Foraker,  with  the  aid  of  his 
solid  delegation  from  Hamilton  county,  would  be  successful. 
Many  things  were  said  during  the  brief  period  before  the  elec 
tion  that  ought  not  to  have  been  said,  but  this  is  unavoidable 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  887 

in  choosing  between  political  friends  as  well  as  between  oppos 
ing  parties.  Every  Eepublican  paper  in  Ohio  took  sides  in  the 
contest.  Meetings  were  held  in  many  of  the  counties  and  cities 
of  the  state,  and  resolutions  adopted  expressing  their  prefer 
ence. 

I  was  urged  by  some  friends  to  go  to  Columbus  some  time 
before  the  meeting  of  the  legislature  on  the  first  Monday  in 
January,  but  delayed  my  departure  from  Washington  until 
after  the  wedding  of  my  niece,  on  the  30th  of  December. 


CHAPTER  LX. 

ELECTED  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE  FOR  THE  SIXTH  TIME. 

I  Secure  the  Caucus  Nomination  for  Senator  on  the  First  Ballot  —  Foraker  and  My 
self  Introduced  to  the  Legislature  — My  Address  of  Thanks  to  the  Members  — 
Speech  of  Governor  Foraker  — My  Colleague  Given  his  Seat  in  the  Senate 
Without  Opposition  —  Message  of  President  Harrison  to  the  52nd  Con- 
greys — Morgan's  Resolutions  and  Speech  for  the  Free  Coinage  of  Silver  — 
Opening  of  the  Silver  Debate  by  Mr.  Teller  — My  Speech  on  the  Ques 
tion—Defeat  of  the  Bill  in  the  House— Discussion  of  the  Chinese 
Question  — My  Opposition  to  the  Conference  Report  on  Mr. 
Geary's  Amended  Bill  —  Adopted  by  the    Senate   After    a 
Lengthy  Debate—  Effect  of  the  Tariff  Laws  upon  Wages 
and   Prices  — Senator   Hale's   Resolution  — Carlisle's 
Speech  in  Opposition  to  High  Prices  — My  Reply — 
Resume*  of  My  Opinions  on  the  Policy  of  Protec 
tion —  Reception  by  the  Ohio  Republican  As 
sociation—Refutation  of  a  Newspaper 
Slander   Upon   H.    M.    Dauglierty. 

UPON  the  meeting  of  the  Ohio  legislature,  on  the  4th  of 
January,  1892,   Foraker  and   I  were   in   attendance, 
stopping  at  the  same  hotel  and  meeting  daily.     There 
was  much  excitement  and  great  diversity  of  opinion 
as  to  the  result    of  the  senatorial  election.     Several  of  the 
members,  whose  preference  I  knew,  would  not  declare  their 
vote,  with  the  mistaken  idea  that  to  remain  silent  would  re 
lieve  them  from  importunity,  but  before  the  decisive  vote  was 
taken  in  caucus  I  was  confident  of  success. 

The  caucus  met  on  Wednesday  evening,  the  6th  of  January. 
It  was  composed  of  the  Republican  members  of  both  houses. 
L.  C.  Laylin,  a  friend  of  mine,  who  had  been  elected  speaker  of 
the  house  of  representatives,  was  made  chairman  of  the 
caucus.  An  attempt  was  made  by  the  friends  of  Foraker  to 
secure  a  secret  ballot,  but  this  was  defeated.  The  decisive  vote 
was  then  taken,  in  which  I  received  53  votes,  Foraker  38, 
Foster  1  and  McKinley  1.  My  nomination  was  then  made  unan 
imous,  and  I  was  subsequently  elected  by  the  legislature  for 
the  term  ending  March  4,  1899. 

(888) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  889 

The  caucus  appointed  a  committee  of  its  members  to  escort 
Foraker  and  myself  to  the  hall  of  the  house  of  representa 
tives,  where  we  were  received  with  hearty  applause.  We  were 
introduced  by  Speaker  Laylin,  and  our  speeches  will  show  that 
if  we  were  combatants  we  appreciated  the  merits  of  our  respec 
tive  adversaries.  I  said: 

"  SENATORS,  REPRESENTATIVES  AND  FELLOW  CITIZENS: — I  return  to  you 
my  most  grateful  thanks  for  the  very  high  honor  you  have  conferred  upon 
me.  Long  trusted  by  the  people  of  Ohio,  I  am  under  obligations  that  I 

cannot  express  in  any  language  at  my  command.  I  owe  to  them I  owe  to 

you — all  that  could  be  said  from  a  heart  overflowing. 

"  We  have  just  passed  through  quite  a  contest,  the  most  formidable  that 
I  have  ever  encountered  in  Ohio,  and  I  hope  more  formidable  than  I  will 
ever  be  called  upon  to  encounter  hereafter.  I  know,  gentlemen,  that  you 
have  been  called  upon  to  make  a  choice  which  was  unpleasant  to  you  be 
cause  you  would  have  liked  to  vote  for  both  of  us,  and  would  have  been 
glad  to  have  two  Senators  to  elect  instead  of  one. 

"  I  am  glad  to  say  that  in  this  contest  I  have  held,  in  my  language  and 
in  my  heart,  the  highest  feelings  of  respect  and  honor  for  the  gentleman  who 
was  my  competitor,  and  who  is  now  before  you.  He  is  entitled  to  the  love 
and  affection  of  the  people  of  Ohio,  and  if  you  have  given  me  this  high 
honor  because  of  my  experience,  you  have  not  underrated  the  high  qualities, 
mental  and  moral,  of  Governor  Foraker.  Although  you  have  been  engaged 
in  this  friendly  contest,  we  are  all  Republicans  and  I  trust  ever  will  be 
Republicans,  true  to  our  cause,  and  true  to  the  principles  we  advocate.  I 
again  return  to  you,  as  the  senators  and  representatives  of  our  state,  my 
thanks  for  this  almost  unequaled  honor." 

Governor  Foraker  said: 

"  MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CAUCUS  AND  FELLOW  CITI 
ZENS: — I  am  informed  that,  so  far  as  you  are  concerned,  the  senatorial  con 
test  is  ended,  and  I  have  come  here  in  response  to  your  kind  invitation  to 
say  that  so  far  as  I  am  concerned  it  is  ended  also. 

"  You  clicl  not  end  it  as  I  had  hoped  you  might,  but  you  are  the  duly  ac 
credited  and  authorized  representatives  of  the  Republicans  of  Ohio,  and  your 
will  is  law  unto  me  and  mine. 

"As  Senator  Sherman  has  said,  we  have  been  having  something  of  a  con 
test.  For  the  last  ten  days  we  have  been  divided  into  Sherman  men  and 
Foraker  men,  and  we  have  been  striving  against  each  other.  ^  There  has 
been  possibly  some  rasping  and  some  friction,  but  at  this  hour  it  is  our  high 
est  duty  to  remember  that  from  now  on  henceforth,  in  the  language  again 
of  the  Senator,  we  must  remember  that  we  are  no  longer  Sherman  men  nor 
Foraker  men,  but  Republicans  all.  .  .  . 


890  RECOLLECTIONS 

"  Let  us  here  and  now  put  behind  us,  with  the  contest  to  which  it  belongs, 
whatever  unkindliness  of  feeling,  if  there  be  any  at  all,  that  may  have  been 
engendered.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  say  to  you, 
gentlemen  of  the  70th  general  assembly,  that  I  have  not  an  unkind  thought 
toward  any  one  of  you,  no  matter  whether  he  has  been  friend  or  foe.  I  have 
no  resentments,  no  bitterness  of  feeling  to  carry  with  me.  On  the  contrary, 
I  shall  go  back  to  the  pursuit  of  my  profession  with  my  mind  and  my  heart 
filled  with  only  grateful  recollection  and  a  pleasurable,  and  I  trust  a  pardon- 
ajble,  pride  for  the  gallant,  intrepid  band  who  have  honored  me  with  their 
support  in  this  contest.  Without  any  disposition  to  criticise  or  find  fault  in 
the  slightest  degree,  but  only  as  an  excuse  in  so  far  as  that  may  be  neces 
sary  for  enlisting  in  a  cause  that  has  been  crowned,  not  with  success,  but 
with  defeat,  let  me  say  to  these  friends  that  when  we  entered  upon  it  I  did  not 
foresee  some  of  its  features.  I  was  not  aware  then,  as  we  have  since  come  to 
know,  that  we  have  had  to  fight,  not  only  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  who  were 
against  us,  but,  because  it  was  grand  old  John  Sherman  on  the  other  side, 
and  with  him  the  whole  United  States  of  America.  The  Senator  has  said  he 
don't  want  any  more  contests  like  this.  I  thank  him  for  the  compliment,  and 
vouch  to  you  that  I  don't  want  ever  again  to  cross  swords  with  a  Sherman." 

The  52nd  Congress  met  on  the  7th  of  December,  1891.  The 
credentials  of  my  colleague,  Calvin  S.  Brice,  in  the  usual  form, 
were  presented  and  upon  them  he  was  entitled  to  be  sworn 
into  office.  If  his  right  to  a  seat  was  to  be  contested  the 
grounds  of  the  contest  might  be  afterwards  presented,  when 
the  case  would  be  decided  on  its  merits,  but,  until  it  should  be 
determined  by  the  Senate  that  he  was  not  duly  elected,  he 
could  perform  the  duties  of  a  Senator.  I  was  urged  to  object 
to  his  taking  the  oath  of  office  on  the  ground  that  he  was  not 
a  resident  of  the  State  of  Ohio  when  elected.  This  I  declined 
to  do,  but  simply  gave  notice  of  his  alleged  disability,  so  that 
it  would  not  be  waived  in  case  the  legislature  or  citizens  of 
Ohio  should  establish  the  fact  that  he  was  not  an  inhabitant  of 
that  state  when  elected.  This  was  not  done  and  no  attempt 
was  made  to  contest  his  seat,  but  I  was  reproached  by  unrea 
sonable  partisans  for  the  neglect  to  do  so. 

The  annual  message  of  President  Harrison,  sent  to  Congress 
on  the  9th  of  December,  strongly  recommended  the  aid  of  the 
government  in  the  construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal.  He 
highly  commended  the  McKinley  tariff  bill,  and  said  that  its 
results  had  disappointed  the  evil  prophecies  of  its  opponents, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  891 

and,  in  a  large  measure,  realized  the  predictions  of  its  friends 

He  referred  to  the  large  increase  of  our  exports  and  imports' 

and,  generally,  gave  a  hopeful  view  of  our  financial  condition' 

He  recommended  that  the  experiment  of  purchasing  4  500  000 

ounces  of  silver  bullion  each  month,  under  the  act  of  July'  14 

1890,  be  continued.     Though  silver  had  fallen  in  value  from 

$1.20  an  ounce  to  96  cents,  yet  he  hoped  a  further  trial  would 

more  favorably  affect  it.     He  was  still  of  opinion  that  the  free 

coinage  of  silver  under  existing  conditions  would  disastrously 

affect  our  business  interests  at  home  and  abroad.  He  approved 

the  application  of  the  surplus  revenue  to  the  reduction  of  the 

public  debt,  and  stated  that  since  the  1st  of  March,  1889,  there 

had  been  redeemed  of  interest-bearing  securities  $259,079,350, 

resulting  in  a  reduction  of  the  annual  interest  charge  of  $11,- 

684,675.     On  the  whole  the  message  of  the  President  and  the 

report  of  Secretary  Foster  presented  a  favorable  state  of  our 

national  finances. 

The  disposition  of  the  52nd  Congress  was  not  to  engage  in 
political  debate,  especially  on  financial  questions,  as  it  was 
divided  on  political  lines,  the  Senate  being  Republican,  and  the 
House  Democratic.  The  current  business  did  not  present  such 
questions  until  Senator  Morgan,  on  the  30th  of  March,  1892, 
introduced  resolutions  directing  the  committee  on  finance 
to  make  examination  and  report  upon  six  different  propo 
sitions,  embracing  the  whole  financial  system  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  do  it  promptly.  I  had  no  objection  to  the  pas 
sage  of  the  resolutions,  though  they  were  imperative  in  tone, 
but  naturally  supposed  they  were  brought  in  merely  as  a  text 
for  a  speech,  and  suggested  to  Morgan  that  he  prepare  a  bill 
that  would  carry  out  his  views  and  have  that  referred  to  the 
committee.  He  said :  "I  do  not  expect  to  refer  them.  I  expect 
to  instruct  your  committee  what  to  do.  That  is  what  I  propose." 
In  introducing  his  resolutions  he  said  :  "There  is  an  evil  in  the 
land,  a  difficulty  of  most  serious  embarrassment.  .  .  .  The 
people  cannot  afford  to  wait  without  encountering  all  the 
hardships  of  bankruptcy  and  ruin.  .  .  .  Our  differences 
will  not  permit  our  people  to  wait  further  adjustment  when 
they  are  in  a  death  struggle  with  poverty  and  wretchedness." 


RECOLLECTIONS 

I  replied :  "  If  there  is  such  distress  as  the  Senator  imagines 
it  ought  to  be  met  by  specific  measures  and  not  by  a  debating 
school."  I  knew  that  what  he  wanted  was  the  free  coinage  of 
silver.  Upon  this  question  both  parties  were  divided.  The 
states  producing  silver  were  represented  by  Republicans  who 
favored  a  measure  that,  in  my  opinion,  would  lead  to  the  single 
standard  of  silver,  and  if  the  Senate  was  to  consider  that  sub 
ject  I  wished  it  to  be  distinctly  presented  and  debated,  rather 
than  to  enter  upon  the  discussion  of  a  multitude  of  theories 
that  would  lead  to  no  result.  He  expressed  the  desire  that  he 
and  others  should  have  an  opportunity  to  speak  on  the  resolu 
tions,  and,  in  conformity  with  the  usages  of  the  Senate,  they 
were  left  on  the  table  for  indefinite  debate. 

On  the  14th  of  April,  Morgan  made  an  elaborate  speech 
covering  twelve  pages  of  the  "Record,"  in  which,  as  I  expected, 
he  elaborated  his  views  in  favor  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver, 
and  closed  as  follows  : 

"  We  are  very  nearly  out  of  the  woods  now,  and  if  you  will  add  the  free 
coinage  of  silver  on  equal  terms  with  gold,  and  will  cause  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States  to  coin  the  silver  that  is  there  on  the  same  terms  that  it  does 
gold,  I  believe  that  we  shall  soon  master  every  difficulty  in  our  way.  Then 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Ohio  would  have  the  right  to  rejoice,  and,  con 
trary  to  his  will,  he  would  be  led  up  into  such  high  positions  that  he  would 
be  able,  at  last,  to  bless  the  country  when  he  did  not  expect  to  do  it." 

Believing,  as  I  did,  that  to  continue  this  debate  would  be  a 
fruitless  waste  of  time,  and  interfere  with  the  current  busi 
ness  of  Congress,  I  said  : 

"  I  do  not  intend  to  engage  in  this  discussion,  but  still  I  wish  to  ascer 
tain  the  sense  of  the  Senate.  If  we  are  to  have  a  general  silver  debate  now, 
to  the  displacement  of  other  business,  1  should  like  to  ha»ve  that  point  tested  ; 
and,  in  order  to  settle  it  definitely,  without  engaging  in  the  debate  at  all,  I 
move  to  lay  the  pending  resolutions  on  the  table." 

Mr.  Teller,  the  leader  of  the  "  silver  Senators,"  as  they  are 
called,  with  some  excitement,  said  : 

"  The  Senator  from  Ohio,  flushed,  perhaps,  with  the  victory  apparently 
in  the  other  House  against  silver,  seems  to  think  he  can  down  the  debate  in 
this  body  on  the  subject.  I  want  to  say  to  the  Senator  that  we  spent  some 
time  during  the  last  session  to  prevent  him,  and  others  who  thought  with 
him,  from  securing  a  rule  that  would  cut  off  debate  in  this  body,  and  the 
Senator  might  as  well  meet  the  question  now  as  at  any  time ;  that  this, 


MR.    SHERMAN'S    RESIDENCE    AT    WASHINGTON, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


893 


question  will  be  debated,  and  if  not  upon  this,  upon  some  other  resolution. 
.     .     I  give  notice  that,  under  the  rules  of  the  Senate,  we   are   able  to 
be  heard,  and  that  we  will  be  heard,  in  despite  of  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Ohio,  who  appears  to  be  so  anxious  to  stifle  debate." 

To  this  I  replied  : 

"  I  deny,  in  the  most  emphatic  terms,  that  I  have  endeavored  to  stifle 
debate.  There  is  no  ground  for  such  an  assertion.  There  is  not  an  iota  of 
ground  upon  which  such  an  assertion  can  be  made.  I  never  objected  in  my 
life,  and  I  have  been  here  longer  than  any  of  you,  to  any  Senator  speaking 
at  any  time  when  he  chose  upon  any  subject ;  and  every  man  here  knows  it. 
.  .  .  I  am  willing  to  discuss,  and  I  never  shrank  from  debate  on,  the 
silver  question,  or  the  gold  question,  or  the  currency  question.  I  have  not 
been  willing,  at  all  times,  to  talk  at  all  hours,  and  reply  to  every  gentleman 
who  might  choose  to  make  a  speech  ;  but  whenever  the  Senate  undertakes  to 
engage  in  this  debate,  I  will  take  my  share  of  it,  and  I  will  take  my  respon 
sibility  for  it." 

I  then  proceeded  at  some  length  to  reply  to  Morgan.  The 
debate  was  suspended  by  the  order  of  business,  but  it  con 
tinued  from  day  to  day  as  opportunity  offered,  on  a  motion  to 
refer  the  resolutions  to  the  committee  on  finance,  until  the 
25th  of  May,  when  the  Senate  rejected  the  motion  by  a  vote  of 
17  yeas  to  28  nays.  This  vote  was  a  clear  indication  that  a 
majority  of  the  Senate  favored  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  I 
then,  while  criticising  the  terms  of  the  resolutions,  expressed 
my  desire  that  they  should  be  adopted.  This  led  to  a  desultory 
debate  in  which  I  took  part,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  next 
day,  having  the  floor,  said: 

"  I  regret  as  much  as  anyone  can  the  unusual  and  remarkable  interposition 
of  this  question,  by  the  Senator  from  Alabama,  at  every  stage  of  our  business. 
Now,  the  whole  of  the  morning  hour  has  been  wasted  except  the  ten  minutes 
which  I  shall  occupy,  and  probably  nothing  could  be  done  in  that  time. 

"  An  arraignment  has  been  made  of  the  committee  on  finance  as  if  it  had 
neglected  to  perform  its  duty.  1  am  not  authorized  to  speak  for  the  commit 
tee  except  as  one  of  its  members.  Its  chairman,  the  Senator  from  Vermont, 
Mr.  Morrill,  is  here  to  speak  for  it,  but  the  committee  on  finance  has  never  for  a 
moment  evaded  or  avoided  the  issue  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  It  has 
never  delayed  a  bill,  so  far  as  my  knowledge  extends,  upon  that  subject. 
Very  soon  after  the  bill  of  the  Senator  from  Nevada  was  introduced  it  was 
considered  and  reported  adversely.  I  believe  two-thirds  of  the  members  of 
the  committee  were  opposed  to  the  bill  as  it  stood.  There  has  not  been  a 
day  nor  an  hour,  in  the  ordinary  course  of  business  of  the  Senate,  when, 


$94  RECOLLECTIONS 

upon  the  motion  of  anyone,  that  bill  could  not  have  been  taken  up  if  a  ma 
jority  of  Senators  were  in  favor  of  it,  but,  unfortunately  for  the  Senator,  a 
majority  of  Senators  were  not  in  favor  of  taking  it  up  and  interposing  it  in 
place  of  all  the  other  business.  Therefore,  this  mode  is  adopted  to  bring  it 
here  before  the  Senate." 

At  two  o'clock  I  gave  way  to  the  regular  order  of  business. 
Mr.  Stewart  then  moved  to  take  up  his  bill,  introduced  early  in 
the  session,  to  provide  for  the  free  coinage  of  gold  and  silver 
bullion.  It  had  been  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance, 
reported  adversely,  and  was  on  the  calendar,  subject  to  a  motion 
to  take  it  up  at  any  time.  This  again  presented  directly  to  the 
Senate  the  policy  of  free  coinage  of  silver.  The  motion  was 
agreed  to  by  the  vote  of  yeas  28,  nays  20.  The  resolutions  of 
Morgan  were  practically  suspended  and  the  vote  on  taking  up 
the  silver  bill  indicated  its  passage.  Mr.  Teller  opened  the  de 
bate  for  free  coinage.  On  the  31st  of  May  I  commenced  a  very 
long  speech,  opening  as  follows : 

"  I  do  not  regard  the  bill  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  as  a  party  meas 
ure  or  a  political  measure  upon  which  parties  are  likely  to  divide.  It  is  in 
many  respects  a  local  measure,  not  exactly  in  the  sense  in  which  General 
Hancock  said  in  regard  to  the  tariff  that  that  was  a  local  question,  but  it  is 
largely  a  local  question.  Yet,  at  the  same  time,  it  is  a  question  of  vast  im 
portance.  No  question  before  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  at  this  session 
is  at  all  to  be  compared  with  it  in  the  importance  of  its  effects  upon  the  busi 
ness  interests  of  the  country.  It  affects  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  our 
broad  land,  the  rich  with  his  investments,  the  poor  with  his  labor.  Every 
body  is  deeply  interested  in  the  standard  of  value  by  which  we  measure  all 
the  productions  of  the  labor  and  all  the  wealth  of  mankind. 

"  Five  states  largely  interested  in  the  production  of  silver  are  very  ably 
and  zealously  represented  on  this  floor.  They  are  united  by  their  delega 
tions,  ten  Senators,  in  favor  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  The  south  seems 
also  to  have  caught  something  of  the  spirit  which  actuates  the  mining  states, 
because  they  desire,  not  exactly  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  but  an  expan 
sion  of  the  currency,  cheaper  money,  and  broader  credit,  and  they  also 
are  largely  represented  on  this  floor  in  support  of  the  proposition  in  favor  of 
the  free  coinage  of  silver.  So,  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  those  who  have 
been  taught  to  believe  that  great  good  can  come  to  our  country  by  an  un 
limited  expansion  of  paper  credit,  with  money  more  abundant  than  it  is  now, 
also  believe  in  the  free  coinage  of  silver. 

"I,  representing  a  state  nearly  central  in  population,  have  tested  the 
sense  of  the  people  of  Ohio,  and  they,  I  believe,  are,  by  a  great  majority,  not 
only  of  the  party  to  which  I  belong,  but  of  the  Democratic  party,  opposed  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  395 

the  free  coinage  of  silver.  They  believe  that  that  will  degrade  the  money  of 
our  country,  reduce  its  purchasing  power  fully  one-third,  destroy  the  bime 
tallic  system  which  we  have  maintained  for  a  long  period  of  time,  and  reduce 
us  to  a  single  monometallic  standard  of  silver  measured  by  the  value  of 
371J  grains  of  pure  silver  to  the  dollar." 

I  will  not  attempt  to  give  an  epitome  of  this  speech.  It 
covered  seventeen  pages  of  the  "Record,"  and  dealt  with  every 
phase  of  the  question  of  silver  coinage,  and,  incidentally,  of 
our  currency.  No  part  of  it  was  written  except  the  tables  and 
extracts  quoted.  Its  delivery  occupied  parts  of  two  days,  May 
31  and  June  1.  After  a  careful  reading  I  do  not  see  what  I 
could  add  to  the  argument,  but  I  might  have  condensed  it.  The 
question  involved  is  still  before  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  will  again  be  referred  to  by  me.  I  closed  with  the  follow 
ing  paragraph: 

"  But,  sir,  closing  as  I  began,  let  me  express  my  earnest  belief  that  this 
attempt  to  bring  this  great  and  powerful  nation  of  ours  to  the  standard  of 
silver  coin  alone  is  a  bad  project,  wrong  in  principle,  wrong  in  detail,  inju 
rious  to  our  credit,  a  threat  to  our  financial  integrity,  a  robbery  of  the  men 
whose  wages  will  be  diminished  by  its  operation,  a  gross  wrong  to  the  pen 
sioner  who  depends  upon  the  bounty  of  his  government,  a  measure  that  can 
do  no  good,  and,  in  every  aspect  in  which  it  appears  to  me,  a  frightful 
demon  to  be  resisted  and  opposed." 

The  debate  continued  with  increasing  interest  until  the  1st 
of  July,  when  the  bill  passed  the  Senate  by  the  vote  of  yeas 
29,  nays  25.  It  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives  for 
concurrence,  but  a  resolution  providing  for  its  consideration 
was  there  debated,  and  rejected  by  a  vote  of  yeas  136,  nays  154. 

During  this  session  of  Congress  the  policy  of  restricting 
Chinese  immigration  was  strongly  pressed  by  the  Senators  and 
Representatives  from  California  and  Oregon.  They  were  not 
content  with  an  extension  of  the  restrictions  imposed  by  the 
act  of  1882,  which,  by  its  terms,  expired  in  ten  years  from  its 
approval,  but  demanded  a  positive  exclusion  of  all  Chinese  ex 
cept  a  few  merchants  and  travelers  especially  defined  and 
excepted,  to  be  enforced  with  severe  penalties  almost  savage  in 
their  harshness.  The  position  of  the  two  countries  in  respect 
to  migration  from  one  to  the  other  had  been  directly  reversed. 
In  common  with  European  nations  the  United  States  had, 


896  RECOLLECTIONS 

several  years  before,  compelled  the  opening  of  Chinese  ports 
to  Americans,  insured  the  protection  of  its  citizens  in  that 
country,  and  had  invited  and  encouraged  Chinese  laborers 
to  migrate  to  the  United  States.  This  was  especially  so 
as  to  the  Pacific  states,  where  Chinese  were  employed  in 
large  numbers  in  the  grading  and  construction  of  railways 
and  as  farmers  in  cultivating  the  soil.  These  people  were 
patient,  economical  and  skillful.  Very  many  of  them  flocked 
to  San  Francisco,  but  they  soon  excited  the  bitter  opposi 
tion  of  laborers  from  other  countries,  and  no  doubt  of  some 
American  laborers.  This  led  to  the  restriction  act  of  1882 
and  to  a  treaty  with  China,  by  which  that  country  consented 
to  the  exclusion  of  Chinese  laborers,  a  degraded  class  of 
population  known  as  "  coolies."  It  was  complained  in  1892, 
and  for  several  years  previously,  that  the  provisions  of  the  law 
of  1882  and  of  the  treaty  were  evaded  by  fraud  and  perjury. 
Senator  Dolph,  of  Oregon,  had  introduced  a  bill  extending  the 
restriction  to  all  Chinese  laborers,  with  provisions  to  prevent 
evasion  and  fraud.  A  number  of  other  bills  were  introduced 
in  each  House  of  a  like  character.  The  committee  on  foreign 
relations  considered  the  subject-matter  very  carefully  and 
directed  Mr.  Dolph  to  report  a  bill  extending  for  five  years  the 
act  of  1882,  with  several  amendments  providing  against  frauds. 
This  bill  was  passed  and  sent  to  the  Ho  use,  but  was  not  acted 
upon  there. 

On  the  18th  of  February  Thomas  J.  Geary,  a  Member  from 
California,  reported  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  from  the 
committee  on  foreign  affairs,  a  bill  to  absolutely  prohibit  the 
coming  of  Chinese  persons  into  the  United  States.  On  the  4th 
of  April  he  moved  to  suspend  the  rules  and  pass  the  bill.  After 
a  debate  of  one  hour,  and  without  amendment,  this  drastic  bill 
passed.  It  came  to  the  Senate  and  was  referred  to  the  com 
mittee  on  foreign  relations.  On  the  13th  of  April  it  was  re 
ported  to  the  Senate  with  an  amendment  in  the  nature  of  a 
substitute,  which  was  the  bill  that  had  previously  passed  the 
Senate. 

On  the  21st  of  April  I  made  a  full  statement  of  the  action 
of  the  committee  and  the  scope  of  the  amendment  proposed 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  897 

by  it.  I  had  no  sympathy  with  the  outcry  against  the  Chinese, 
but  was  quite  willing  to  restrict  their  migration  here  to  the 
extent  proposed  by  the  committee.  On  the  25th  of  April  the 
amendment  was  agreed  to  after  full  debate,  by  the  strong  vote 
of  yeas  43  and  nays  14.  In  this  form  the  bill  passed.  The 
House  disagreed  to  the  Senate  amendment  and  a  committee  of 
conference  was  appointed,  consisting  of  Dolph,  Sherman  and 
Morgan  on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  and  Geary,  Chipman  and 
Hall  on  the  part  of  the  House.  This  committee  recommended 
the  adoption  of  the  House  bill  with  certain  amendments. 
The  report  was  signed  by  Dolph  and  Morgan  on  the  part  of 
the  Senate,  and  Geary  and  Chipman  on  the  part  of  the  House. 
I  stated  my  dissent  from  the  conference  report. 

After  a  lengthy  debate  in  the  Senate  the  report  of  the  con 
ference  committee  was  agreed  to,  and  the  bill  became  a  law. 

An  interesting  debate  occurred  during  this  session  in  respect 
to  the  effect  of  the  tariff  laws  upon  wages  and  prices.  No  tariff 
bill  was  then  pending,  but  a  sub-committee  of  the  committee 
on  finance  had  been  engaged  for  the  past  year  in  investigating 
this  subject,  and  had  accumulated  a  mass  of  testimony  in  re 
gard  to  it.  Senator  Eugene  Hale,  on  the  27th  of  June,  offered 
the  following  resolution,  which  gave  rise  to  the  debate: 

"  WHEREAS,  At  no  time  has  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  American  people 
been  employed  at  so  high  wages,  and  purchasing  the  necessities  and  comforts 
of  life  at  so  low  prices,  as  in  the  year  1892;  and 

"WHEREAS,  The  balance  of  the  trade  with  foreign  countries  has  never 
been  so  large  in  favor  of  the  United  States  as  in  the  last  year;  and 

"  WHEREAS,  These  conditions  exist  and  are  largely  due  to  the  Repub 
lican  policy  of  'protection:'  Therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  the  committee  on  finance  be,  and  is  hereby,  directed  to 
inquire  into  the  effect  of  a  policy  of  'tariff  for  revenue  only'  upon  the  labor 
and  the  industries  of  the  United  States,  and  to  report  upon  the  same  to  the 
Senate." 

The  next  day  Mr.  Hale  made  a  brief  speech  upon  the  resolu 
tion  and  was  followed  by  Senator  Vest,  who  quoted  many  docu 
ments,  which  were  printed  in  the  "Record,"  in  support  of  his 
views.  Several  other  Senators  participated  in  the  debate  winch 
continued  from  day  to  day. 

The  full  report  of  the  committee  referred  to,  embracing 
three  volumes  of  over  six  hundred  pages  each,  was  submitted  to 

S.— 57 


898  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  Senate  on  the  19th  of  July,  and  on  the  29th  Senator  John 
G.  Carlisle,  who,  as  a  member  of  the  committee,  had  taken 
much  interest  in  the  inquiry,  and  had  participated  in  the  con 
versational  debate  during  the  preceding  month,  made  an  elab 
orate  speech  upon  the  resolution  and  mainly  upon  the  propo 
sition  advanced  by  him,  that  the  result  of  the  McKinley  law 
was  to  increase  the  prices  of  commodities,  while  it  did  not  in 
crease  wages.  His  speech  was  certainly  a  good  specimen  of 
logic  by  a  well  trained  mind.  His  first  proposition  was  that  it 
was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  scientists  and  statisticians,  in 
all  the  great  industrial  and  commercial  countries  of  the  world, 
that  the  prices  of  commodities  had  been  decreasing,  and  the 
rates  of  wages,  especially  in  those  occupations  requiring  skill 
and  intelligence,  had  been  increasing;  that  capital  had  been 
receiving,  year  by  year,  a  smaller  percentage  of  the  total  pro 
ceeds  of  the  product,  and  labor  a  larger  percentage.  He  in 
sisted  that  the  tendency  towards  a  decline  in  the  prices  of  com 
modities  and  an  increase  in  the  rates  of  wages  is  the  necessary 
result  of  our  improved  methods  of  production,  transportation 
and  exchange.  He  said  that  anyone  who  contends  in  this  day 
that  high  prices  of  commodities  are  beneficial  to  the  commu 
nity  at  large,  is  at  war  with  the  spirit  of  the  age  in  which  he 
lives,  and  with  the  genius  of  discovery  and  invention,  which, 
during  the  last  half  century,  has  ameliorated  the  condition  of 
mankind  by  bringing  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  many  of 
its  luxuries,  within  the  reach  of  every  man  who  is  willing  to 
work.  He  then  entered  into  an  elaborate  argument  to  show 
that  the  McKinley  act  interfered  with  this  natural  tendency 
towards  a  decline  in  the  prices  of  commodities  and  a  rise  in  the 
rates  of  wages,  and  made  it  harder  and  more  expensive  for  the 
masses  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  live. 

I  do  not  follow  his  argument,  as,  to  treat  him  fairly,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  state  it  in  full.  It  was  illustrated  by 
carefully  prepared  tables. 

On  the  same  day,  without  preparation,  I  said  I  would  not 
undertake  to  reply  to  the  precise  and  fair  argument  made  by 
the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  but  took  exception  to  the  basis  of 
his  argument,  that  the  cheapness  of  things  is  the  great  object 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  899 

of  desire.  I  did  not  think  so,  though  the  report  of  the  com 
mittee  did  not  bear  out  his  argument  as  to  the  effect  of  the 
McKinley  law,  but,  on  the  contrary,  showed  that  prices  had 
declined  and  wages  increased  since  its  enactment.  When 
cheapness  comes  by  discoveries,  by  inventions,  or  by  new  indus 
trial  processes,  the  people  ought  to  share  in  those  benefits, 
but  as  a  rule  mere  cheapness  of  things  is  not  a  benefit  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  especially  when  they  are  the  pro 
ductions  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  When  the  wheat 
of  the  farmer  is  worth  only  fifty  cents  a  bushel  or  his  cotton 
only  seven  cents  a  pound  it  is  to  him  a  calamity,  not  an  object 
of  desire  but  a  misfortune.  I  proceeded  at  some  length  to  an 
swer  the  points  made  by  Mr.  Carlisle  as  I  recalled  them.  I 
insisted  that  the  magnitude  of  domestic  production  and  the  op 
portunities  to  labor  were  matters  of  greater  importance  than 
the  prices  of  commodities.  If  our  needs  can  be  supplied  by 
American  labor  it  is  a  mutual  advantage  to  both  the  laborer 
and  producer.  The  larger  the  product  of  American  labor  the 
greater  is  the  wealth  and  comfort  of  American  citizens.  If 
American  labor  is  actively  employed  there  can  be  no  difficulty 
in  the  laborer  obtaining  the  necessaries  of  life.  I  quoted  the 
opinions  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  including 
Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe  and  Jackson,  as  the  friends  and 
supporters  of  the  doctrine  of  the  present  Republican  party  on 
the  subject  of  protection.  Mr.  Jefferson,  especially,  announced, 
as  among  the  first  and  vital  principles  of  his  party,  the  protec 
tion  of  American  industries,  the  diversity  of  employment  and 
the  building  up  of  manufactures.  Andrew  Jackson  repeatedly 
made  the  same  declaration.  The  platform  upon  which  he  was 
elected  was  "That  an  adequate  protection  to  American  indus 
try  is  indispensable  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country;  and  that 
an  abandonment  of  the  policy  at  this  period  would  be  attended 
with  consequences  ruinous  to  the  best  interest  of  the  nation." 
I  insisted  that  the  object  of  protection— the  employment  of 
American  labor— was  of  more  importance  than  the  price  of 
food  or  clothing,  though  I  believed,  with  Mr.  Carlisle,  that  the 
tendency  of  a  constant  falling  of  the  prices  of  the  necessaries 
of  life  would  go  on,  without  regard  to  the  duties  on  imported 
goods,  as  the  natural  result  of  invention  and  skill. 


900  RECOLLECTIONS 

My  speech  of  an  hour  or  two  was  frequently  interrupted, 
but  it  contains  the  substance  of  opinions  I  have  always  enter 
tained  in  respect  to  protective  duties.  My  object  has  always 
been  to  seek  to  advance  the  interests  of  American  workingmen 
in  all  kinds  of  industries,  whether  mechanical,  agricultural, 
scientific  or  otherwise.  Whether  the  cost  of  the  necessities 
are  increased  or  diminished  by  this  policy  is  a  matter  of  com 
parative  indifference,  so  that  the  people  are  employed  at  fair 
wages  in  making  or  producing  all  articles  that  can  be  profitably 
produced  in  the  United  States.  The  gist  of  my  opinions  on 
the  policy  of  protection  is  contained  in  the  following  para 
graphs  of  this  speech : 

"  Whenever  tariff  duties  are  levied  at  a  higher  rate  than  sufficient  to 
compensate  our  laboring  men  in  the  different  rates  of  wages  they  are  fairly 
entitled  to  receive,  then  I  am  against  the  tariff  act.  I  have  never  favored 
any  tariff  that,  in  my  judgment,  did  not  furnish  sufficient  and  ample  protec 
tion  to  American  labor.  As  to  American  capital,  it  needs  no  protection. 
The  capital  of  our  country  has  grown  so  fast,  so  large,  so  great,  that  it  does 
not  need  protection.  We  are  able  to  engage  in  any  kind  of  manufacturing 
industry.  We  are  able,  so  far  as  the  capital  of  our  country  is  concerned,  to 
compete  with  foreign  production.  The  rates  of  interest  on  money  in  this 
country  have  fallen  very  nearly,  though  not  quite,  to  the  European  rates. 
Therefore,  capital  needs  no  protection.  It  ought  to  demand  no  protection, 
but  it  ought  to  demand,  and  it  ought  to  receive,  in  every  branch  of  American 
industry  which  can  be  carried  on  here  with  profit,  that  degree  of  protection 
which  will  enable  the  manufacturer  to  pay  to  the  American  laborer  Ameri 
can  wages,  according  to  American  standards,  to  satisfy  the  wants  which  are 
required  by  the  average  American  citizen,  and  that  is  all  that  is  desired." 

Having  referred  to  the  principal  measures  of  Congress  dur 
ing  the  long  session  of  1891-92,  I  recur  to  some  of  the  personal 
events  that  followed  my  reelection.  It  was  received  with  gen 
eral  approval  by  the  press  of  the  United  States.  On  the  even 
ing  of  the  30th  of  January,  1892,  the  Ohio  Republican  Asso 
ciation  at  Washington,  extended  to  me  a  reception  at  the 
National  Rifles'  Armory.  Several  hundred  invitations  had 
been  issued,  and  very  few  declined.  The  hall  was  beautifully 
decorated  with  flags,  and  in  the  gallery  the  Marine  Band  was 
stationed  and  rendered  patriotic  airs.  I  was  introduced  to  the 
audience  by  Thomas  B.  Coulter,  the  president  of  the  association. 
He  deplored  the  illness  of  Secretary  Charles  Foster,  who  was  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  9Q1 

have  delivered  the  address  of  welcome,  and  then  introduced  S. 
A.  Whitfield,  who  made  a  complimentary  address,  closing  as 
follows: 

"  You  have  gone  through  all  these  years  of  public  life  without  a  stain 
upon  your  honored  name.  The  recent  election  in  Ohio  demonstrated  the 
honor  in  which  you  are  held  by  the  people  of  your  state.  It  was  that  which 
has  given  us  this  opportunity  to  pay  you  this  respect,  we,  of  the  Ohio  Asso 
ciation,  who  are  here  to  welcome  you." 

To  this  I  made  a  brief  reply,  expressing  my  hearty  thanks. 
John  Wanamaker,  Postmaster  General,  made  an  interesting 
address,  full  of  humor  and  kindness,  and  was  followed  by  sev 
eral  Members  of  Congress,  among  whom  was  my  neighbor, 
Michael  D.  Harter. 

The  only  incident  of  an  unpleasant  nature  growing  out  of 
the  senatorial  contest  was  an  unfounded  charge  against  H.  M. 
Daugherty,  an  active  and  able  member  of  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives  of  Ohio,  who  was  accused  by  a  newspaper  with  being 
corruptly  influenced  to  cast  his  vote  for  me.  He  promptly 
denounced  the  slander,  and  demanded  an  investigation. 

A  committee  was  appointed  by  the  general  assembly,  who 
examined  witnesses,  and,  after  reciting  the  evidence,  reported 
as  follows: 

"  We  are  unable  to  find  one  iota  of  evidence  that  would  lead  us  to  be 
lieve  that  the  said  H.  M.  Daugherty  either  received,  or  asked,  or  was  offered, 
any  consideration  for  his  vote  for  John  Sherman,  for  United  States  Senator, 
or  that  any  one 'received,  or  asked,  or  was  offered,  the  same  for  him,  or  that 
he  was  in  any  way  unduly  or  corruptly  influenced  to  cast  his  vote  for  the 
said  John  Sherman,  but  that,  in  voting  for  the  said  John  Sherman,  Mr. 
Daugherty  followed  the  instructions  received  by  him  from  his  constituents. 
We  herewith  submit  all  the  evidence  taken  by  us  in  this  examination,  and 
make  the  same  a  part  of  this  report.  Respectfully  submitted, 

A.  H.  STKOCK, 
J.  C.  HEINLEIN, 
W.  A.  RKITEK, 
JOHN  D.  BEAIKD." 

The  "  State  Journal  "  said: 

"  After  the  report  was  read  and  adopted  members  crowded  around  Mr. 
Daugherty  and  congratulated  him.  These  expressions  of  good  will  were  too 
much  for  Mr.  Daugherty 's  composure,  and  tears  came  unbidden  to  his  eyes. 
He  felt  the  stigma  placed  upon  his  good  name  by  the  insinuations  of  the 
Democratic  newspapers  very  keenly,  although  not  one  member  of  the  house 
believed  the  stories." 


CHAPTER  LXL 
SECOND  ELECTION  OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

Opposition  to  General   Harrison  for  the  Presidential  Nomination  —  My  Belief  that 
He  Could  Not  Be  Elected  —  Preference  for  McKinley —  Meeting  of  the  National 
Republican  Convention  at  Minneapolis  —  Meeting  of  Republicans  at  Wash 
ington  to  Ratify  the  Ticket  —  Newspaper  Comment  on  My  Two  Days' 
Speech  in  the  Senate  on  the  Silver  Question  —  Opening  Speeches 
for  Harrison  and  Reid  —  Publication  of  My  "  History  of  the 
Republican  Party" —  First  Encounter  with  a  "  Kodak  "  — 
Political    Addresses     in     Philadelphia,    New    York, 
Cincinnati,     Chicago     and     Milwaukee  —  Re 
turn    to     Ohio  —  Defeat    of     Harrison. 

DURING  the  spring  and  summer  of  1892,  prior  to  the 
reuomination  of  General  Harrison  for  President  and 
Whitelaw  Reid  for  Vice  President,  the  choice  of  can 
didates  was  the  general  subject  of  comment.  A  good 
deal  of  opposition  to  General  Harrison  was  developed,  mainly, 
I  think,  from  his  cold  and  abrupt  manners  in  his  intercourse 
with  those  who  had  business  with  him.  His  ability  and  integ 
rity  were  conceded,  but  he  was  not  in  any  sense  popular.  This 
was  apparent  especially  in  New  York,  the  state  that  nomi 
nated  him  in  1888.  During  all  the  period  mentioned  many 
names  were  canvassed,  mine  among  others,  but  I  uniformly 
declined  to  be  a  candidate,  and  said  if  I  had  a  vote  in  the  con 
vention  it  would  be  cast  for  Harrison.  Some  of  his  friends, 
especially  Charles  Foster,  complained  in  published  interviews 
that  I  had  not  taken  a  more  active  part  in  securing  his  nom 
ination.  From  later  developments  I  became  satisfied  that  Har 
rison  could  not  be  elected,  that  Platt  and  a  powerful*  New 
York  influence  would  defeat  him  if  nominated.  I  therefore 
preferred  the  nomination  of  a  new  man,  such  as  William  Mc- 
Kinley,  but  he  had  committed  himself  to  Harrison,  and,  accord 
ing  to  my  code  of  honor,  could  not  accept  a  nomination  even 
if  tendered  him. 

(902) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  903 

The  Republican  national  convention  met  at  Minneapolis  on 
the  7th  of  June.  On  the  first  ballot,  Harrison  received  535  votes, 
Elaine  182,  McKinley  182,  Reed  4,  Lincoln  1.  The  southern 
states  gave  Harrison  229  votes  and  other  candidates  69,  thus 
securing  to  Harrison  the  nomination.  Both  Elaine  and  McKin 
ley  promptly  acquiesced  in  the  result.  I  did  not  think  the 
nomination  wise,  but  was  reported,  no  doubt  correctly,  as  say 
ing  to  an  interviewer : 

"  The  nomination  is  one  I  expected  to  be  made  in  the  natural  order  of 
thing's.  The  attempt  to  bring  out  a  dark  horse  against  two  persons  evenly 
matched,  or  supposed  to  be  so,  is  an  extremely  difficult  feat,  because  any 
break  from  one  of  the  leaders  would  naturally  carry  a  portion  of  his  follow 
ing  to  the  other  leader.  Therefore,  the  nomination  of  Harrison  seemed  to  be 
the  natural  sequence  as  soon  as  it  appeared  that  he  had  a  majority  over 
Blaine,  which,  I  think,  was  apparent  from  the  very  beginning.  I  think  that 
the  nomination  being  made,  all  will  acquiesce  in  it  and  try  to  elect  the  ticket. 
There  was  far  more  discontent  with  the  nomination  four  years  ago  than  there 
is  now.  Then  there  were  rapid  changes  made  that  were  to  be  accounted  for 
only  by  agreements  and  compacts  made  among  leading  delegates,  but  that  was 
impossible  in  this  case  because  the  convention  was  divided  between  promi 
nent  candidates.  I  think  the  Republicans  in  every  state  will  cheerfully  ac 
quiesce  in  the  result,  and  hope  and  expect  that  we  can  elect  the  ticket." 

Soon  after  the  nominations  were  made,  Ohio  Republicans 
in  Washington,  held  a  ratification  meeting.  Alphonso  Hart 
acted  as  president  of  the  meeting.  He  said  it  was  not  a  mat 
ter  of  surprise  that  there  had  been  a  difference  of  opinion  as  to 
candidates  at  Minneapolis,  when  the  choice  was  to  be  made 
between  Harrison,  Blaine,  McKinley,  Reed  and  Lincoln.  To 
day  their  followers  were  all  Harrison  men.  I  entered  the  hall 
as  he  was  closing  and  was  loudly  called  on  for  a  speech.  I  said 
I  had  come  to  hear  the  young  Republicans,  McKinley  and 
Foster.  I  congratulated  my  hearers  upon  the  bright  prospect 
of  Republican  success,  and  declared  that  Harrison  would  be 
elected  because  he  ought  to  be.  The  following  synopsis  of 
what  I  said  was  published  in  the  papers: 

"  President  Harrison  was  all  right.  Personally,  perhaps,  he  (the  Senator) 
would  have  been  in  favor  of  McKinley,  but  there  was  time  enough  ahead  for 
him;  the  future  would  witness  his  exaltation.  He  eulogized  McKinley  most 
eloquently  and  declared  him  to  be  one  of  the  greatest  and  best  men  in  pub 
lic  lite.  It  was  the  best  thing  to  nominate  Benjamin  Harrison  and  the  next 


904  RECOLLECTIONS 


to  do  would  be  to  elect  him.     It  made  no  difference  whom  the  Demo- 
crats  trotted  out  against  him,  he  could  and  would  win. 

"  The  Senator  said  he  was  getting  old  now  and  did  not  feel  like  working 
as  he  once  did.  He  wanted  to  take  things  easy  and  let  the  young  men  ex 
ert,  themselves.  'Let  me,'  he  said,  'play  the  part  of  Nestor  and  talk  to  you 
in  a  garrulous  sort  of  a  way;  give  you  good  advice,  which  you  do  not  always 
heed.  Let  me  wander  around  like  the  old  farmer  and  watch  the  young  men 
toil,  but  if  I  can  mend  an  old  spoke  or  repair  a  broken  wheel  call  upon  John 
Sherman  —  he  will  do  his  best.'  ' 

On  the  1st  of  July  I  started  from  Baltimore,  by  boat,  for 
Boston,  for  the  recreation  and  air  of  a  short  sea  voyage.  I 
arrived  on  the  3rd,  and  met,  as  usual,  a  reporter  who  asked 
many  questions,  among  others  as  to  the  condition  of  the  silver 
bill  and  whether  Harrison  would  approve  it  if  it  should  pass. 
I  answered,  I  believed  Harrison  would  veto  it,  and  also  believed 
that  if  Cleveland  was  in  the  chair  he  would  do  the  same. 

Pending  this  presidential  nomination  my  mind  was  fully 
occupied  by  my  duties  in  the  Senate.  I  made  my  two  days' 
speech  on  the  silver  question,  already  referred  to,  when  the 
active  politicians  were  absorbed  in  what  was  to  happen  in  the 
convention  at  Minneapolis.  I  quote  what  was  said  in  papers 
of  different  politics,  not  only  as  their  estimates  of  the  speech, 
but  also  of  the  state  of  my  mind  when  it  was  made: 

"The  two  days'  speech  of  Senator  Sherman  on  the  Stewart  silver  bill  is 
undoubtedly  the  greatest  speech  he  has  ever  made.  More  than  that,  it  is 
probably  the  greatest  speech  that  ever  was  made  in  the  Senate  on  any  finan 
cial  question.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Mr.  Sherman,  after  speaking  two 
hours  and  a  half  on  Tuesday,  said  that  he  was  not  at  all  tired,  and  was  ready 
to  go  on  and  finish  then.  This  was  said  in  reply  to  a  suggestion  that  the 
Senate  should  adjourn.  For  one  who  has  passed  his  sixty-ninth  year,  this  is 
surely  a  remarkable  exhibition  of  mental  and  physical  powers. 

"  Such  a  speech,  covering  not  only  the  silver  question,  but  the  whole 
range  of  national  finance,  cannot  be  reviewed  in  detail  within  the  limits  of  a 
newspaper  article.  All  that  can  be  said  about  details  is  that  Mr.  Sherman 
has  not  merely  a  well  furnished  mind  on  the  whole  range  of  topics  embraced 
in  his  discourse,  but  so  well  furnished  that  there  is  no  point  too  small  to  have 
escaped  his  attention  or  his  memory. 

"Give  him  a  clear  field,  such  as  the  statesmen  and  financiers  of  Europe 
have,  where  there  are  no  wrongheaded  and  befooled  constituencies  to  be 
reckoned  with,  and  he  would  be  facile  princeps  among  them."  —  New  York 
"  Evening  Post,"  June  2,  1892. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  905 

I  attended  the  state  fair  at  Columbus  early  in  September 
and  met  the  leading  Republicans  of  the  state.  I  noticed  an 
apparent  apathy  among  them.  The  issue  between  the  parties 
was  for  or  against  the  McKinley  tariff.  The  parties  did  not 
differ  materially  on  the  silver  question,  but  did  differ  as  be 
tween  national  and  state  banks.  The  Democratic  party  had 
resolved  in  favor  of  the  repeal  of  the  tax  on  state  bank  circula 
tion,  but  it  was  believed  that  Cleveland  would  repudiate  or 
evade  this  dogma.  There  seemed  to  be  no  enthusiasm  on 
either  side,  but  there  was  less  dissatisfaction  with  the  existing 
administration  than  is  usual  during  the  incumbency  of  a  Presi 
dent.  The  country  was  prosperous.  The  people  had  confidence 
in  Harrison  and  the  general  drift  seemed  to  be  in  his  favor. 

In  September  I  wrote  an  article  for  the  New  York  "  Inde 
pendent"  on  "The  History  of  the  Republican  Party."  It  was 
confined  chiefly  to  the  contention  that  the  Republican  party 
was  an  affirmative  party,  adopting,  declaring  and  executing 
great  public  measures  of  vital  importance,  while  the  Dem 
ocratic  party  was  simply  a  negative  party,  opposing  all  the 
Republican  party's  measures  but  acquiescing  in  its  achieve 
ments.  I  insert  the  closing  paragraph : 

"  Republicanism,  on  the  other  hand,  holds  fast  to  everything  that  is 
ennobling  and  elevating  in  its  history.  It  is  the  party  of  national  honor, 
which  has  removed  the  foul  reproach  of  slavery,  and  redeemed  the  plighted 
faith  of  the  government  in  financial  legislation  and  administration.  It  is  the 
party  of  equa^  rights,  an  unsullied  ballot  and  honest  elections.  It  is  the 
party  of  national  policies,  of  comprehensive  scope  and  enlightened  self-in 
terest,  by  which  industry  is  diversified,  labor  systematically  protected,  and 
the  prosperity  of  all  classes  and  sections  promoted.  Between  its  present 
policies  and  the  traditions  of  its  glorious  past  there  is  unbroken  continuity 
of  patriotic  action." 

On  the  30th  of  September,  I  made  my  first  speech  in 
this  canvass  at  North  Fairfield.  The  place,  audience,  and  sur 
roundings  gave  me  special  interest  in  the  meeting.  Thirty- 
eight  years  before,  I,  then  a  young  man,  spoke  at  the  same 
place,  before  a  similar  audience,  as  a  candidate  for  Congress, 
nominated  by  a  party  then  without  a  name.  Now  1  was  about 
to  address  an  audience  chiefly  composed  of  men  and  women, 
the  children  of  my  old  constituents,  who  had  been  boru  since 


900  RECOLLECTIONS 

my  first  appearance  there.  It  is  a  farming  region,  well  culti 
vated,  and  but  little  changed  in  appearance  by  the  lapse  of 
years.  The  great  change  was  the  absence,  in  the  grave,  of  the 
leading  men  1  had  met  on  my  first  visit,  but  they  were  repre 
sented  by  descendants  so  numerous  that  they  had  to  meet  in 
the  open  grove  instead  of  the  simple  meeting-house  of  the 
olden  time.  The  comparatively  few  old  settlers  present  who 
had  attended  the  former  meeting,  many  of  whom  had  been 
soldiers  in  the  army,  greeted  me  warmly  and  reminded  me  of 
incidents  that  then  occurred.  It  was  natural,  under  these  cir 
cumstances,  that  my  speech  should  be  reminiscent;  but,  in 
addition  to  the  history  of  events,  I  stated  —  I  think  fairly — the 
issues  immediately  involved  —  of  tariff,  currency  and  coin. 

The  next  meeting  of  note  that  I  attended  was  at  the  Acad- 
em  yof  Music  in  Philadelphia.  I  do  not  recall  any  meeting 
that  1  ever  addressed  within  four  walls  more  striking  and  im 
pressive  than  this,  not  only  in  numbers  and  intelligence,  but 
in  apparent  sympathy  with  the  speaker.  Of  the  persons  men 
tioned  by  me  those  who  received  the  loudest  applause  were  in 
their  order  Blaine,  McKinley  and  Harrison. 

It  was  at  this  meeting  that  for  the  first  time  I  encountered 
the  kodak.  The  next  morning  the  "  Press,"  of  Philadelphia, 
illustrated  its  report  of  the  speech  with  several  "snap  shots" 
presenting  me  in  various  attitudes  in  different  parts  of  the 
speech.  I  thought  this  one  of  the  most  remarkable  inventions 
of  this  inventive  age,  and  do  not  yet  understand  how  the  pic 
tures  were  made.  The  comments  of  the  daily  papers  in  Phila 
delphia  were  very  flattering,  and  perhaps  I  may  be  excused  for 
inserting  a  single  paragraph  from  a  long  editorial  in  the 
"  Press"  of  the  next  day,  in  respect  to  it : 

"  His  speech  is  a  calm,  luminous  and  dispassionate  discussion  of  the 
business  questions  of  the  canvass.  It  is  preeminently  an  educational  speech 
which  any  man  can  hear  or  read  with  profit.  Senator  Sherman  excels  in  the 
faculty  of  lucid  and  logical  statement.  His  personal  participation  in  all  our 
fiscal  legislation  gives  him  an  unequaled  knowledge  both  of  principles  and 
details,  and  he  is  remarkably  successful  in  making  them  clear  to  the  simplest 
intelligence.  The  contrast  between  his  candid,  sober  and  weighty  treat 
ment  of  questions,  and  the  froth  and  fustion  which  supply  the  lack  of  knowl 
edge  with  epithets  of  'fraud  '  and  '  robbery'  and  'cheat,'  is  refreshing." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  907 

On  Monday  evening,  the  llth  of  October,  I  spoke  in  Cooper 
Union  in  the  city  of  New  York.  It  was  an  experiment  to  hold 
a  political  meeting  on  the  eve  of  a  day  devoted  to  Columbian 
celebrations  and  a  night  to  magnificent  fireworks,  but  the 
great  auditorium  was  filled,  and  among  the  gathering  was  a 
large  number  of  bankers  and  business  men  interested  in  finan 
cial  topics.  I  was  introduced  to  the  audience  in  a  very  compli 
mentary  manner  by  Mr.  Blanchard,  president  of  the  Republican 
club,  and  was  received  with  hearty  applause  by  the  audience. 
I  said: 

"  Ladies  and  gentlemen,  I  congratulate  the  Republicans  of  the  State  of 
New  York  that  at  last  we  have  brought  the  Democratic  party  to  a  fair  and 
distinct  issue  on  questions  involved  in  the  presidential  campaign.  Now  for 
more  than  tbirty  years  that  party  has  been  merely  an  opposition  party,  op 
posed  to  everything  that  we  proposed,  and  having  no  principles  or  proposi 
tion  of  their  own  to  present.  They  declared  the  war  a  failure;  they  were 
opposed  to  the  homestead  law,  they  were  opposed  to  the  greenback;  they 
were  opposed  to  everything  that  we  did,  but  now,  thank  God,  they  have 
agreed  to  have  one  or  two  or  three  issues  to  be  determined  by  the  people." 

I  then  stated  the  issues  involved  in  the  canvass  in  very  much 
the  same  terms  as  in  Philadelphia,  but  the  speech  in  New  York 
was  made  without  notes  and  was  literally  reported  in  the 
"Tribune,"  while  the  Philadelphia  speech  was  prepared  and 
followed  as  closely  as  possible,  without  reference  to  manuscript. 
I  have  now  read  the  two  speeches  carefully,  and  while  the  sub 
ject-matter  ts  the  same  in  both,  the  language,  form  and  connec 
tion  are  as  different  as  if  delivered  by  two  distinct  persons  who 
had  not  conferred  with  each  other.  My  long  experience 
convinces  me  that  while  it  is  safe  for  a  person  to  write  what  he 
intends  to  say,  yet  it  is  better  to  carefully  study  the  subject 
and  then  to  speak  without  reference  to  notes  or  manuscript, 
This  depends,  however,  upon  the  temperament  and  poise  of  the 
speaker.  Nothing  is  more  discouraging  to  an  audience  than 
to  hear  a  speech  read,  except  it  be  the  attempt  to  speak  off 
hand  by  a  person  who  has  not  acquired  a  full  knowledge  of  the 
subject-matter  and  does  not  possess  the  art  of  recalling  and 
arranging  the  method  of  his  address. 

I  believe  my  speech  in  New  York  covered  all  the  issues  in- 


908  RECOLLECTIONS 

volved  in  the  canvass  fairly  and  fully  stated.  I  arraigned 
the  Democratic  party,  especially  for  its  declaration  in  1864  that 
the  war  was  a  failure,  when  Grant  was  holding  on  with  his 
deadly  grip,  and  when  Sherman  and  Sheridan  were  riding  to 
battle  and  to  victory.  This  declaration  was  more  injurious  to 
the  Union  cause  than  any  victory  by  the  Confederates  during 
the  war. 

I  returned  from  New  York  to  Cincinnati,  where  I  had  agreed 
to  speak  in  Turner  Hall  on  the  14th  of  October.  This  hall  had 
long  been  a  place  for  public  meetings.  It  is  situated  in  the 
midst  of  a  German  population  and  is  their  usual  place  for  ren 
dezvous.  They  had  recently  greatly  improved  and  enlarged  it, 
and  wished  me  to  speak  in  it  as  I  had  frequently  spoken  in  the 
old  hall.  It  was  well  filled  by  an  intelligent  audience,  nearly 
all  of  whom  were  of  German  birth  or  descent.  They  were,  as 
a  rule,  Eepublicans,  but  they  were  restive  under  any  legislation 
that  interfered  with  their  habits.  They  drank  their  beer,  but 
rarely  consumed  spirituous  liquors,  and  considered  this  as  tem 
perance.  With  their  wives  and  children,  when  the  weather 
was  favorable,  they  gathered  in  open  gardens  and  listened  to 
music,  in  which  many  of  them  were  proficient.  Such  was  my 
audience  in  Turner  Hall.  I  spoke  to  them  on  the  same  topics 
as  I  did  to  purely  American  audiences,  and  to  none  who  had  a 
better  comprehension  and  appreciation  of  good  money  of  uni 
form  value,  whether  of  gold,  silver  or  paper. 

From  Cincinnati  I  went  to  Chicago.  I  had  been  invited  by 
Jesse  Spalding,  a  leading  business  man  in  that  city,  to  make 
an  address  at  Central  Music  Hall  on  the  evening  of  the  22nd  of 
October.  As  I  was  to  attend  the  dedication,  on  that  day,  of  the 
Ohio  building  in  the  grounds  of  the  World's  Columbian  Expo 
sition,  I  accepted  the  invitation  of  Mr.  Spalding.  I  regarded 
it  as  a  bold  movement  on  the  part  of  business  men  to  call  such 
a  meeting  in  the  midst  of  the  excitement  and  hurry  of  the  ded 
ication  of  the  great  buildings  of  the  World's  Fair.  Still,  that 
was  their  business  and  not  mine.  I  carefully  outlined  the 
points  I  wished  to  make,  something  like  a  lawyer's  brief,  and 
had  the*  order  of  topics  clearly  arranged  and  engraved  on  my 
mind.  I  determined  to  use  no  word  that  would  not  be  understood 
by  every  man  who  heard  me,  and  to  avoid  technical  phrases. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


909 


When  the  hour  appointed  arrived  I  was  escorted  to  the 
place  assigned  me,  and  faced  an  audience  that  filled  the  hall 
composed  of  men  of  marked  intelligence  who  could  and  would 
detect  any  fault  of  logic  or  fact.  The  speech  was  fairly  re 
ported  in  the  Chicago  papers,  and  was  kindly  treated  in  their 
editorial  columns.  After  a  brief  reference  to  the  Exposition 
buildings  and  the  great  crowd  that  had  witnessed  their  dedica 
tion,  and  the  wonderful  growth  of  Chicago,  I  said  : 


TT  •  C  n  a  Sbort  time  to  elect  a  President  of  the 

United  States  who  will  be  armed  with  all  the  executive  authority  of  this 
great  government,  and  also  a  Congress  which  will  have  the  delegated  power 
for  two  years,  to  make  laws  for  the  people  of  the  United  States? 

«  Now,  there  is  a  contest  in  this  country,  not  between  small  parties  but 
between  great  parties.  I  take  it  that  in  this  intelligent  audience  it  is  riot 
necessary  for  me  to  discuss  the  temperance  party  or  the  farmers'  party. 
The  best  temperance  party  is  the  individual  conscience  of  each  citizen  and 
inhabitant  of  the  United  States.  As  for  the  farmers'  party,  the  Republican 
party  has  been  the  farmers'  party  as  well  as  the  people's  party  since  the  be 
ginning  of  its  organization  in  1850.  The  controversy  is  between  the  two, 
the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties,  as  they  have  named  themselves. 

"  The  Democratic  party  has  a  very  popular  name.  It  means  a  govern 
ment  through  the  people.  But  the  Republican  party  has  a  still  more  popu 
lar  name.  It  is  a  government  by  the  representatives  of  the  people,  and  that 
name  expresses  more  distinctly  the  true  nature  of  our  government  than  the 
name  Democratic,  but  the  Democratic  party  has  forfeited  for  more  than 
thirty  years  the  very  name  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  ought  now  to  be 
christened  the  Confederate  Democracy  of  America." 

The  "Tribune"  and  "Inter-Ocean"  had  friendly  editorial 
articles  about  the  meeting,  and  the  "Tribune"  especially, 
which  in  times  past  was  very  far  from  being  partial  to  me, 
expressed  this  opinion  of  the  meeting  and  speech  : 

"  It  was  a  test  of  the  capacity  of  Chicago  for  great  popular  gatherings, 
and  a  demonstration  of  its  interest  in  political  affairs,  that,  after  a  week  of 
civic  celebration,  upon  a  scale  more  colossal  than  this  country  has  ever  wit 
nessed  before  and  calling  for  the  maximum  of  effort  and  endurance,  Central 
Music  Hall  was  crowded  from  gallery  to  parquet,  Saturday  night,  with  thou 
sands  of  business  men  and  others  who  are  interested  in  the  great  issues  of 
the  political  campaign,  to  listen  to  the  address  of  the  Hon.  John  Sherman,  of 
Ohio.  It  was  something  more  than  an  exposition  of  Chicago's  vital  interest 
in  these  issues.  It  was  a  personal  compliment  and  a  rare  expression  of  the 
popular  confidence  in  the  veteran  Senator,  this  immense  and  enthusiastic 


910  RECOLLECTIONS 

gathering  of  substantial  citizens  after  the  absorbing  and  exacting  duties  of  the 
week.  It  testifies  eloquently  to  the  enthusiasm  and  determination  of  Chi 
cago  Republicans  in  the  pending  campaign. 

"It  is  no  derogation  of  Senator  Sherman's  abilities  to  say  one  does  not 
look  to  him  for  the  eloquent  periods  of  the  orator  that  carry  away  audiences 
on  waves  of  enthusiasm.  His  strength  lies  in  his  convincing  statement,  his 
cogency  of  argument,  his  array  of  facts,  and  his  powerful  logic.  No  man 
in  the  United  States,  perhaps,  is  better  qualified  to  speak  upon  the  issues  of 
this  campaign  than  Senator  Sherman.  He  appeals  to  the  thought  and  reason 
of  his  hearers,  and  he  never  appeals  in  vain,  and  rarely  has  he  made  a  stronger 
appeal  than  in  his  Music  Hall  speech.  The  three  issues  discussed  by  him 
were  wildcat  currency,  the  silver  question,  and  the  protective  tariff  question. 
His  discussion  of  the  wildcat  currency  was  exhaustive,  and  he  pictured  the 
evils  that  must  flow  from  its  resumption  in  forcible  and  convincing  terms." 

On  the  25th  of  October,  Senator  W.  P.  Frye,  of  Maine,  and  I 
spoke  at  Schlitz's  amphitheater  in  Milwaukee.  The  notice  had 
been  brief,  but  the  attendance  was  large.  The  audience  was 
composed  chiefly  of  German  Republicans.  Frye  and  I  had 
divided  the  topics  between  us.  He  spoke  on  the  tariff  and  I  on 
good  money.  On  the  latter  subject  the  people  before  us  were 
united  for  a  sound  currency,  all  as  good  as  gold  and  plenty  of 
it.  I  made  my  speech  first,  but  Frye  made  a  better  one  on  the 
tariff,  upon  which  they  were  somewhat  divided.  Such  a  divi 
sion  of  opinion  is  an  advantage  to  the  speaker,  and  Frye 
availed  himself  of  it  by  making  an  excellent  and  interesting 
address.  The  speeches  were  well  reported  the  next  morning, 
an  evidence  of  enterprise  I  did  not  expect. 

After  my  return  from  Milwaukee  to  Ohio  I  made  several 
speeches  prior  to  the  election.  While  the  Republican  meet 
ings  were  large,  I  could  not  overlook  the  fact  that  the  Demo 
cratic  meetings  were  also  large,  that  the  personality  of 
Cleveland,  and  his  autocratic  command  of  his  party,  kept  it  in 
line,  while  his  firm  adherence  to  sound  financial  principles,  in 
spite  of  the  tendency  of  his  party  to  free  coinage  and  irredeem 
able  money,  commanded  the  respect  of  business  men,  and  se 
cured  him  the  "  silent  vote  "  of  thousands  of  Republicans. 

In  Ohio  the  Republican  party  barely  escaped  defeat,  the 
head  of  the  ticket,  Samuel  M.  Taylor,  the  candidate  for  secre 
tary  of  state,  receiving  but  1,089  plurality,  The  national 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  911 

ticket  did  not  fare  quite  so  well,  receiving  but  1,072  plurality, 
and,  for  the  first  time  since  the  election  of  Franklin  Pierce  in 
1852,  Ohio  cast  one  Democratic  electoral  vote,  the  remaining 
twenty-two  being  Republican.  Cleveland  and  Stevenson  re 
ceived  277  electoral  votes,  and  Harrison  and  Reid  145. 

Harrison  did  not  receive  the  electoral  vote  of  any  one  of 
the  southern  states  that  were  mainly  responsible  for  his  nom 
ination,  nor  of  any  one  of  the  doubtful  states  in  the  north  that 
contributed  to  that  result,  including  Indiana,  where  he  resided, 
and  which  went  Democratic  by  a  plurality  of  7,125. 

As  a  rule  the  states  that  voted  in  the  convention  for  Elaine 
and  McKinley  gave  Harrison  their  electoral  vote.  The  Demo 
crats  elected  220  Members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  the 
Republicans  12G  and  the  People's  party  8. 

The  result  was  so  decisive  that  no  question  could  be  made 
of  the  election  of  Cleveland.  The  causes  that  contributed  to 
it  might  have  defeated  any  Republican.  It  is  not  worth  while 
to  state  them,  for  a  ready  acquiescence  in  the  result  of  an 
election  by  the  American  people  is  the  conservative  element 
of  our  form  of  government  that  distinguishes  it  from  other 
republics  of  ancient  or  modern  times. 


CHAPTER  LXII. 
ATTEMPTS  TO  STOP  THE  PURCHASE  OF  SILVER  BULLION. 

My  Determination  to  Press  the  Repeal  of  the  Silver  Purchasing  Clause  of  the  "  Sher 
man  Act"  — Reply  to  Criticisms  of  the  Philadelphia  "  Ledger  "  —  Announce 
ment  of  the  Death  of  ex-President  Hayes  —  Tribute  to  His  Memory  —  Efforts 
to  Secure  Authority  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  Sell  Bonds  to 
Maintain  the  Resumption  of  United  States  Notes  —  The  Senate  Finally 
Recedes  from  the  Amendment  in  Order  to  Save  the  Appropriation 
Bill  —  Loss  of  Millions  of  Dollars  to  the  Government  —  Cleve 
land  Again  Inducted  Into  Office — His  Inaugural  Address — 
Efforts  to  Secure  an  Appropriation  for  the  "  World's 
Fair  "  —  Chicago  Raises  $11,000,000  —  Congress 
Finally  Decides  to  Pay  the  Exposition  $2,500,- 
000  in   Silver  Coin  —  I   Attend  the   Ded 
ication    of   the  Ohio    Building  at    the 
Fair  —  Address  to  the  Officers  and 
Crew  of  the  Spanish  Caravels. 

SOON  after  the  election,  and  before  the  meeting  of  Con 
gress,  I  announced  my  purpose  to  press  the  repeal,  not 
of  the  entire  law  misnamed  the  "Sherman  act,"  but  of 
the  clause  of  that  act  that  required  the  purchase  by  the 
United  States  of  4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  bullion  each  month. 
I  had,  on  July  14,  1892,  introduced  a  bill  for  that  purpose 
which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance.  I  feared  to 
press  it  pending  the  presidential  election,  lest  the  agitation 
of  the  subject  at  that  time  should  lead  to  the  adoption  of  free 
coinage.  During  the  short  session  of  that  Congress,  which 
met  on  the  5th  of  December,  I  did  not  think  it  wise  to  urge 
this  bill  though  strongly  pressed  to  do  so.  A  majority  of 
the  Senate  were  in  favor  of  free  coinage,  and  I  was  not  sure 
but  the  House,  disorganized  by  the  recent  election,  might 
not  concur,  and  the  President  either  approve  it  or  permit  it 
to  become  a  law  without  his  signature.  When  criticised  for 
my  delay  by  the  "  Ledger  "  of  Philadelphia,  I  replied,  on  the 
14th  of  January,  1893,  as  follows  : 

"  It  is  as  well  known  as  anything  can  be   that  a  large  majority  of  the 
Republican  Senators,  including  myself,  are  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  repeal 
(912) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  913 

or  suspension  of  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion.  They  are  ready  to-day,  to 
morrow,  or  at  any  moment,  to  vote  for  such  repeal.  It  is  equally  well  known 
that  not  more  than  one-fourth  or  one-fifth  of  the  Democratic  Senators  are  in 
favor  of  such  repeal,  and  they  will  resort  to  extreme  measures  to  prevent  it. 
They  are  openly  pronounced  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  or  the  continua 
tion  of  the  existing  law.  The  pretense  made  that  Republican  Senators 
would  sacrifice  the  public  interests  for  a  mere  political  scheme  is  without 
foundation,  and  I  feel  like  denouncing  it.  If  the  Democratic  party  will 
furnish  a  contingent  of  ten  Senators  in  support  of  the  repeal  of  the  silver 
act  of  1890,  it  will  pass  the  Senate  within  ten  days.  The  Democratic  party, 
as  now  represented  in  the  Senate,  is,  and  has  been,  for  the  free  coinage 
of  silver.  I  hope  the  eastern  Democracy  and  Mr.  Cleveland  may  have  some 
influence  in  changing  their  opinions." 

Subsequent  events  proved  the  wisdom  of  this  delay. 

On  January  17,  1893,  I  reported  from  the  committee  on 
finance  the  bill  referred  to.  On  the  3rd  of  February  the  ques 
tion  of  the  repeal  of  this  silver  purchasing  clause  was  incident 
ally  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Teller,  who 
announced  that  it  was  not  among  the  possibilities  that  it  would 
be  repealed  at  that  session.  I  took  this  occasion  to  explain  that 
the  reason  why  I  had  not  previously  moved  to  take  this  bill  up 
was  that  I  was  not  satisfied  there  was  a  majority  in  favor  of  its 
passage.  The  question  why  it  was  not  taken  up  had  been  fre 
quently  discussed  in  the  newspapers,  but  I  did  not  consider  it 
my  duty  to  make  such  a  motion  when  it  would  merely  lead  to 
debate  and  thus  consume  valuable  time,  though  any  other  Sena 
tor  was  at  liberty  to  make  the  motion  if  he  chose  to  do  so.  A 
motion  to  take  it  up  was  subsequently  made  by  Senator  Hill 
and  defeated  by  a  vote  of  yeas  23,  nays  42. 

No  action  was  taken  on  the  bill,  and  I  only  mention  it  in 
view  of  subsequent  events. 

Immediately  after  the  Senate  convened  on  the  18th  of 
January,  1893,  I  arose  and  announced  the  death  of  ex-Presi 
dent  Hayes  in  the  following  terms : 

"It  becomes  my  painful  duty  to  announce  to  the  Senate  the  death  of 
Rutherford  Birchard  Hayes,  at  his  residence  in  Fremont,  Ohio,  last  evening 
at  eleven  o'clock.     By  the  usage  of  the  Senate,  when  one  who  has  b 
President  of  the  United  States  dies  during  the  session  of  the  Senate,  it  has, 
as  a  mark  of  respect  to  his  memory,  recorded  his  death  upon  its  journal  i 
suspended  its  duties  for  the  day. 


S.-58 


914  RECOLLECTIONS 

"  President  Hayes  held  high  and  important  positions  during  his  life, 
having  been  a  gallant  and  distinguished  Union  soldier  during  the  war,  a 
Member  of  Congress,  three  times  Governor  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  and  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States.  He  was  a  man  of  marked  ability,  untarnished 
honor,  unblemished  character,  and  faithful  in  the  discharge  of  all  his  duties 
in  every  relation  of  life,  against  whom  no  word  of  reproach  can  be  truthfully 
uttered. 

"  It  was  my  good  fortune  to  know  President  Hayes  intimately  from  the 
time  we  were  law  students  until  his  death.  To  me  his  death  is  a  deep  per 
sonal  grief.  All  who  had  the  benefit  of  personal  association  with  him  were 
strengthened  in  their  attachment  to  him  and  in  their  appreciation  of  his  gen 
erous  qualities  of  head  and  heart.  His  personal  kindness,  and  sincere,  en 
during  attachment  for  his  friends,  was  greater  than  he  displayed  in  public 
intercourse.  He  was  always  modest,  always  courteous,  kind  to  everyone 
who  approached  him,  and  generous  to  friend  or  foe.  He  had  no  sympathy 
with  hatred  or  malice.  He  gave  every  man  his  due  according  to  his  judg 
ment  of  his  merits. 

"I,  therefore,  as  is  usual  on  such  occasions,  move  that  the  Senate,  out  of 
respect  to  the  memory  of  President  Hayes,  do  now  adjourn." 

In  this  formal  announcement  of  the  death  of  ex-President 
Hayes,  I  followed  the  usual  language,  but  it  did  not  convey 
my  high  appreciation  of  his  abilities,  nor  my  affectionate 
regard  for  him.  This  I  have  done  in  previous  pages.  His  life 
was  stainless ;  his  services  in  the  army  and  in  civil  life  were  of 
the  highest  value  to  his  state  and  country ;  he  was  an  affec 
tionate  husband,  father  and  friend,  and,  in  all  the  relations  of 
life,  was  an  honorable  man  and  a  patriotic  citizen. 

On  February  17,  I  offered  an  amendment  to  the  sundry  civil 
appropriation  bill  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
at  his  discretion,  to  sell  three  per  cent,  bonds,  redeemable  in 
five  years  from  date,  to  enable  him  to  provide  for  and  main 
tain  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes,  according  to  the 
provisions  of  the  resumption  act  of  January  14,  1875,  to  the 
extent  necessary  to  carry  that  act  into  full  effect.  I  stated  in 
explanation  of  this  provision  that  its  object  was  to  enable  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  case  an  emergency  should  arise 
making  a  sale  of  bonds  necessary,  to  issue  a  three  per  cent, 
bond  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  five 
years  instead  of  a  four  per  cent,  bond  running  thirty  years,  or 
a  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bond  running  fifteen  years,  or  a  five 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  915 

per  cent,  bond  running  ten  years,  which  were  the  only  bonds 
he  could  sell  under  existing  law. 

After  a  long  debate  the  amendment  was  agreed  to  by  the 
vote  of  30  yeas  and  16  nays.  It  was  not  agreed  to  by  the 
House  and  the  question  presented  was  whether  the  Senate 
would  recede  from  the  amendment.  I  regarded  this  provision 
as  of  vital  importance,  and  urged  the  Senate  to  insist  upon  the 
amendment,  not  only  as  an  act  of  wise  public  policy,  but  as  one 
of  justice  to  the  incoming  administration. 

Continuing,  I  said  that  the  resumption  act  referred  to  in  the 
amendment  contained  an  important  stipulation,  the  clause  of 
the  resumption  act  which  enabled  the  secretary  to  maintain 
specie  payments,  and  which  is  as  follows : 

"  To  enable  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  prepare  and  provide  for  the 
redemption  in  this  act  authorized  or  required,  he  is  authorized  to  use  any 
surplus  revenues,  from  time  to  time,  in  the  treasury,  not  otherwise  appro 
priated,  and  to  issue,  sell,  and  dispose  of,  at  not  less  than  par,  in  coin,  either 
of  the  descriptions  of  bonds  of  the  United  States  described  in  the  act  of 
Congress  approved  July  14,  1870,  entitled  'An  act  to  authorize  the  refund 
ing  of  the  national  debt,'  with  like  qualities,  privileges,  and  exemptions,  to 
the  extent  necessary  to  carry  this  act  into  full  effect,  and  to  use  the  proceeds 
thereof  for  the  purposes  aforesaid." 

I  then  had  read  to  the  Senate  the  character  and  description 
of  bonds  authorized  to  be  issued  under  what  is  called  the  re 
funding  act,  referred  to  in  the  resumption  act. 

I  proceeded  at  considerable  length  to  state  the  difficulties 
the  treasury  must  meet  in  consequence  of  the  large  increase 
of  treasury  notes  issued  for  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion. 
The  Senate  fully  appreciated  the  importance  of  the  amend 
ment,  but  in  the  hurry  of  the  closing  days  of  the  session  it  was 
said  that  to  attempt  to  reach  a  vote  upon  it  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  would  endanger  the  passage  of  the  appropria 
tion  bill,  and  therefore  the  Senate  receded  from  the  amend 
ment.  It  is  easy  now  to  see  that  its  defeat  greatly  embarrassed 
the  new  administration  and  caused  the  loss  of  many  millions 
by  the  sale  of  long  term  bonds  at  a  higher  rate  of  interest  than 
three  per  cent. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1893,  Grover  Cleveland  was  sworn  into 
office  as  President  of  the  United  States,  and  delivered  his 


916  RECOLLECTIONS 

inaugural  address.  It  was  a  moderate  and  conservative  docu 
ment,  dealing  chiefly  with  axioms  readily  assented  to.  Its 
strongest  passages  were  in  favor  of  a  sound  and  stable  cur 
rency.  He  said  the  danger  of  depreciation  in  the  purchasing 
power  of  the  wages  paid  to  toil  should  furnish  the  strongest 
incentive  to  prompt  and  conservative  precaution.  He  declared 
that  the  people  had  decreed  that  there  should  be  a  reform  in 
the  tariff,  and  had  placed  the  control  of  their  government,  in  its 
legislative  and  executive  branches,  with  a  political  party 
pledged  in  the  most  positive  terms  to  the  accomplishment  of 
such  a  reform,  but  in  defining  the  nature  or  principles  to  be 
adopted  he  was  so  vague  and  indefinite  that  either  a  free  trader 
or  a  protectionist  might  agree  with  him.  He  said: 

"  The  oath  I  now  take  to  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  constitution 
of  the  United  States,  not  only  impressively  defines  the  great  responsibility 
I  assume,  but  suggests  obedience  to  constitutional  commands  as  a  rule  by 
which  my  official  conduct  must  be  guided.  I  shall,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
and  within  my  sphere  of  duty,  preserve  the  constitution  by  loyally  protect 
ing  every  grant  of  Federal  power  it  contains.  .  .  . 

The  chief  interest  at  this  period  centered  in  the  World's 
Fair  at  Chicago,  to  celebrate  the  quadro-centennial  of  the  dis 
covery  of  America  by  Columbus.  Such  a  celebration  was  first 
proposed  as  early  as  1887,  to  be  in  the  nature  of  an  intellectual 
or  scientific  exposition  that  would  exhibit  the  progress  of  our 
growth,  and  to  take  place  at  Washington,  the  political  capital, 
under  the  charge  of  the  national  authorities.  As  the  matter 
was  discussed  the  opinion  prevailed  that  the  exposition  should 
be  an  industrial  one,  and  the  choice  of  location  lay  between 
Chicago,  New  York  and  St.  Louis.  I  was  decidedly  in  favor  of 
Chicago,  as  the  typical  American  city  which  sprang  from  a 
military  post  in  1837,  survived  the  most  destructive  fire  in  his 
tory,  and  had  become  the  second  city  of  the  continent,  and, 
more  than  any  other,  represented  the  life,  vigor  and  industry 
of  the  American  people.  The  contention  about  the  site  de 
layed  the  exposition  one  year,  so  that  the  discovery  of  1492  was 
not  celebrated  in  1892,  but  in  the  year  following.  This  was  the 
first  enterprise  undertaken  by  Chicago  in  which  it  was  "behind 
time,"  but  it  was  not  the  fault  of  that  city,  but  of  Congress, 
which  delayed  too  long  the  selection  of  the  site.  I  was  a 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  917 

member  of  a  select  committee  on  the  quadro-centenmal  ap 
pointed  in  January,  1890,  composed   of  fifteen  Members  of 
the   Senate.     On  the  21st  of  April,  1890,  a  bill  was  pending 
in   the    Senate    appropriating    $1,500,000  from    the  treasury 
of    the  United   States  to  pay  the    expense   of    representing 
the  government  of   the   United  States  in  an  exposition  in 
Chicago,   in   1893.     I  made   a  speech  in  defense   of  the  ap 
propriation  and  stated  the  benefits  of  such  an  exposition  as 
shown  by  one  in  London  and  two  in  Paris  that  I  attended. 
While   the  receipts  at  the  gates  for  attendance  did  not  in 
either  case    cover    the    expense,   yet    the    benefits    derived, 
both   by  the  cities  and  countries  in  which  they  were  held, 
greatly  exceeded  all  expenses  and  left  great  buildings  of  per 
manent  value,  such  as  the  Crystal  Palace  at  Sydenham,  and 
still  more  valuable  buildings  at  Paris.     I  referred  to  the  cen 
tennial  exposition  at  Philadelphia  in  1876,  and  to  the  innumer 
able  state,  county  and  city  fairs  in  all   parts  of  the  United 
States,  all  of  which  were  of  great  value  to  the  places  where 
held.     These  gatherings  had  revolutionized  the  social  habits 
and  greatly  improved  the  manners  and   intelligence   of  our 
people,  and  are  likely  to  increase  in  number  in  the  future. 
The  bill  passed,  but  not  without  serious  opposition,  and  upon 
terms  extremely  onerous  to  Chicago. 

This  course  of  opposition  continued  until  August,  1892.  The 
people  of  Chicago  had  raised  the  enormous  sum  of  $11,000,000 
without  the  certainty  of  any  return.  All  nations  had  been  in 
vited,  and  were  preparing  to  be  represented  at  this  exposition. 
The  attention  of  mankind  was  excited  by  the  enterprise  of  a 
city  only  fifty  years  old,  of  more  than  a  million  inhabitants, 
erecting  more  and  greater  buildings  than  had  ever  been  con 
structed  for  such  a  purpose.  The  United  States  had  not  con 
tributed  to  the  general  expense,  but  had  appropriated  a  sum 
sufficient  to  provide  for  its  own  buildings  in  its  own  way,  pre 
cisely  on  the  footing  of  foreign  powers.  It  became  necessary 
to  borrow  more  money,  and  Congress  was  requested  to  loan  the 
exposition  the  sum  of  $5,000,000,  to  be  refunded  out  of  receipts,  in 
the  same  proportion  as  to  other  stockholders.  This  was  declined, 
but  it  was  enacted  that  the  United  States  would  coin  $2,500,- 
000  in  silver,  and  pay  the  exposition  that  coin.  Whether 


918  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

this  was  done  because  silver  bullion  could  be  purchased  for 
about  $1,500,000  sufficient  to  coin  $2,500,000,  or  to  make  a  dis 
crimination  against  the  fair,  I  do  not  know.  On  the  5th  of 
August,  1892,  I  expressed  my  opposition  to  this  measure.  Both 
Houses  were  remaining  in  session  to  settle  the  matter,  and  the 
President  was  delayed  in  Washington,  when,  by  reason  of  do 
mestic  affliction,  he  ought  to  have  been  elsewhere.  I  said : 
"  Under  the  circumstances,  I  do  not  see  anything  better  to  be 
done  than  to  allow  the  bill  to  pass.  If  1  was  called  upon  on  a 
yea  and  nay  vote  I  should  vote  against  it." 

On  the  22nd  of  October,  1892, 1  attended  the  dedication  of 
the  building  erected  by  the  State  of  Ohio,  on  the  exposition 
grounds.  The  structure,  though  not  entirely  completed,  was 
formally  dedicated,  and  the  keys  were  duly  delivered  to  Gov 
ernor  McKinley.  On  receiving  the  keys  he  made  a  very  appro 
priate  address.  I  was  called  for  by  the  crowd,  and  was  intro 
duced  by  Major  Peabody,  president  of  the  State  Board  of  Man 
agers.  I  do  not  recall  the  words  of  my  speech,  nor  was  it, 
or  the  various  speeches  made  on  this  occasion,  reported ;  but 
I  no  doubt  said  the  United  States  was  the  greatest  power  on 
earth,  and  Ohio  was  its  garden  spot.  I  made  a  political  speech 
that  evening  at  Central  Music  Hall,  as  previously  stated. 

Among  the  objects  of  the  greatest  interest  at  the  exposi 
tion  were  three  Spanish  caravels,  the  exact  counterparts  of  the 
Santa  Maria,  the  Nina  and  the  Pinta,  the  vessels  with  which 
Columbus  made  his  memorable  voyage  of  discovery.  These 
reproductions  were  made  by  Spaniards  at  the  place  from  which 
the  original  vessels  sailed,  and,  manned  by  Spanish  sailors,  fol 
lowed  the  same  course  pursued  by  Columbus  to  the  islands  he 
discovered  and  from  thence  sailed  to  the  mouth  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  following  up  that  stream  passed  through  Lake 
Ontario,  The  Wei  land  Canal,  Lakes  Erie,  Huron  and  Michigan, 
to  Chicago,  more  than  1,000  miles  from  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  I 
had  been  invited  by  the  managers  of  the  exposition  to  deliver 
an  address  of  welcome  to  the  officers  and  sailors  of  these  ves 
sels,  on  their  arrival  at  Chicago  on  the  7th  of  July,  1893.  They 
were  received  by  the  managers  and  a  great  crowd,  and  con 
ducted  to  a  stand  in  the  park  of  the  exposition,  where  I  made 
my  address,  too  long  to  insert  here. 


CHAPTER  LXIII. 
REPEAL  OF  PART  OF  THE  "SHERMAN  ACT"  OF  1890. 

Congress  Convened  in  Extraordinary  Session  on  August  7,  1893— The  President's 
Apprehension  Concerning  the  Financial  Situation -Message  from  the  Executive 
Shows  an  Alarming  Condition  of  the  National  Finances —Attributed  to  the 
Purchase  and  Coinage  of  Silver-Letter  to  Joseph  H.  Walker,  a  Member  of 
the  Conference  Committee  on  the  "  Sherman  Act"  —  A  Bill  I  Have  Never 
Kegretted— Brief  History  of  the  Passage  of  the  Law  of  1893  — My  Speech 
in  the  Senate  Well  Keceived  —  Attacked  by  the  "Silver  Senators"— 
General    Debate   on   the   Financial   Legislation   of  the   United 
States  — Views  of  the  Washington  "Post"  on  My  Speech  of 
October  17— Kepeal  Accomplished  by  the  Republicans  Sup 
porting  a  Democratic  Administration  — The  Law  as 
Enacted— Those  Who  Uphold  the  Free  Coinage  of 
Silver —  Awkward  Position  of  the  Democratic 
Members— My  Efforts  in  Behalf  of  McKinley 
in  Ohio  — His  Election  by  81,000  Plu 
rality—Causes  of  Republican  Victo 
ries  Throughout   the  Country. 

ON  the  30th  of  June,  1893,  the  President  issued  a  proc 
lamation  convening  Congress  in  extraordinary  ses 
sion  on  the  7th  of  August.  In  reciting  the  reasons 
for  this  unusual  call,  only  resorted  to  in  cases  of  ex 
treme  urgency,  he  said  that  "the  distrust  and  apprehension 
concerning  the  financial  situation  which  prevades  all  business 
circles  have  already  caused  great  loss  and  damage  to  our  peo 
ple,  and  threaten  to  cripple  our  merchants,  stop  the  wheels  of 
manufacture,  bring  distress  and  privation  to  our  farmers,  and 
withhold  from  our  workingmen  the  wage  of  labor;"  that  "the 
present  perilous  condition  is  largely  the  result  of  a  financial 
policy  which  the  executive  branch  of  the  government  finds 
embodied  in  unwise  laws  which  must  be  executed  until  re 
pealed  by  Congress  ; "  and  that  Congress  was  convened  "  to  the 
end  that  the  people  may  be  relieved,  through  legislation,  from 
present  and  impending  danger  and  distress." 

Congress  met  in  pursuance  of  the  proclamation,  and  on  the 
8th  of  August  the  President  sent  a  message  to  each  House,  in 

(919) 


920 


RECOLLECTIONS 


which  he  depicted  an  alarming  condition  of  the  national 
finances,  and  attributed  it  to  congressional  legislation  touch 
ing  the  purchase  and  coinage  of  silver  by  the  general  govern 
ment.  He  said : 

"  This  legislation  is  embodied  in  a  statute  passed  on  the  14th  day  of  July, 
1890,  which  was  the  culmination  of  much  agitation  on  the  subject  involved, 
and  which  may  be  considered  a  truce,  after  a  long  struggle,  between  the 
advocates  of  free  silver  coinage  and  those  intending  to  be  more  conserva 
tive." 

He  ascribed  the  evil  of  the  times  to  the  monthly  purchase 
of  4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  bullion,  and  the  payment  therefor 
with  treasury  notes  redeemable  in  gold  or  silver  coin  at  the  dis 
cretion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  to  the  reissue  of 
said  notes  after  redemption.  He  stated  that  up  to  the  15th  of 
July,  1893,  such  notes  had  been  issued  for  the  purpose  men 
tioned  to  the  amount  of  more  than  $147,000,000.  In  a  single 
year  over  $40,000,000  of  these  notes  had  been  redeemed  in  gold. 
This  threatened  the  reserve  of  gold  held  for  the  redemption 
of  United  States  notes,  and  the  whole  financial  system  of  the 
government.  No  other  subject  was  presented  in  the  message 
of  the  President,  and  Congress  had  to  face  the  alternative  of 
the  single  standard  of  silver,  or  the  suspension  of  the  purchase 
of  silver  bullion. 

I  had  foreseen  this  inevitable  result  and  had  sought,  as  far  as 
possible,  to  avoid  it  by  the  inserting  of  sundry  provisions  in  the 
act  of  July  14,  1890.  No  portion  of  that  act  was  objected  to  by 
the  President  except  the  clause  requiring  the  purchase  of  sil 
ver  bullion  and  the  issue  of  treasury  notes  in  payment  for  it. 
In  this  I  heartily  concurred  with  him.  From  the  date  of  the 
passage  of  that  law,  to  its  final  repeal,  I  was  opposed  to  this 
compulsory  clause,  but  yielded  to  its  adoption  in  preference  to 
the  free  coinage  of  silver,  and  in  the  hope  that  a  brief  experi 
ence  under  the  act  would  dissipate  the  popular  delusion  in 
favor  of  free  coinage.  Joseph  H.  Walker,  of  Massachusetts,  a 
prominent  Member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  who  was 
one  of  the  conferees  with  me  on  the  bill  referred  to,  and  agreed 
with  me  in  assenting  to  it,  wrote  me  a  letter,  my  reply  to  which 
was  in  substantial  accordance  with  the  subsequent  message  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  921 

the  President  and  with  the  action  taken  by  Congress.    I  insert 
it  here: 

MANSFIELD,  O.,  July  8,  1893. 
HON.  J.  H.  WALKER. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :— Yours  of  28th  ult.,  inclosing  a  copy  of  your  statement 
of  the  causes  that  led  Mr.  Conger,  yourself  and  me  to  agree  with  reluctance 
to  the  silver  act  of  1890,  is  received.  An  answer  has  been  delayed  by  my 
absence  at  Chicago.  You  clearly  and  correctly  state  the  history  of  that  act. 
The  bill  that  passed  the  house  provided  for  the  purchase  of  $4,500,000  worth 
of  silver  at  gold  value.  The  Senate  struck  out  this  provision  and  provided 
for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  or  the  purchase  of  all  that  was  offered  at  the 
rate  of  129  cents  an  ounce.  As  conferees  acting  for  the  two  Houses,  it  was 
our  duty  to  bring  about  an  agreement,  if  practicable,  without  respect  to  in 
dividual  opinion.  The  result  of  the  conference  was  to  reject  free  coinage 
and  to  provide  for  the  purchase  of  four  million  five  hundred  thousand  ounces 
of  silver  at  its  gold  price— a  less  amount  than  was  proposed  by  the  House, 
the  provisions  declaring  the  public  policy  of  the  United  States  to  maintain 
the  parity  of  the  two  metals  or  the  authority  to  stipulate  on  the  contracts 
for  payments  in  gold,  the  limit  of  the  issue  of  treasury  notes  to  the  actual 
cost  of  silver  bullion  at  gold  value,  and  the  repeal  of  the  act  providing  for 
the  senseless  coinage  of  silver  dollars  when  we  already  had  300,000,000 
silver  dollars  in  the  treasury  we  could  not  circulate,  were  all  in  the  line  of 
sound  money. 

Another  object  I  had  in  view  was  to  secure  a  much  needed  addition 
to  our  currency,  then  being  reduced  by  the  compulsory  retirement  of 
national  bank  notes  in  the  payment  of  United  States  bonds.  This  would 
have  been  more  wisely  provided  by  notes  secured  by  both  gold  and  silver, 
but  such  a  provision  could  not  then  be  secured.  These  reasons  fully  justified 
the  compromise. 

But  the  great  controlling  reason  why  we  agreed  to  it  was  that  it  was  the 
only  expedient  by  which  we  could  defeat  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  Each 
of  us  regarded  the  measure  proposed  by  the  Senate  as  a  practical  repudia 
tion  of  one-third  of  the  debts  of  the  United  States,  as  a  substantial  reduction 
of  the  wages  of  labor,  as  a  debasement  of  our  currency  to  a  single  silver 
standard,  as  the  demonetization  of  gold  and  a  sharp  disturbance  of  all  our 
business  relations  with  the  great  commercial  nations  of  the  world.  To  de 
feat  such  a  policy,  so  pregnant  with  evil,  I  was  willing  to  buy  the  entire 
product  of  American  silver  mines  at  its  gold  value. 

And  that  was  what  we  provided,  guarded  as  far  as  we  could.  To  accom 
plish  our  object  we  had  to  get  the  consent  of  the  Republican  Representa 
tives  from  the  silver-producing  states.  This  we  could  only  do  by  buying 
the  silver  product  of  those  states.  It  was  a  costly  purchase.  The  silver  we 
purchased  is  not  worth  as  much  as  we  paid  for  it,  but  this  loss  is  insignificant 
compared  to  our  gain  by  the  defeat  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  It  is  said 
there  was  no  danger  of  free  coinage,  that  the  President  would  have  vetoed  it. 


922  RECOLLECTIONS 

We  had  no  right  to  throw  the  responsibility  upon  him.  Besides,  his  veto 
would  leave  the  Bland  act  in  force.  We  did  not  believe  that  his  veto  would 
dispel  the  craze  that  then  existed  for  free  coinage.  Many  people  wanted 
the  experiment  tried.  The  result  of  the  experiment  of  buying  four  and  a 
half  million  ounces  of  silver  a  month  at  its  market  value  will  be  the  best 
antidote  against  the  purchase  of  the  silver  of  the  world  at  one-third  more 
than  its  market  value. 

I  never  for  a  moment  have  regretted  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1890,  com 
monly  called  the  '  Sherman  act,'  though,  as  you  know,  I  had  no  more  to  do 
with  it  than  the  other  conferees.  There  is  but  one  provision  in  it  that  I 
would  change  and  that  is  to  strike  out  the  compulsory  purchase  of  a  given 
quantity  of  silver  and  give  authority  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  buy 
silver  bullion  at  its  market  price  when  needed  for  subsidiary  coinage.  The 
only  position  we  can  occupy  in  the  interests  of  our  constituents  at  large  is 
one  fixed  standard  of  value  and  the  use  of  both  metals  at  par  with  each 
other,  on  a  ratio  as  near  as  possible  to  their  market  value. 

Such  a  policy  I  believe  is  right.  With  reserves  both  of  gold  and  silver 
in  the  proper  proportions  we  can  maintain  the  entire  body  of  our  paper 
money,  including  coin,  at  par  with  each  other.  For  one  I  will  never  agree  to 
the  revival  of  state  bank  paper  money,  which  cannot  be  made  legal  tender, 
and  which,  on  the  first  sign  of  alarm,  will  disappear  or  be  lost  in  the  hands 
of  the  holder.  Very  respectfully  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

I  had  expressed  similar  views  in  speeches  in  Congress  and 
before  the  people  and  in  numerous  published  interviews,  and 
in  the  previous  Congress  had  introduced  a  bill  to  suspend  the 
purchase  of  silver  bullion,  substantially  similar  in  terms  to  the 
bill  that  became  a  law  in  November,  1893.  During  the  month 
of  August  I  took  a  more  active  part  in  the  proceedings  than 
usual.  On  the  8th,  the  16th  and  the  18th  I  made  speeches  in 
the  current  debate. 

A  brief  statement  of  the  passage  of  this  law  of  1893  may  be 
of  interest.  It  was  introduced  as  a  bill  by  William  L.  Wilson, 
of  West  Virginia,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  the  words 
of  the  bill  introduced  by  me  in  the  Senate  on  the  14th  of  July, 
1892,  as  already  stated,  and  passed  the  House  on  the  28th  of 
August,  by  the  decisive  vote  of  239  yeas  and  108  nays.  It  was 
referred  in  the  Senate  to  the  committee  on  finance,  of  which 
Daniel  W.  Voorhees  was  then  chairman.  It  was  on  the  next 
day  reported  by  him  from  that  committee,  with  an  amendment 
in  the  nature  of  a  substitute,  but  substantially  similar  in  legal 
effect  to  the  House  bill. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  923 

On  the  next  day,  August  30,  I  took  the  floor  and  made  one 
of  the  longest  speeches  in  my  congressional  life,  covering 
more  than  forty  closely  printed  pamphlet  pages.  I  quote  a  few 
of  the  opening  paragraphs : 

"  The  immediate  question  before  us  is  whether  the  United  States  shall 
suspend  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  directed  by  the  act  of  July  14,  1890. 
It  is  to  decide  this  question  the  President  has  called  Congress  together  in 
special  session  at  this  inconvenient  season  of  the  year.  If  this  was  the  only 
reason  for  an  extraordinary  session  it  would  seem  insufficient.  The  mere 
addition  of  eighteen  million  ounces  of  silver  to  the  vast  hoard  in  the 
treasury,  and  the  addition  of  fourteen  millions  of  treasury  notes  to  the  one 
thousand  millions  of  notes  outstanding,  would  hardly  justify  this  call,  espe 
cially  as  Congress  at  the  last  session  neglected  or  refused  to  suspend  the 
purchase  of  silver.  The  call  is  justified  by  the  existing  financial  stringency, 
growing  out  of  the  fear  that  the  United  States  will  open  its  mints  to  the 
free  coinage  of  silver.  This  is  the  real  issue.  The  purchase  of  silver  is  a 
mere  incident.  The  gravity  of  this  issue  cannot  be  measured  by  words. 
In  every  way  in  which  we  turn  we  encounter  difficulties. 

"  If  we  adopt  the  single  standard  of  gold  without  aid  from  silver,  we  will 
greatly  increase  the  burden  of  national  and  individual  debts,  disturb  the  re 
lation  between  capital  and  labor,  cripple  the  industries  of  the  country,  still 
further  reduce  the  value  of  silver,  of  which  we  now  have  in  the  treasury  and 
among  our  people  over  $593,000,000,  and  of  which  we  are  the  chief  pro 
ducers,  and  invite  a  struggle  with  the  great  commercial  nations  for  the  pos 
session  of  the  gold  of  the  world. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  continue  the  purchase  of  54,000,000  ounces  of 
silver  a  year,  we  will  eventually  bring  the  United  States  to  the  single 
standard  of  silver  —  a  constantly  depreciating  commodity,  now  rejected  by 
the  great  commercial  nations  as  a  standard  of  value ;  a  commodity  con 
fessedly  inconvenient,  by  its  weight,  bulk,  and  value,  for  the  large  transac 
tions  of  foreign  and  domestic  commerce,  and  detach  us  from  the  money 
standard  now  adopted  by  all  European  nations,  with  which  we  now  have  our 
chief  commercial  and  social  relations.  In  dealing  with  such  a  question  we 
surely  ought  to  dismiss  from  our  minds  all  party  affinities  or  prejudices  ;  all 
local  and  sectional  interests,  and  all  preconceived  opinions  not  justified  by 
existing  facts  and  conditions. 

"  Upon  one  thing  I  believe  that  Congress  and  our  constituents  agree  : 
That  both  these  extreme  positions  shall  be  rejected ;  that  both  silver  and 
gold  should  be  continued  in  use  as  money  — a  measure  of  value;  that 
neither  can  be  dispensed  with.  Monometallism,  pure  and  simple,  has  never 
gained  a  foothold  in  the  United  States.  We  are  all  bimetallists.  But  there 
are  many  kinds  of  bimetallists.  One  kind  favors  the  adoption  of  the  cheaper 
metal  for  the  time  being  as  the  standard  of  value.  Silver  being  now  the 


924 


RECOLLECTIONS 


cheaper  metal,  they  favor  its  free  coinage  at  the  present  ratio,  with  the  abso 
lute  certainty  that  silver  alone  will  be  coined  at  our  mints  as  money ;  that 
gold  will  be  demonetized,  hoarded  at  a  premium,  or  exported  where  it  is 
maintained  as  standard  money.  The  result  would  be  monometallism  of  silver. 
********  * 

'*  The  two  metals,  as  metals,  never  have  been,  are  not  now,  and  never 
can  be,  kept  at  par  with  each  other  for  any  considerable  time  at  any  fixed 
ratio.  This  necessarily  imposes  upon  the  government  the  duty  of  buying 
the  cheaper  metal  and  coining  it  into  money.  The  government  should  only 
pay  for  the  bullion  its  market  value,  for  it  has  the  burden  of  maintaining  it 
at  par  with  the  dearer  metal.  If  the  bullion  falls  in  price  the  government 
must  make  it  good  ;  if  it  rises  in  value  the  government  gains. 

''The  government  is  thus  always  interested  in  advancing  the  value  of  the 
cheaper  metal.  This  is  the  kind  of  bimetallism  I  believe  in.  It  is  the  only 
way  in  which  two  commodities  of  unequal  value  can  be  maintained  at 
parity  with  each  other.  The  free  coinage  of  silver  and  gold  at  any  ratio  you 
may  fix  means  the  use  of  the  cheaper  metal  only.  This  is  founded  on  the 
universal  law  of  humanity,  the  law  of  selfishness.  No  man  will  carry  to 
the  mint  one  ounce  of  geld  to  be  coined  into  dollars  when  he  can  carry  six 
teen  ounces  of  silver,  worth  but  little  more  in  the  market  than  half  an  ounce 
of  gold,  and  get  the  same  number  of  dollars. 

"The  free  coinage  of  silver  means  the  single  standard  of  silver.  It 
means  a  cheaper  dollar,  with  less  purchasing  power.  It  means  a  reduction 
in  the  wages  of  labor ;  not  in  the  number  of  dollars,  but  in  the  quantity  of 
bread,  meat,  clothes,  comforts  he  can  purchase  with  his  daily  wage.  It 
means  a  repudiation  of  a  portion  of  all  debts,  public  and  private.  It  means 
a  bounty  to  all  the  banks,  savings  institutions,  trust  companies  that  are  in 
debt  more  than  their  credits,,  It  means  a  nominal  advance  in  prices  of  the 
produce  of  the  farmer,  but  a  decrease  in  the  purchasing  power  of  his  money. 
Its  chief  attraction  is  that  it  enables  a  debtor  to  pay  his  debt  contracted 
upon  the  existing  standard  with  money  of  less  value.  If  Senators  want 
cheap  money  and  to  advance  prices,  free  coinage  is  the  way  to  do  it ;  but  do 
not  call  it  bimetallism.  The  problem  we  have  to  solve  is  how  to  secure  to 
our  people  the  largest  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  without  demonetizing  either. 

"Now,  let  us  examine  the  situation  in  which  we  are  placed.  Our  coun 
try  is  under  the  pressure  of  a  currency  famine.  Industries,  great  and  small- 
are  suspended  by  the  owners,  not  because  they  cannot  sell  their  products, 
but  because  they  cannot  get  the  money  to  pay  for  raw  material  and  the 
wages  of  their  employes.  Banks  conducted  fairly  are  drained  of  their  de 
posits  and  are  compelled  not  only  to  refuse  all  loans,  but  to  collect  their 
bills  receivable.  This  stringency  extends  to  all  trades  and  business  ;  it 
affects  even  your  public  revenues,  all  forms  of  public  and  private  securities, 
and,  more  than  all,  it  stops  the  pay  of  a  vast  army  of  laboring  men,  of 
skilled  mechanics,  and  artisans,  and  affects  the  economy  and  comfort  of 
almost  every  home  in  the  land. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  925 

"  The  strange  feature  of  this  stringency  is  unlike  that  of  any  of  the  nu 
merous  panics  in  our  past  history.  They  came  from  either  an  irredeemable 
currency,  which  became  worthless  in  the  hands  of  the  holder,  or  from 
expanded  credit,  based  upon  reckless  enterprises  which,  failing,  destroyed 
confidence  in  all  industries.  Stringency  followed  failure  and  reckless  specu 
lation.  This  panic  occurs  when  money  is  more  abundant  than  ever  before. 
Our  circulating  notes  to-day  are  sixty  million  more  than  one  year  a<rO.  It  is 
all  good  —  as  good  as  gold.  No  discrimination  is  made  between  the  gold 
and  silver  dollar,  or  between  the  United  States  note,  the  treasury  note,  the 
silver  certificate,  or  the  gold  certificate.  All  these  are  indiscriminately 
hoarded,  and  not  so  much  by  the  rich  as  by  the  poor.  The  draft  is  upon  the 
savings  bank,  as  well  as  the  national  or  state  bank.  It  is  the  movement  of 
fear,  the  belief  that  their  money  will  be  needed,  and  that  they  may  not  be 
able  to  get  it  when  they  want  it.  In  former  panics,  stringency  followed 
failures.  In  this,  failures  follow  stringency. 

"Now,  as  representatives  of  the  people,  we  are  called  here  in  Congress 
to  furnish  such  measure  of  relief  as  the  law  can  afford.  In  the  discharge  of 
this  duty  I  will  sweep  away  all  party  bias,  all  pride  of  opinion,  all  personal 
interest,  and  even  the  good  will  of  my  constituents,  if  it  were  necessary  ; 
but,  fortunately,  I  believe  their  opinions  concur  with  my  own." 

In  conclusion  I  said  : 

"  It  is  said  that  if  we  stop  the  coinage  of  silver  it  will  be  the  end  of  sil 
ver.  I  have  heard  here  that  moan  from  some  of  my  friends  near  me.  I 
do  not  think  it  will  be  the  end  of  silver.  We  have  proven  by  our  purchases 
that  the  mere  purchase  of  silver  by  us  in  a  declining  market,  when  all  the 
nations  of  Europe  are  refusing  to  buy  silver  and  throwing  upon  us  their  sur 
plus,  is  an  improvident  use  of  the  public  money,  and  it  ought  to  be  aban 
doned,  or  at  least  suspended  until  a  time  shall  come  when  we  may,  by  an 
international  ratio  or  by  some  other  provision  of  law,  prevent  the  possible 
coming  to  the  single  standard  of  silver.  Now,  that  can  be  done. 

"  What  do  we  propose  to  do  now  ?  We  simply  propose  to  stop  the  pur 
chase.  We  do  not  say  when  we  will  renew  it  again,  but  we  simply  say  we 
believe,  in  view  of  a  panic  or  any  possibilities  of  a  panic,  that  it  would  be 
idle  for  us  to  waste  either  our  credit  money  or  our  actual  money  to  buy  that 
which  must  be  put  down  into  the  cellar  of  our  treasury  and  there  lie  unused, 
except  as  it  is  represented  by  promises  to  pay  in  gold.  I  say  that  such  a 
policy  as  that  would  be  foolish  and  delusive. 

"  Senators  say  that  this  is  a  blow  at  silver.  Why,  silver  is  as  much  a 
part  of  the  industry  of  my  country  as  it  is  a  part  of  the  industry  of  the  state 
of  the  Senator  from  Colorado,  the  able  exponent  of  this  question.  The  pro 
duction  of  silver  is  a  great  interest,  and  the  people  of  Ohio  are  as  deeply 
interested  in  the  success  of  that  interest  as  the  people  of  Colorado.  It  is 
true  we  have  not  the  direct  ownership  of  the  property,  but  it  enters  into 
measures  of  value  of  our  property.  There  could  be  no  desire  on  the  part 


RECOLLECTIONS 

of  any  portion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  strike  down  silver. 
That  idea  ought  to  be  abandoned  at  once.  Therefore,  in  order  to  at  least 
give  the  assurance  of  honest  men  that  we  do  not  intend  to  destroy  an  indus 
try  of  America,  we  put  upon  the  bill  a  provision  proposed  now  by  the  Sena 
tor  from  Indiana. 

"  I  say  that  instead  of  desiring  to  strike  down  silver  we  will  likely 
build  it  up;  and  any  measure  that  could  be  adopted  for  an  international 
ratio  that  will  not  demonetize  gold  will  meet  my  approbation  and  favor. 
But  I  would  not  dissever  the  financial  business  of  this  great  country  of  ours, 
with  its  65,000,000  of  people,  from  the  standards  that  are  now  recognized  by 
all  the  Christian  nations  of  Europe.  I  would  net  have  our  measure  less 
valuable  than  the  measure  of  the  proudest  and  haughtiest  country  of  the 
world. 

"  This  is  not  a  question  of  the  mere  interest  of  Nevada  or  Colorado.  It 
is  not  a  question  about  what  Wall  street  will  do.  They  will  always  be  do 
ing  some  deviltry  or  other,  it  makes  no  difference  who  is  up  or  who  is  down. 
We  take  that  as  a  matter  of  course.  The  question  is  what  ought  to  be 
done  for  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  their  length  and  breadth.  If 
Congress  should  say  that  in  its  opinion  it  is  not  now  wise,  after  our  experi 
ence,  to  continue  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion,  is  any  injustice  done  to 
Colorado  or  Nevada?  Are  we  bound  to  build  up  the  interest  of  one  section 
or  one  community  at  the  expense  of  another  or  of  the  whole  country? 

"  No.  I  heartily  and  truly  believe  that  the  best  thing  we  can  now  do  is 
to  suspend  for  a  time,  at  least,  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion.  We  should 
then  turn  our  attention  to  measures  that  are  demanded  immediately  to  meet 
the  difficulties  of  the  hour.  Let  this  be  done  promptly  and  completely.  It 
involves  a  trust  to  your  officers  and  great  powers  over  the  public  funds.  I 
am  willing  to  trust  them.  If  you  are  not,  it  is  a  strange  attitude  in  political 
affairs.  I  would  give  them  power  to  protect  the  credit  of  the  government 
against  all  enemies  at  home  and  abroad. 

"  If  the  fight  must  be  for  the  possession  of  gold,  we  will  use  our  cotton 
and  our  corn,  our  wheat  and  other  productions,  against  all  the  productions 
of  mankind.  We,  with  our  resources,  can  then  enter  into  a  financial  com 
petition.  We  do  not  want  to  do  it  now.  We  prefer  to  wait  awhile  until 
the  skies  are  clear  and  see  what  will  be  the  effect  of  the  Indian  policy,  and 
what  arrangements  may  be  made  for  conducting  another  international  con 
ference.  In  the  meantime  let  the  United  States  stand  upon  its  strength  and 
credit,  maintaining  its  money,  different  kinds  of  money,  at  a  parity  with 
each  other.  If  we  will  do  that  I  think  soon  all  these  clouds  will  be  dis 
sipated  and  we  may  go  home  to  our  families  and  friends  with  a  conscien 
tiousness  that  we  have  done  good  work  for  our  country  at  large." 

I  was  frequently  interrupted,  and  this  led  to  the  discussion 
of  collateral  questions  and  especially  the  dropping  of  the  silver 
dollar  by  the  act  of  1873,  the  history  of  which  I  have  heretofore 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  927 

stated.  This  speech  was  a  temperate  and  nonpartisan  presenta 
tion  of  a  business  question  of  great  importance,  and  I  can  say 
without  egotism  that  it  was  well  received  and  commended  by 
the  public  press  and  by  my  associates  in  the  Senate.  Though  I 
sought  to  repeal  a  single  clause  of  a  bill  of  which  I  was  erro 
neously  alleged  to  be  the  author,  I  was  charged  with  inconsist 
ency,  and  my  speech  was  made  the  text  of  the  long  debate  that 
followed.  The  "  silver  Senators,"  so  called,  attacked  it  with 
violence,  and  appeals  were  made  to  Democratic  Senators  to 
stand  by  those  who  had  defeated  the  election  law,  and  by  the 
position  the  Democratic  Senators  had  previously  taken  in  favor 
of  free  coinage. 

On  the  28th  of  September,  and  on  the  2nd,  13th,  17th,  and 
28th  of  October,  I  made  speeches  in  the  current  debate,  which 
extended  to  every  part  of  the  financial  legislation  of  the  United 
States  since  the  formation  of  the  government.  I  insert  here 
the  description  given  by  the  Washington  "Post"  of  the  scene 
on  the  17th  : 

"  The  climax  of  the  remarkable  day  was  now  at  hand.  There  is  no  man 
in  the  Senate  for  whom  a  deeper  feeling  of  esteem  is  felt  than  John  Sherman. 
He  saw  the  Republican  party  born,  he  has  been  its  soldier  as  well  as  its 
sage,  he  has  sat  at  the  council  table  of  Presidents.  His  hair  is  white,  and 
his  muscles  have  no  longer  the  elasticity  of  youth,  but  age  has  not  dimmed 
the  clearness  of  his  intellectual  vision,  while  it  has  added  to  the  wisdom  of 
his  counsels.  Upon  Mr.  Sherman,  therefore,  as  he  arose,  every  eye  was 
turned.  Personalities  were  forgotten,  the  bitterness  of  strife  was  laid  aside. 
In  a  picture  which  must  live  in  the  memory  of  him  who  saw  it,  the  spare  and 
bowed  form  of  Mr.  Sherman  was  the  central  figure.  There  was  not  the 
slightest  trace  of  feebleness  in  his  impassioned  tones.  Except  once  or  twice, 
as  he  hesitated  a  moment  or  two  for  a  word  to  express  his  thought,  there 
was  not  a  reminder  that  the  brain  at  seventy  may  be  inert  or  the  fire 
be  dampened  in  the  veins. 

"  Mr.  Sherman  spoke,  as  he  himself  said,  neither  in  reproach  nor  anger. 
It  was  the  appealing  tones  that  gave  his  speech  its  power  —  its  convincing 
earnestness,  its  lack  of  rancor,  its  sober  truth  that  gave  it  weight.  Else 
where  it  is  printed  in  detail.  Suffice  it  to  say  here  that  he  predicted  that 
the  rules  would  have  to  be  changed  since  they  had  been  made  the  instru 
ment  of  a  revolutionary  minority.  Never  before  had  he  seen  such  obstruc 
tion  in  the  Senate,  never  before  the  force  bill  had  he  known  of  a  measure 
which  failed,  after  due  deliberation,  to  come  to  a  vote.  The  Republicans 
had  remained  steadfast  to  the  President,  although  under  no  obligation  to 


928  RECOLLECTIONS 

him,  and  now  the  time  had  come  when  the  Democrats  must  take  the  respon 
sibility. 

*'  In  times  past,  when  the  Republicans  were  in  the  majority,  they  never 
shrank  from  responsibility.  They  were  Republicans  because  they  believed 
in  Republican  principles  and  Republican  men  and  Republican  measures, 
and  whenever  a  question  was  to  be  decided  they  never  pleaded  the  '  baby 
act'  and  said  'we  could  not  agree.'  They  met  together  and  came  to  an 
agreement,  and  in  that  way  they  passed  all  the  great  measures  which  have 
marked  the  history  of  the  last  thirty  years  of  our  country,  and  it  was  not 
done  by  begging  votes  on  the  other  side. 

"  *  They  say  they  cannot  agree.  They  must  agree,'  thundered  Mr.  Sher 
man,  drawing  himself  to  his  full  height,  and  pointing  his  quivering  finger  to 
the  Democratic  side,  'or  else  surrender  their  political  power!' 

"  Then  Mr.  Sherman  pointed  out  the  important  legislation  that  was  so 
sadly  needed,  not  the  least  being  some  provision  for  the  deficit  of  the  gov 
ernment,  which,  he  quoted  Secretary  Carlisle  as  saying,  would  be  $50,000,- 
000  this  year.  '  These  things  cannot  be  evaded,'  he  said,  while  the  Senate 
lingered  on  his  words.  - 4  We  must  decide  this  silver  question  one  way  or 
the  other.  If  you,'  he  added,  looking  the  Democrats  in  the  face,  l  cannot 
do  it,  then  retire  from  the  Senate  Chamber,  and  we  will  fix  it  on  this  side, 
and  do  the  best  we  can  with  our  silver  friends  who  belong  to  us,  who  are 
blood  of  our  blood,  and  bone  of  our  bone.  But  yours  is  the  proper  duty, 
and,  therefore,  I  beg  of  you,  not  in  reproach  or  anger,  to  perform  it.  You 
have  the  supreme  honor  of  being  able  to  settle  this  question  now,  and  you 
ought  to  do  it.' 

"  Mr.  Sherman  ceased,  but  the  thrall  of  his  words  remained  long  after  his 
venerable  form  had  disappeared.  No  Democrat  answered  him.  Mr.  Voor- 
hees,  who  had  sat  within  arm's  reach  of  him  on  the  Republican  side,  crossed 
the  Chamber  to  his  own  seat,  and  sank  down  as  a  man  laden  with  deep  care." 

The  debate  continued  in  the  Senate  until  the  30th  of  Octo 
ber,  when  the  Senate  substitute  was  adopted  by  the  vote  of  43 
yeas  and  32  nays.  Of  the  yeas  22  were  Republicans,  and  of 
the  nays  20  were  Democrats ;  so  that  the  bill  in  the  Senate 
was  supported  by  a  majority  of  Republicans  and  opposed 
by  a  majority  of  Democrats.  On  this  important  question  the 
President  was  acting  with  a  majority  of  Republicans  and  a 
minority  of  Democrats,  and  it  is  to  his  credit  that  he  firmly 
held  his  ground  in  spite  of  the  opposition  in  his  party. 

On  the  1st  of  November,  when  the  amended  bill  came  to  the 
House,  Mr.  Wilson  moved  to  concur  in  the  amendment  of  the 
Senate.  A  casual  debate  followed,  mostly  by  Bland  and  Bryan 
against  the  bill,  and  Wilson  and  Reed  for  it.  The  Senate 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  929 

amendment  was  agreed  to  and  the  bill  as  amended  passed  by 
the  decisive  vote  of  yeas  194  and  nays  94,  and  was  approved  by 
the  President  on  the  same  day.  The  law  thus  enacted  is  as 
follows : 

"  That  so  much  of  the  act  approved  July  14,  1890,  entitled  '  An  act 
directing  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  and  issue  of  treasury  notes  thereon, 
and  for  other  purposes,'  as  directs  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  purchase 
from  time  to  time  silver  bullion  to  the  aggregate  amount  of  4,500,000 
ounces,  or  so  much  thereof  as  may  be  offered  in  each  month  at  the  market 
price  thereof,  not  exceeding  one  dollar  for  371.25  grains  of  pure  silver,  and  to 
issue  in  payment  for  such  purchases  treasury  notes  of  the  United  States,  be, 
and  the  same  is  hereby,  repealed.  And  it  is  hereby  declared  to  be  the  policy 
of  the  United  States  to  continue  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as  standard 
money,  and  to  coin  both  gold  and  silver  into  money  of  equal  intrinsic  and 
exchangeable  value,  such  equality  to  be  secured  through  international  agree 
ment  or  by  such  safeguards  of  legislation  as  will  insure  the  maintenance  of  the 
parity  in  value  of  the  coins  of  the  two  metals,  and  the  equal  power  of 
every  dollar  at  all  times,  in  the  markets  and  in  the  payment  of  debts. 
And  it  is  hereby  further  declared  that  the  efforts  of  the  government 
should  be  steadily  directed  to  the  establishment  of  such  a  safe  system  of 
bimetallism  as  will  maintain  at  all  times  the  equal  power  of  every  dollar 
coined  or  issued  by  the  United  States,  in  the  markets  and  in  the  pay 
ment  of  debts." 

Thus  the  vital  principles  of  the  act  of  July  14,  1890,  re 
mained  in  full  force,  and  the  provisions  for  the  purchase  of 
silver  bullion  and  for  the  issue  of  treasury  notes  were  repealed. 
The  maintenance  of  the  gold  standard,  the  parity  of  all  money 
whether  of  'gold,  silver  or  paper,  and  the  payment  of  all  bonds 
of  the  United  States  in  coin,  were  preserved. 

The  free  coinage  of  silver  is  still  upheld  by  a  large  body  of 
those  who  are  interested  in  mining  it,  or  who  want  to  pay  their 
debts  with  a  depreciated  coin;  but  the  danger  of  the  adoption 
of  this  policy  is  lessening  daily.  It  received  a  severe  blow  by 
the  action  of  the  Ohio  Democratic  convention  of  1895  in  reject 
ing  it  by  a  vote  of  more  than  two  to  one.  The  bimetallic  system 
of  maintaining  all  forms  of  money  at  par  with  gold  will  prob 
ably  soon  be  fully  established.  To  complete  this  system  and 
to  extend  it  to  our  paper  money  it  would  be  wise  to  gradually 
withdraw  treasury  notes  and  silver  certificates  and  replace 
them  with  United  States  notes  supported  and  maintained  by 

S.-59 


930  RECOLLECTIONS 

large  reserves  of  gold.  Thus  all  kinds  of  paper  money  issued 
by  the  United  States  would  be  of  the  same  form  and  value. 
The  great  mass  of  standard  silver  dollars,  amounting  on  August 
1,  1895,  to  $371,542,531,  now  held  in  the  treasury,  represented 
by  $320,355,118  of  silver  certificates  in  circulation,  is  the  one 
great  disturbing  element  in  our  finances.  But  51,746,706  stand 
ard  silver  dollars  are  in  circulation,  and  experience  has  shown 
that  a  greater  amount  cannot  be  kept  out  among  the  people. 
The  certificates  representing  the  silver  dollars  are  in  circula 
tion  and  a  legal  tender  for  customs  dues  as  well  as  for  all  debts, 
public  and  private.  They  must  be  treated  as  United  States 
notes,  and  maintained  at  par  with  gold  coin,  or  the  parity  of 
our  coin  and  currency  will  be  endangered.  They  now  enter 
into  the  general  aggregate  of  our  legal  tender  money  and  are 
largely  used  in  the  payment  of  customs  duties,  and  when  re 
ceived  are  paid  out  for  the  current  expenses  of  the  government. 
While  supported  by  the  aggregate  silver  dollars  in  the  treasury, 
and  the  pledge  of  the  public  faith  to  maintain  them  at  par  with 
gold  coin  and  United  States  notes,  they  are  a  safe  and  useful 
currency,  but  any  measure  to  increase  these  certificates,  based 
upon  the  coining  of  more  silver  dollars  from  bullion  alleged  to 
be  gain  or  seigniorage,  would  seriously  impair  the  ability  of  the 
government  to  maintain  their  parity  with  gold.  The  great 
depreciation  of  silver  bullion  has  resulted  in  a  vast  loss  to  the 
government,  and  its  disposition  is  the  most  serious  problem 
pending  in  Congress. 

During  the  entire  extra  session  of  1893  the  body  of  the  Dem 
ocratic  Senators  and  Members  were  placed  in  an  awkward 
position.  They  were  desirous  of  aiding  the  President,  but  their 
constituents  behind  them  were  generally  in  favor  of  free  coin 
age  of  silver.  In  some  of  the  northern  states,  especially  in 
Ohio,  the  Democratic  party  had  declared,  in  its  conventions, 
in  favor  of  free  coinage,  and  now  their  President  demanded, 
in  the  strongest  language,  the  repeal  of  the  only  provision  of 
law  for  the  purchase  or  coinage  of  silver.  The  House  promptly 
responded  to  the  appeal,  but  the  Democratic  Senators  hesi 
tated  and  delayed  action  until  after  three  months  of  weary 
debate.  Their  party  had  a  majority  in  each  House,  and  should 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  931 

have  disposed  of  the  only  question  submitted  by  the  President 
in  thirty  days.  Voorhees  was  the  first  Democratic  Senator  to 
announce  his  purpose  to  vote  for  the  repeal,  although  pre 
viously  an  advocate  of  free  coinage,  and  he,  as  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  finance,  reported  the  bill  of  the  committee 
while  others  lingered  in  doubt.  The  Republican  Senators,' 
except  those  representing  silver  states,  as  a  rule,  promptly 
avowed  their  purpose  to  vote  for  repeal,  although  they  had 
voted  for  the  law. 

After  the  call  for  the  extra  session  was  issued,  I  had  ex 
pressed  my  opinion  on  silver  legislation,  but  I  did  not  wish  to 
embarrass  the  President.  When  interviewed  I  refused  to  an 
swer,  saying  the  people  had  called  upon  the  present  adminis 
tration  to  handle  these  questions,  and  neither  I  nor  anyone 
should  do  aught  to  add  embarrassment,  when  so  much  already 
existed.  When  Congress  met,  the  Republicans  remained  quiet, 
and  did  not  seek  to  embarrass  the  administration,  but  it  was 
soon  ascertained  that  a  decided  majority  of  them  would  vote 
for  the.  repeal  of  the  purchasing  clause  of  the  act  of  1890,  but 
against  any  modification  of  any  other  provision  of  that  act. 
The  position  of  the  Republican  Senators  from  the  states  west 
of  the  Mississippi  River  was  also  known.  They  would  vote 
against  any  change  of  the  law,  unless  they  could  secure  the 
free  coinage  of  silver.  During  this  period  the  position  of  the 
Democratic  Senators  was  unknown,  but  it  was  rapidly  devel 
oped,  with  the  result  already  stated. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  3rd  of  November.  The  closing 
days  were  memorable  for  their  excitement.  For  fourteen  con 
secutive  days  the  Senate  did  not  adjourn,  but  from  time  to 
time  took  recesses.  On  the  31st  of  October  the  journal  had 
not  been  read  for  fourteen  days. 

During  this  period  I  was  requested  by  Governor  McKinley 
to  take  part  in  the  pending  canvass  in  Ohio,  which  involved 
his  reelection  as  governor.  In  the  condition  of  the  Senate  I 
did  not  feel  justified  in  leaving,  but  immediately  upon  the  pas 
sage  of  the  repeal  bill  started  for  Columbus  to  render  such 
service  as  I  could.  It  had  been  falsely  stated  that  I  was  indif 
ferent  about  McKinley's  election,  which  I  promptly  denied. 


932 


RECOLLECTIONS 


But  a  few  days  intervened  before  the  election.  On  the  day 
of  my  arrival  in  Ohio,  I  spoke  at  Springfield.  On  the  evening 
of  the  next  day,  the  3rd  of  November,  at  Central  Turner  Hall 
in  Cincinnati,  I  spoke  to  a  very  large  meeting.  This  speech 
was  fully  reported.  It  was  mostly  devoted  to  the  tariff,  a 
struggle  over  which  was  anticipated.  After  paying  my  usual 
visit  to  the  chamber  of  commerce  and  the  Lincoln  club,  I  pro 
ceeded  to  Toledo,  where  I  spoke  at  Memorial  Hall  on  the  even 
ing  before  the  election,  and  then  returned  home  to  Mansfield, 
where  I  voted.  The  result  was  even  more  decisive  than  ex 
pected.  The  81,000  plurality  for  McKinley  was  the  best  evi 
dence  of  his  popularity,  and  was  regarded  as  an  indorsement 
of  the  McKinley  tariff  law. 

On  the  8th  of  November  I  returned  to  Washington.  Many 
interviews  with  me  were  reported,  in  which  I  expressed  my 
satisfaction  with  the  overwhelming  victory  gained  by  the  Re 
publicans  all  over  the  United  States,  and  especially  with  their 
success  in  New  York.  In  response  to  a  request  by  a  leading 
journal,  before  the  meeting  of  Congress,  I  carefully  prepared  a 
statement  of  the  causes  that  led  to  these  results.  I  undertook 
to  review  the  political  changes  in  the  past  four  years,  but  will 
insert  only  two  paragraphs  of  this  paper. 

"  It  is  manifest  that  the  causes  of  the  defeat  of  the  Democratic  party  in 
the  recent  election  were  general  and  not  local.  They  extended  to  Colorado, 
Dakota,  Iowa,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  and  Massachusetts.  If  the 
opposition  to  the  Democratic  party  in  Virginia  had  been  organized  and  con 
ducted  by  the  Republican  party,  the  results  in  that  state  would  have  been 
very  different.  The  ideas  of  the  Populists  are  too  visionary  and  impracti 
cable  to  be  made  the  basis  of  a  political  organization.  A  canvass  con 
ducted  in  Virginia  upon  the  issues  that  prevailed  in  Ohio  would,  in  my 
judgment,  have  greatly  changed  the  results  in  that  state.  Aside  from  the 
memories  of  the  war,  the  economic  principles  of  the  Republican  party  have 
great  strength  in  the  southern  states,  and  whenever  the  images  of  the  war 
fade  away  the  people  of  those  states  will  be  influenced  by  the  same  ideas 
that  prevail  in  the  northern  states.  The  leading  cause  of  the  enormous  Re 
publican  majorities  in  northern  states  I  have  mentioned  was  the  united  pro 
test  of  the  unemployed  against  radical  changes  of  our  tariff  laws.  What 
ever  theories  may  be  proposed,  it  may  be  regarded  as  an  axiom  that  the 
protective  principle  is  a  well  established  policy  in  the  United  States.  It 
has  been  recommended  by  all  the  Presidents  from  Washington  to  Harrison, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  933 

and  by  none  more  emphatically  than  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  and  Jack 
son.  This  is  and  has  been  the  natural  and  instinctive  policy  of  a  new  na 
tion  with  enormous  undeveloped  resources.  While  the  terms  of  our  tariff 
laws  provided  for  revenue,  their  foundation  and  background  were  to  en 
courage  domestic  manufactures  and  diversify  productions.  The  extent  of 
protection  was  limited  to  the  want  of  revenue,  but  the  duties  were  uniform 
ly  so  adjusted  as,  while  producing  revenue,  to  encourage  manufactures. 
######### 
"  But,  after  all,  we  must  place  as  the  chief  cause  of  Democratic  defeat 
the  profound  and  settled  distrust  that  the  Democratic  party  will  now,  hav 
ing  the  President  and  a  majority  in  both  Houses,  disturb  the  enormous  in 
dustries  of  our  country  developed  by,  and  dependent  upon,  our  tariff  laws, 
and  will  seek  to  substitute  the  policy  of  Great  Britain,  of  free  trade,  as 
against  the  example  of  the  leading  nations  of  Europe  as  well  as  our  own, 
of  a  wise  and  careful  protection,  and  encouragement  by  tariff  laws  of  all 
forms  of  domestic  industry  that  can  be  conducted  with  a  reasonable  hope  of 
profit  in  this  country.  The  future  of  parties  will  depend  more  largely  upon 
the  manner  in  which  this  condition  of  things  is  met  by  the  present  Congress 
than  upon  all  other  causes  combined." 


CHAPTER  LXIV. 
PASSAGE  OF  THE  WILSON  TARIFF  BILL. 

Second  Session  of  the  53rd  Congress  —  Kecorninendations  of  the  President  Concern 
ing  a  Revision  of  the  Tariff  Laws  —  Bill  Reported  to  the  House  by  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means— Supported  by  Chairman  Wilson  and  Passed  —  Received  in 
the  Senate  —  Report  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Finance  —  Passes  the  Senate 
with  Radical  Amendments  — These  Are  Finally  Agreed  to  by  the  House  — 
The  President  Refuses  to  Approve  the  Bill  — Becomes  a  Law  After  Ten 
Days  — Defects  in  the  Bill  — Not  Satisfactory  to  Either  House,  the 
President  or  the  People  —  Mistakes  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  _  No  Power  to  Sell  Bonds  or  to  Borrow  Money  to  Meet 
Current  Deficiencies  —  Insufficient   Revenue   to   Support   the 
Government  — A  Remedy  That  Was  Not  Adopted  —  Gross 
Injustice  of  Putting  Wool  on  the  Free  List— McKinley 
Law  Compared  with  the  Wilson  Bill— Sufficient  Rev 
enue  Furnished  by  the  Former  —  I  Am  Criticized 
for  Supporting  the  President  and  Secretary. 


T 


HE  second  session  of  the  53rd  Congress  commenced  on 
the  4th  of  December,  1893.  The  President  in  his 
message  was  especially  urgent  in  his  recommendation 
of  a  revision  of  the  tariff  laws.  He  said  : 

"After  a  hard  struggle  tariff  reform  is  directly  before  us.  Nothing  so 
important  claims  our  attention,  and  nothing  so  clearly  presents  itself  as  both 
an  opportunity  and  a  duty  —  an  opportunity  to  deserve  the  gratitude  of  our 
fellow-citizens,  and  a  duty  imposed  upon  us  by  our  oft-repeated  professions, 
and  by  the  emphatic  mandate  of  the  people.  After  a  full  discussion  our 
countrymen  have  spoken  in  favor  of  this  reform,  and  they  have  confided  the 
work  of  its  accomplishment  to  the  hands  of  those  who  are  solemnly  pledged 
to  it. 

"If  there  is  anything  in  the  theory  of  a  representation  in  public  places 
of  the  people  and  their  desires,  if  public  officers  are  really  the  servants  of 
the  people,  and  if  political  promises  and  professions  have  any  binding  force, 
our  failure  to  give  the  relief  so  long  awaited  will  be  sheer  recreancy. 
Nothing  should  intervene  to  distract  our  attention  or  disturb  our  effort, 
until  this  reform  is  accomplished  by  wise  and  careful  legislation. 

********* 

"Not   less  closely  related   to  our  people's  prosperity  and  well-being  is 
the  removal  of  restrictions  upon  the  importation  of  the  raw  materials  nec 
essary  to    our   manufactures.     The  wrorld:  should  be  open  to  our  national 
(934) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  935 

ingenuity  and  enterprise.  This  cannot  be  while  federal  legislation,  through 
the  imposition  of  high  tariff,  forbids  to  American  manufactures  as  cheap 
materials  as  those  used  by  their  competitors." 

In  view  of  this  message,  it  was  manifest  that  the  tariff 
would  be  the  chief  subject  of  legislation  during  the  session.  It 
was  understood  that  a  bill  had  been  prepared  by  the  committee 
of  ways  and  means,  which  had  been  submitted  to  the  President 
and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  approved  by  them.  It  was 
reported  to  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  December  19,  1893. 
On  the  8th  of  January,  1894,  Mr.  Wilson,  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee,  made  an  elaborate  speech  in  its  support.  The  debate 
continued  until  the  1st  of  February,  when,  with  some  amend 
ments,  it  passed  in  that  House.  In  the  Senate,  on  the  next  day, 
it  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance.  On  the  20th  of 
March  it  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  with  amendments,  by  Mr. 
Voorhees.  Mr.  Morrill  said : 

"  I  desire  to  say  that  so  far  as  the  Republican  members  of  the  committee 
on  finance  are  concerned  they  did  not  object  to  the  reporting  of  the  bill, 
while  they  are  opposed  not  only  to  the  proposed  income  tax,  but  to  the 
many  changes  of  specifics  to  ad  valorems,  and  to  the  great  bulk  of  the  pro 
visions  of  the  bill." 

On  the  2nd  of  April  Voorhees  made  a  carefully  prepared 
speech  in  support  of  the  bill.  The  debate  continued,  occupy 
ing  much  the  larger  part  of  the  time,  until  the  3rd  day  of  July, 
when  the  bill  passed  with  radical  amendments,  which  changed 
it  in  principle  and  details.  Two  conferences  of  the  two  Houses 
were  held  on  the  amendments  disagreed  to,  but  failed  to  agree, 
and  it  appeared,  after  the  long  struggle,  that  the  bill  would  be 
defeated,  when,  on  the  13th  of  August,  upon  motion  of  Mr. 
Catchings,  the  House  agreed  to  the  Senate  amendments  in 
gross  and  thus  the  bill  passed  Congress.  The  President  refused 
to  approve  it  and  it  became  a  law  after  ten  days  without  his 
approval. 

This  skeleton  history  of  what  is  now  known  as  the  Wilson 
tariff  partially  discloses  its  imperfections.  Framed  in  the 
House  as  a  tariff  for  revenue  only,  and  radically  changed  in  the 
Senate  to  a  tariff  with  protection  to  special  industries,  it  was 
not  satisfactory  to  either  House,  to  the  President  or  to  the 


936  RECOLLECTIONS 

people.  So  far  as  it  copied  the  schedules  and  the  legislative 
provisions  of  the  McKinley  law,  it  met  with  approval.  Its 
new  features  were  incongruous,  were  decidedly  sectional,  and 
many  of  its  provisions  were  inconsistent  with  each  other. 

The  vital  defect  of  the  bill  is  that  it  does  not  provide  suffi 
cient  revenue  to  carry  on  the  government.  This  is  the  primary 
and  almost  the  only  cause  of  the  financial  difficulties  of  the 
present  administration.  The  election  of  Mr.  Cleveland  in  1892, 
upon  the  platform  framed  by  him,  naturally  created  distrust  as 
to  the  ability  of  the  government  to  maintain  the  parity  of  the 
different  forms  of  money  in  circulation.  Added  to  this,  the 
broad  declaration  of  the  purpose  to  reduce  taxation  led  to  the 
reduction  of  importations  and  the  diminution  of  the  revenue 
from  the  McKinley  tariff.  Importers  and  dealers  naturally 
reduced  their  imports  in  view  of  the  expectation  that  duties 
would  be  reduced.  By  the  1st  of  July,  1893,  when  the  Wilson 
bill  was  in  embryo,  the  revenues  had  been  so  diminished  as  to 
yield  a  surplus  of  only  $2,341,074  during  the  previous  year.  It 
was  apparent,  when  Congress  met  in  August,  that  the  adminis 
tration,  having  a  majority  in  each  House  of  Congress,  was  de 
termined  to  reduce  duties,  and  yet  it  made  no  effort  to  reduce 
expenditures.  Soon  after  there  was  a  large  deficiency  in  the 
revenue,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  compelled 
either  to  refuse  to  pay  appropriations  made  by  law  in  excess  of 
receipts  or  to  borrow  money  to  meet  the  deficiencies. 

In  my  judgment  the  better  way  for  him  would  have  been 
not  to  pay  appropriations  not  needed  to  meet  specific  contracts, 
for  an  appropriation  of  money  by  Congress  is  not  mandatory, 
but  is  permissive,  an  authority  but  not  a  command  to  pay,  nor 
does  an  appropriation  in  itself  authorize  the  borrowing  of 
money.  When  this  authority  is  required  Congress  must  grant 
it,  and,  upon  its  failure  to  do  so,  all  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  should  do  is  to  pay  such  appropriations  as  the  revenues 
collected  by  the  government  will  justify.  It  is  for  Congress  to 
provide  such  sums,  by  taxation  or  loans,  as  are  necessary  to 
meet  all  appropriations  made  in  excess  of  revenue.  If  it  re 
fuses  or  neglects  to  do  this,  the  responsibility  is  on  it,  not  on 
the  secretary.  All  he  can  do  is  to  choose  what  appropriations 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  937 

he  will  pay.  This  is  a  dangerous  and  delicate  power,  but  it 
has  frequently  been  employed  and  has  never  been  abused.  His 
failure  to  exercise  this  discretion  was  a  grave  mistake. 

As  revenues  diminished  deficiencies  increased.  A  doubt 
arose  whether,  under  the  then  existing  condition,  the  govern 
ment  would  be  able  to  pay  gold  coin  for  United  States  notes 
and  treasury  notes.  These  were  supported  by  a  reserve  of  $100,- 
000,000  in  gold  coin  and  bullion,  but  this  reserve  fund  was  not 
segregated  from  the  general  balance  in  the  treasury,  as  it 
ought  to  have  been,  but  was  liable  to  be  drawn  upon  for  all 
appropriations  made  by  Congress.  There  was  not  then,  and 
there  is  not  now,  any  specific  authority  invested  in  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  to  sell  bonds  or  to  borrow  money  to  meet 
current  deficiencies,  and  he  felt  called  upon  to  pay  these  out  of 
the  general  fund,  embracing  that  created  for  the  redemption  of 
United  States  notes  under  the  act  of  1875.  The  result  was  to 
create  an  alarm  that  the  government  could  not  or  would  not 
pay  such  notes  and  thus  maintain  the  gold  standard.  The 
timid,  and  those  whose  patriotism  is  in  their  purse,  were  mak 
ing  inroads  on  the  gold  reserve,  which  fell  below  $100,000,000. 

By  the  resumption  act  of  1875  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
was  authorized,  to  enable  him  to  pay  United  States  notes  on 
demand,  to  sell  either  of  three  classes  of  bonds  bearing  respec 
tively  five,  four  and  a  half  and  four  per  cent,  interest,  but  the 
question  arose,  in  1894,  whether  he  could  sell  these  bonds  to 
meet  current  expenditures.  All  of  them  were  worth  a  pre 
mium  in  the  market.  Bonds  bearing  three  per  cent,  running 
a  short  period  could  then  have  been  sold  at  par.  In  common 
with  many  others  I  foresaw,  in  February,  1893,  that  the  tariff 
policy  of  the  then  incoming  administration  would  reduce  our 
revenue  below  our  expenditures,  and  sought  to  have  Congress 
authorize  the  sale  of  bonds  bearing  three  per  cent,  interest  in 
stead  of  those  at  a  higher  rate  already  authorized.  I  saw 
plainly  that  the  incoming  administration  would  enter  on  pre 
cisely  the  same  course  as  that  adopted  by  Buchanan,  of  provid 
ing  insufficient  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  government, 
resulting  in  the  gradual  increase  of  the  public  debt  and  the 
disturbance  of  our  financial  system.  During  each  year  of 


938 


RECOLLECTIONS 


Buchanan's  administration  the  public  debt  increased,  as  it  has 
been  steadily  increasing  during  Cleveland's  administration, 
and  great  embarrassment  grows  out  of  this  fact.  My  friendly 
suggestion  was  defeated  and  the  result  has  been  the  sale  of  four 
per  cent,  bonds  at  a  sacrifice. 

.  The  President  recommended  the  removal  of  restrictions 
upon  the  importation  of  the  raw  materials  necessary  to  our 
manufactures.  The  tariff  bill,  as  it  passed,  imposed  duties  on 
nearly  all  raw  materials  except  wool.  This  important  product 
of  the  farmer  was  made  duty  free.  I  made  every  effort  to 
prevent  this  injustice.  Free  wool  was  the  culminating  atrocity 
of  the  tariff  law.  By  it  a  revenue  of  over  eight  millions  a 
year  was  surrendered  for  the  benefit  of  woolen  manufacturers. 
I  appealed  to  the  Senate  to  give  some  protection  to  this  great 
industry  of  our  country.  It  was  generally  classed  as  the  fifth 
of  the  industries  of  the  United  States,  including  the  manu 
facture  of  woolens,  and  I  have  no  doubt  it  fully  came  up  to 
that  grade.  Over  a  million  farmers  were  engaged  in  the 
growth  of  wool.  It  involved  an  annual  product  estimated  at 
$125,000,000  under  the  former  prices,  but  probably  under  the 
prices  after  the  passage  of  the  Wilson  bill  it  was  reduced  to 
about  eighty  or  ninety  million  dollars.  It  was,  therefore,  a 
great  industry.  And  yet  it  was  left  solitary  and  alone  without 
the  slightest  protection  given  to  it  directly  or  indirectly.  The 
manufacture  of  woolen  goods  was  amply  protected.  Amend 
ments  were  proposed  and  adopted  without  dissent,  adding 
largely  to  the  protection  at  first  proposed  on  manufactures  of 
wool. 

The  value  of  the  wool  in  woolen  goods  as  a  rule  is  equal  to  the 
cost  of  manufacturing  the  cloth.  The  duty  on  cloth  under  this 
law  averages  40  per  cent.,  so  that  the  domestic  manufacturer 
of  cloth  gets  the  benefit  not  only  of  a  duty  of  40  per  cent,  on 
the  cost  of  manufacture,  but  he  gets  a  duty  of  40  per  cent,  on 
the  cost  of  the  wool  in  the  cloth,  thus  getting  a  protection  of 
80  per  cent,  on  the  cost  of  manufacture,  while  the  farmer  gets 
no  protection  against  foreign  competition  for  his  labor  and 
care.  This  gross  injustice  is  done  under  the  name  of  free  raw 
materials.  When  I  appealed  to  the  Senate  for  a  duty  ou  wool 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  939 

I  was  answered  by  one  Senator  that  free  wool  was  all  that  w;>; 
left  in  the  bill  of  the  Democratic  doctrine  of  free  raw  mate 
rials,  and,  if  only  for  this  reason,  must  be  retained.  I  made  two 
speeches  in  support  of  a  duty,  but  was  met  by  a  united  party 
vote,  every  Democrat  against  it  and  every  Republican  for  it. 
In  the  next  tariff  bill  I  hope  this  decision  will  be  reversed. 

On  the  31st  of  May,  1894,  I  made  a  long  speech  in  favor  of 
the  McKinley  law  and  against  the  Wilson  bill.  While  the 
McKinley  law  largely  reduced  the  taxes  and  duties  under  pre 
existing  laws,  yet  it  furnished  ample  revenue  to  support  the 
government.  The  object  of  the  act  was  declared  to  be  to  re 
duce  the  revenue.  It  was  impartial  to  all  sections  and  to  all 
industries.  The  south  was  well  cared  for  in  it,  and  every  rea 
sonable  degree  of  protection  was  given  to  that  section.  In 
growing  industries  in  the  north,  which  it  is  desirable  to  encour 
age,  an  increase  of  duty  was  given.  In  nearly  all  the  older  in 
dustries  the  rates  were  reduced,  and  the  result  was  a  reduction 
of  revenue  to  the  extent  of  $30,000,000.  There  was  no  discrim 
ination  made  in  the  McKinley  act  between  agriculture  and 
mechanical  industries.  The  Wilson  bill  sacrificed  the  inter 
ests  of  every  farmer  in  the  United  States,  except  probably 
the  growers  of  rice  and  of  fruit  in  the  south.  The  McKinley 
act,  I  believe,  was  the  most  carefully  framed,  especially  in  its 
operative  clauses  and  its  classification  of  duties,  of  any  tariff 
bill  ever  passed  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  McKinley  act  was  the  cause  of  the 
deficiency  of  revenue  that  commenced  about  three  years  after 
its  passage.  That  is  a  mistake.  Until  Mr.  Cleveland  was  sworn 
into  office,  March  4,  1893,  there  was  no  want  of  revenue  to 
carry  on  the  operations  of  the  government.  Until  July,  1893, 
there  was  a  surplus  of  revenue,  and  not  a  deficiency, 
receipts  during  the  fiscal  years  ending  June  30, 1891, 1892, 1893, 
under  the  McKinley  act/furnished  ample  means  for  the  sup 
port  of  the  government,  and  it  was  not  until  after  Cleveland 
had  been  elected,  and  when  there  was  a  great  fear  and  dread  all 
over  the  country  that  our  industries  would  be  disturbed  by 
tariff  legislation,  that  the  revenues  fell  off.  The  surplus  m 
1891  was  $37.000,000;  in  1892,  in  the  midst  of  the  election,  it 


940  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  $9,914,000,  and  in  1893,  up  to  June  80,  the  surplus  revenue 
was  $2,341,000.  Yet  in  a  single  year  afterwards,  after  this 
attempt  to  tinker  with  the  tariff  had  commenced,  after  the 
announcement  as  to  the  tariff  had  been  made  by  Mr.  Cleveland, 
after  the  general  fear  that  sprang  up  in  the  country  in  regard 
to  tariff  legislation,  the  revenues  under  the  McKinley  act  fell 
off  over  $66,000,000,  and  the  deficiency  of  that  year  was  $66,- 
542,000. 

I  believe  that  if  Harrison  had  been  elected  President  of  the 
United  States  the  McKinley  act  would  have  furnished  ample 
revenue  for  the  support  of  the  government,  because  then  there 
would  have  been  no  fear  of  disturbance  of  the  protected  indus 
tries  of  our  country.  Cleveland's  election  created  the  disturb 
ances  that  followed  it.  The  fear  of  radical  changes  in  the 
tariff  law  was  the  basis  of  them.  That  law  caused  the  falling 
of  prices,  the  stagnation  of  some  industries,  and  the  suspension 
of  others.  No  doubt  the  fall  in  the  value  of  silver  and  the  in 
creased  demand  for  gold  largely  precipitated  and  added  to  the 
other  evils  that  I  have  mentioned. 

If  when  Congress  met  in  December,  1893,  there  had  been 
a  disposition  on  the  part  of  both  sides  to  take  up  the  tariff 
question  and  discuss  it  and  consider  it  as  a  pure  question  of 
finance,  there  would  have  been  no  difficulty  with  the  Repub 
licans.  We  were  all  ready  to  revise  the  rates  contained  in  the 
McKinley  tariff  act.  The  body  of  that  act  had  been  embodied 
in  the  Wilson  bill  as  a  part  of  the  proposed  law.  Nearly  all  of 
the  working  machinery  of  the  collection  of  customs,  framed 
carefully  under  the  experienced  eye  of  Senator  Allison,  is  still 
retained.  All  the  schedules,  the  formal  parts  of  the  act,  which 
are  so  material,  and  the  designation  into  classes  —  all  those 
matters  which  are  so  complicated  and  difficult  to  an  ordinary 
lawyer  or  an  ordinary  statesman,  have  been  retained. 

If  the  bill  had  been  taken  up  in  the  spirit  in  w^hich  it  should 
have  been,  and  if  an  impartial  committee  of  both  parties  in  the 
Senate  and  the  House  had  gone  over  it,  item  by  item,  it  would 
have  been  passed  in  thirty  days  without  trouble.  That  was 
not  the  purpose ;  it  was  not  the  object,  and  it  was  not  the 
actual  result. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN,  941 

During  the  long  session  of  1898-94  I  was  the  subject  of  much 
controversy,  debate,  censure  and  praise.  While  distinctly  a 
Republican,  and  strongly  attached  to  that  party,  I  supported, 
with  the  exception  of  the  tariff  law,  the  financial  policy  of  the 
President  and  Secretary  Carlisle.  Mr.  Cleveland  was  a  positive 
force  in  sustaining  all  measures  in  support  of  the  public  credit. 
Mr.  Carlisle,  wiio  as  a  Member  and  Senator  had  not  been  al 
ways  equally  positive  on  these  measures,  yet  was  regarded  as  a 
conservative  advocate  of  a  sound  financial  policy,  readily  and 
heartily  supported  the  President  in  his  recommendations.  As 
these  were  in  harmony  wTith  my  convictions  I  found  myself 
indorsing  them  as  against  a  majority  of  the  Democratic  Sen 
ators.  My  Republican  colleagues,  with  scarcely  an  exception, 
favored  the  same  policy. 


CHAPTER  LXV. 

SENIORITY  OF  SERVICE  IN  THE  SENATE. 

Notified  That  My  Years  of  Service  Exceed  Those  of  Thomas  Benton  — Celebration  of 
the  Sons  of  the  American  Kevolution  at  the  Washington  Monument— My  Ad 
dress  to  Those  Present  —  Departure  for  the  West  with  General  Miles  —  Our 
Arrival  at  Woodlake,  Nebraska  —  Neither  "  Wood  "  nor  "  Lake  "  —En 
joying  the  Pleasures  of  Camp  Life— Bound  for  Big  Spring,  South  Da 
kota—Return  via  Sioux  City,  St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis  — Marvel 
ous  Growth  of  the  "  Twin  Cities  "  —  Publication  of  the  "  Sher 
man  Letters"  by  General  Sherman's  Daughter  Rachel  — 
First  Political  Speech  of  the  Campaign  at  Akron— Re 
publican  Victory  in  the  State  of  Ohio  — Return  to 
Washington  for  the  Winter  of  1894-95  —  Mar 
riage  of  Our  Adopted  Daughter  Mary  with 
James  Tver  McCallum  —A  Short  Session 
of  Congress  Devoted  Mainly  to  Ap 
propriations — Conclusion. 

ON  the  16th  of  June,  1894,  I  was  notified  by  William  E. 
Spencer,  the  experienced  journal  clerk  of  the  Senate, 
that  I  that  day  had  reached  a  term  of  service  in  the 
Senate  equal  in  length  to  that  of  Thomas  Benton, 
whose  service  had  previously  held  first  rank  in  duration,  cover 
ing  the  period  from  December  6,  1821,  to  March  3,  1851,  mak 
ing  29  years,  2  months  and  27  days.     I  had  entered  the  Senate 
March  23,  1861,  and  served  continuously  until  March  8,  1877, 
making  15  years,  11  months  and  15  days,  when  I  entered  the 
cabinet  of  President  Hayes.    My  second  term  of  service  in  the 
Senate  began  March  4,  1881,  and  has  continued  until  the  pres 
ent  time.    My  service  since  June  16,  1894,  is  in  excess  of  that 
of  Benton. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1894,  the  Sons  of  the  American  Revolu 
tion  celebrated  the  day  by  a  ceremony  held  literally  in  the 
shadow  of  the  Washington  monument.  There,  at  the  base  of 
the  great  shaft,  the  members  and  friends  of  this  organization 
and  several  chapters  of  the  Daughters  of  the  Revolution  gath 
ered  at  10  o'clock  to  listen  to  patriotic  addresses.  The  socie 
ties  had  been  escorted  from  the  Arlington  hotel  by  the  Marine 

(942) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN   SHERMAN.  943 

Band,  and  gathered  in  seats  around  a  grand  stand  while  a  bat 
tery  of  artillery  welcomed  them  with  a  salute.  The  band 
played  national  hymns,  and  the  audience  sang  "America." 
General  Breckinridge  introduced  me  and  I  was  heartily  greeted. 
After  narrating  the  principal  events  of  the  American  Revolu 
tion,  and  especially  incidents  connected  with  the  Declaration 
of  American  Independence,  I  said  : 

"It  is  a  marvel  of  the  world  that  these  humble  colonies,  composed  of 
plain  men,  for  there  were  no  nobles  or  rich  men  in  those  times,  furnished 
genius  which  brought  to  mankind  greater  wisdom  in  the  framing  of  a  gov 
ernment  than  ever  elsewhere  existed.  It  was  of  these  men  that  Lord  Chatham 
said  that  they  had  prepared  papers  stronger  than  ever  emanated  from  any 
court  of  Europe.  Our  country  was  built  up  on  intelligence,  obedience  to  law, 
desire  for  freedom  and  the  equal  enjoyment  of  rights.  Those  who  are  gath 
ered  here  to-day  are  classified  as  sons  and  daughters  of  the  Revolution,  and 
therefore  they  are  under  deeper  obligations  to  be  true  and  patriotic  citizens." 

I  then  spoke  of  the  character  of  our  people  and  our  institu 
tions,  and  the  Civil  War,  happily  ended,  and  the  increasing 
strength  and  power  of  the  republic.  I  narrated  how  the 
Washington  monument  came  to  be  completed.  I  said  it  was 
true  it  cost  a  million  of  dollars,  but  what  was  that  to  65,000- 
000  people!  The  occasion  was  enjoyable,  the  speeches  were 
suitable  for  the  4th  of  July,  patriotism  and  love  of  country  be 
ing  the  watchwords. 

On  the  28th  of  August,  1894,  the  second  session  of  the  53rd 
Congress  closed.  It  was  a  laborious  session.  Its  principal  act 
was  a  measure  that  did  not  satisfy  anyone.  It  laid  the  founda 
tion  for  insufficient  revenue,  an  increase  of  the  public  debt  and 
the  general  defeat  of  the  party  in  power. 

I  was  much  fatigued,  and  had  already  arranged  to  accom 
pany  General  Nelson  A.  Miles  and  his  party  on  a  military  in 
spection  in  Nebraska  and  South  Dakota.  I  arrived  in  Chicago 
on  the  2nd  of  September,  where  General  Miles  was  stationed. 
There  I  was  met  by  the  reporters  and  told  them  all  I  knew 
about  the  intended  trip.  I  got  as  much  information  from 
them  as  they  did  from  me.  What  they  wanted  was  prophecy 
of  the  future,  and  I  wanted  to  get  into  the  wilderness.  Here 
our  little  party  was  made  up,  consisting  of  General  Miles,  his 


944 


RECOLLECTIONS 


wife,  daughter  and  son,  a  lad  about  thirteen  years  old,  Dr. 
Daly  and  brother,  two  staff  officers,  and  myself.  We  had 
a  car  and  lived  in  it,  and  the  cook  supplied  us  bountifully 
with  good  healthy  food,  largely  of  game.  I  cannot  imagine  a 
more  delightful  change  to  a  man  wreary  with  talk  in  the  hot 
chambers  of  the  capitol  at  Washington  in  August  than  the  free, 
fresh  air  of  the  broad  plains  of  Nebraska,  with  congenial  com 
pany  in  a  palace  car,  and  with  no  one  to  bother  him.  Our  first 
stopping  place  was  called  Woodlake,  a  small  village  on  the 
railroad  in  the  northwestern  part  of  Nebraska.  We  arrived 
there  in  the  afternoon;  our  car  was  detached  from  the  train 
and  became  our  home  for  a  wreek.  Around  us  in  every  direc 
tion  was  a  broad  rolling  plain  as  dry  as  a  powderhorn,  with 
scarcely  any  signs  of  habitation,  but  the  air  was  pure  and  ex 
hilarating  and  imparted  a  sense  of  health  and  energy.  My  first 
inquiry  to  one  of  the  denizens  was  "  Where  is  your  wood  and 
your  lake  which  gave  a  name  to  your  town  ?"  He  said  that 
when  the  railroad  was  located  there  was  a  grove  near  by,  and 
water  in  the  low  ground  where  we  stood,  but  the  trees  had 
been  cut  and  utilized  in  constructing  the  railroad,  and  the  lake 
was  dried  up  by  a  long  drouth.  Woodlake  had  neither  wood 
nor  lake  in  sight!  We  took  long  walks  without  fatigue,  and  our 
hunters,  of  whom  General  Miles  was  chief,  supplied  us  with 
prairie  chickens,  the  only  game  of  the  country. 

After  a  few  days  thus  spent  we  left  our  car  and  followed  after 
a  company  of  United  States  Infantry,  from  Fort  Niobrara,  then 
engaged  in  their  usual  drill,  to  a  lake  about  twenty-five  miles 
away,  where  we  lived  in  tents  and  had  a  taste  of  real  camp  life. 
With  the  consent  of  the  owner  of  the  land  we  pitched  our 
tents  near  his  house  on  the  banks  of  the  lake  about  three 
miles  long  and  perhaps  half  a  mile  wide.  This  sight  of  water 
was  pleasing,  but  we  were  warned  not  to  drink  it.  We  had 
a  bountiful  supply  of  pure  healthy  water,  however,  from  an 
artesian  well  driven  over  a  hundred  feet  into  the  earth  and 
pumped  by  almost  continuous  winds  into  a  great  basin, 
which  furnished  water  in  abundance  for  man  and  beast.  The 
only  house  in  sight  besides  the  one  near  our  camp  was  oc 
cupied  by  the  brother  of  our  host,  three  miles  away  at  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  945 

other  end  of  the  lake.  The  two  brothers  were  the  lords  of  all 
they  surveyed.  They  owned  large  herds  of  cattle  that  ranged 
over  the  plains  around,  drank  of  the  waters  of  the  lake  and  fed 
upon  the  sparse  herbage.  A  few  hundred  of  them  were  kept 
in  a  corral  near  the  homesteads  for  sale,  but  the  larger  portion 
roamed  under  the  care  of  herdsmen  wherever  the  herbage 
seemed  the  best. 

Here  our  hunters,  with  a  fine  pack  of  dogs,  pursued  prairie 
chickens,  and  not  only  supplied  our  table  but  contributed  to 
the  soldiers  in  their  shelter  tents  near  by.  Mrs.  Miles  and  I, 
escorted  by  her  young  son,  Sherman  Miles,  on  horseback,  had 
the  benefit  of  a  horse  and  buggy  with  which  we  could  drive  in 
any  direction.  There  was  no  fence  or  bog  or  obstruction  in 
the  w^ay.  We  generally  kept  in  sight  of  our  hunters,  but  if  we 
lost  the  trail  we  could  go  to  the  hills  and  soon  locate  our  camp. 
This  free  and  easy  life  soon  cured  my  languor  and  weariness 
and  I  \vas  able  to  walk  or  ride  long  distances  as  well  as  any  of 
the  party. 

Returning  to  Woodlake  we  attached  our  car  to  the  train  for 
Big  Spring  in  South  Dakota.  Here  we  spent  two  or  three  days, 
mainly  in  riding  through  the  picturesque  country  around.  We 
intended  to  extend  our  journey  to  Dead  wood  but  the  duties  of 
General  Miles  required  him  to  visit  St.  Paul  and  the  military 
post  at  Fort  Snelling.  We  returned  by  the  way  of  Sioux  City 
and  thence  to  St.  Paul.  This  city  and  its  sister,  Minneapolis, 
were  familiar  ground.  I  had  seen  them  when  they  were 
small  towns,  and  had,  by  frequent  visits,  kept  pace  with  their 
growth,  but  the  change  noticed  on  my  last  visit  was  a  surprise 
to  me.  The  two  cities,  but  a  few  miles  apart  when  rival  rural 
villages,  were  approaching  each  other  and  no  doubt  are  des 
tined  to  blend  into  one  great  city  of  the  north.  Here  I  met 
many  friends,  chief  of  whom  I  am  glad  to  place  Senator  Gush- 
man  K.  Davis,  of  Minnesota.  After  a  brief  stay  our  little  party 
returned  to  Chicago  and  dispersed,  I  going  back  to  Mansfield 
to  engage  in  the  political  campaign. 

At  this  period  "The  Sherman  Letters"  was  published,  and 
at  once  attracted  attention  and  general  commendation.  I 
thought  the  experiment  was  a  risky  one,  but  it  was  the  desire 


S.-GO 


946  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  General  Sherman's  children  to  publish  them,  and  especially 
of  his  daughter,  Rachel  Thorndike,  who  undertook  to  compile 
them.  I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  preserving  letters  written  to 
me  on  personal  matters,  or  by  members  of  my  family,  and,  as 
General  Sherman  was  a  copious  writer,  I  placed  his  letters  in 
separate  books.  He  did  the  same  with  mine,  but  many  of  these 
had  been  lost  by  fire  in  California.  Rachel  arranged  in  chron 
ological  order  such  letters  as  she  thought  worth  preserving,  and 
they  were  published  in  a  handsome  volume.  I  have  a  multi 
tude  of  letters  from  almost  every  man  with  whom  I  have  been 
associated  in  political  life,  but  will  not  publish  them  while  the 
writers  live  without  their  consent,  nor  even  after  their  death  if 
the  letters  would  tend  to  wound  the  feelings  of  surviving  friends 
or  relatives.  Letters  are  the  best  evidence  of  current  thought 
or  events,  but  they  ought  to  be  guarded  by  the  person  to  whom 
they  are  written  as  confidential  communications,  not  to  be  dis 
closed  to  the  injury  of  the  writer.  General  Sherman's  inmost 
thoughts  could  be  disclosed  without  fear  of  injury  to  him,  and 
his  letters,  though  rapidly  written,  did  not  indicate  a  dishonor 
able  thought  or  action.  I  have  seen  nothing  in  the  comments 
of  the  press  on  these  letters  but  what  is  kindly  to  the  "  two 
brothers." 

On  the  5th  of  October  I  made  my  usual  annual  visit  to  Cin 
cinnati.  I  called  at  the  chamber  of  commerce,  and  had  the  same 
hearty  welcome  its  members  have  always  given  me.  I  made  the 
usual  short  speech,  and  it  was  all  about  "King  Corn."  General 
surprise  was  expressed  at  my  healthy  appearance.  The  remark 
was  frequently  made  that  I  was  looking  better  and  heartier 
than  for  years.  The  impression  of  my  failing  health  was  gath 
ered  from  the  newspaper  descriptions  of  "  the  old  man  "  in  the 
debates  in  the  Senate.  The  effect  of  the  pure,  open  air  of  Ne 
braska  was  apparent.  While  on  this  visit  I  was  greatly  pleased 
with  a  drive  to  Fort  Thomas,  and  the  high  lands  on  the  Ken 
tucky  side  of  the  river. 

My  first  political  speech  of  the  campaign  was  made  on  the 
12th  of  October  at  Akron.  It  was  confined  almost  exclusively 
to  the  tariff  and  silver  questions.  The  meeting  was  very  large, 
composed  chiefly  of  men  employed  in  the  numerous  factories 


^    r 

iir          i^vj 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

and  workshops  of  that  active  and  flourishing  manufacturing 
city.  On  the  18th  I  spoke  at  Sandusky  upon  the  same  general 
topics  as  at  Akron.  Here  I  visited  the  Soldiers'  Home  near 
that  city.  It  is  an  interesting  place,  where  I  think  the  old  sol 
diers  are  better  cared  for  than  in  the  larger  national  homes. 

I  continued  in  the  canvass,  speaking  at  several  places,  until 
the  election  on  the  first  Tuesday  of  November.  The  result 
was  the  reelection  of  Samuel  M.  Taylor,  the  Republican  candi 
date  for  Secretary  of  State,  by  the  abnormal  plurality  of  187,- 
086,  and  nineteen  Republicans  were  elected  to  Congress  out  of 
the  twenty-one.  Though  this  was  a  state  election,  it  turned 
mainly  upon  national  issues,  and  especially  evidenced  strong 
opposition  to  the  Wilson  tariff  bill. 

I  was  often  asked  by  reporters,  after  my  return  to  Washing 
ton,  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  election  in  Ohio.  I  uniformly 
expressed  the  opinion  that  it  meant  the  adoption  of  a  nonparti- 
san  tariff  that  would,  with  a  few  internal  taxes,  yield  revenue 
enough  to  pay  current  expenses  and  the  interest  of  the  public 
debt  and  a  portion  of  the  principal.  I  still  hope  that  will  be 
the  result.  The  framework  of  the  McKinley  law,  with  such 
changes  as  experience  may  show  to  be  essential,  would  remove 
the  tariff  from  among  the  political  questions  of  the  day  and 
give  reasonable  encouragement  to  American  industries. 

On  the  10th  of  November  my  family  and  I  returned  to 
Washington  for  the  winter.  The  chief  interest  and  occupation 
of  my  wife  and  myself,  for  the  time  being,  was  the  preparation 
for  the  approaching  marriage  of  our  adopted  daughter,  Mary 
Stewart  Sherman,  to  James  Iver  McCallum,  of  Washington. 
This  was  fixed  for  noon,  the  12th  of  December.  Full  details  of 
all  the  preparations  made,  of  the  dresses  worn,  of  the  members 
of  the  family  in  attendance,  and  of  the  distinguished  guests 
present,  were  given  in  the  city  papers.  It  is  sufficient  for  me 
to  say  that  Mary  has  been  carefully  educated  and  trained  by 
us,  and  never  for  a  moment  has  given  us  anxiety  as  to  her 
prudence,  deportment  and  affection.  We  gave  her  in  marriage 
to  a  young  gentleman,  a  native  of  Washington,  and  a  clerk 
in  the  supreme  court,  and  entertain  for  her  all  the  affection 
and  solicitude  that  a  father  or  mother  can  bestow. 


948  RECOLLECTIONS 

Congress  convened  on  the  3rd  of  December,  1894.  The 
languor  that  followed  the  excitement  of  the  two  previous  ses 
sions,  and  the  defeat  suffered  by  the  administration  in  the 
recent  elections,  no  doubt  caused  an  indifference  to  political 
questions  during  the  short  remaining  session.  But  little  was 
done  except  to  consider  and  pass  the  appropriations  for  the 
support  of  the  government.  I  was  often  annoyed  by  unfounded 
assertions  that  I  had  influence  with  the  administration,  and 
especially  with  Carlisle,  that  I  was  in  frequent  conference  with 
the  President  and  secretary.  These  stories  were  entirely  un 
founded.  Neither  of  these  gentlemen  ever  consulted  me  as  to 
the  business  of  their  offices,  nor  did  I  ever  seek  to  influence 
them  or  even  to  converse  with  them  on  political  questions.  It 
was  a  delicate  matter  for  either  of  them  or  for  myself  to  deny 
such  statements  when  our  personal  relations  were  friendly. 

And  now  these  memoirs  must  end.  I  know  there  are  many 
events  not  noted  that  should  have  been  referred  to,  and  many 
persons  whose  names  should  not  have  been  omitted.  I  would 
be  glad  to  mention  with  honor  and  credit  hundreds  of  men 
who  participated  with  me  in  the  political  events  of  public  life, 
but  this  seemed  impracticable  within  reasonable  limits.  I 
might  have  omitted  many  events  and  speeches  as  of  not  suffi 
cient  consequence  to  be  preserved,  but  if  I  had  I  would  not 
have  written  the  recollections  of  my  public  life.  The  life  of  a 
civilian  is  in  what  he  says  or  writes,  that  of  a  soldier  in  what 
he  does.  What  I  have  written  is  no  doubt  clouded  with  parti 
sanship,  but  I  would  not  be  honest  if  I  did  not  express  my 
attachment  to  my  party.  This,  however,  never  impaired  my 
patriotism  or  swerved  me  from  the  path  of  duty. 

To  the  people  of  Ohio  I  owe  all  the  offices  and  honors  that 
have  been  conferred  upon  me.  No  constituency  could  have 
been  more  forbearing  and  kind.  During  forty  years  of  public 
life,  though  many  able  men  have  aspired  to  the  office  I  hold, 
the  people  of  Ohio,  through  their  general  assembly,  have  pre 
ferred  me  to  represent  them.  Though  my  grateful  thanks  are 
due  to  them  and  have  been  often  expressed,  yet  I  have  felt,  as 
they  do,  that  my  duty  was  to  the  whole  country.  Proud  of 
Ohio,  of  its  history  and  people,  willing  at  all  times  to  sound  its 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  949 

praise  in  the  sisterhood  of  states,  yet,  according  to  my  convic 
tions,  the  United  States  is  entitled  to  my  allegiance,  and  all 
parts  of  it  should  receive  equal  care  and  consideration.  "Our 
country,  our  whole  country,  and  nothing  but  our  country"  has 
been  the  watchword  and  creed  of  my  public  life.  It  was  the 
opposite  doctrine  of  "states'  rights,"  allegiance  to  a  state,  that 
led  to  the  Civil  War.  It  was  settled  by  this  war  that  we  have 
a  country  limited  in  its  powers  by  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States  fairly  construed.  Since  that  time  our  progress 
and  development  have  been  more  rapid  than  any  other 
country's. 

The  events  of  the  future  are  beyond  the  vision  of  man 
kind,  but  I  hope  that  our  people  will  be  content  with  internal 
growth,  and  avoid  the  complications  of  foreign  acquisitions. 
Our  family  of  states  is  already  large  enough  to  create  embar 
rassment  in  the  Senate,  and  a  republic  should  not  hold  de 
pendent  provinces  or  possessions.  Every  new  acquisition  will 
create  embarrassments.  Canada  and  Mexico  as  independent 
republics  will  be  more  valuable  to  the  United  States  than  if 
carved  into  additional  states.  The  Union  already  embraces 
discordant  elements  enough  without  adding  others.  If  my  life 
is  prolonged  I  will  do  all  I  can  to  add  to  the  strength  and  pros 
perity  of  the  United  States,  but  nothing  to  extend  its  limits  or 
to  add  new  dangers  by  acquisition  of  foreign  territory. 


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